Interests Of Elites Research Articles

The Pacific Islands and Chinese power as presence, influence, and interference

Abstract Dominant debates about China’s growing presence in the Pacific Islands – through infrastructure, aid, trade, and investment – suggest that Chinese material power directly translates to influence and effective interference in Pacific states’ domestic and foreign affairs. These perspectives fail to clarify the causal link between Chinese economic statecraft and Pacific governments’ alignment with Beijing’s interests. They also deny Pacific people agency, overlooking how power relations are mediated by Pacific state and non-state actors operating across complex political and socio-economic structures. We challenge such rationalist conceptualisations of Chinese power by developing a constructivist taxonomy of power as presence (dormant capability), influence (socialisation), and interference (incentives), and applying it to the Melanesian subregion. We argue that Chinese power is not merely material, causal, and unidirectional. Chinese power can also (re)shape the identities and interests of Pacific elites and publics in a constitutive manner, potentially aligning their ideas about substantive norms, rules, and practices guiding their foreign relations with Chinese ‘core interests’ and perspectives on regional and global politics.

Unravelling the EU’s promotional integration strategy in the MENA region: a dialectical analysis of the Agadir and GAFTA Agreements

Given the rhetoric of the EU on the necessity of economic integration for the MENA region, this article sheds light on the ‘puzzling’ fragmentation in its regional integration strategy through the cases of the GAFTA and Agadir Agreements. It problematises mainstream analyses and employs a dialectical approach based on the philosophy of internal relations, aiming to surpass existing critical literature that has only partially illuminated facets of the EU’s strategy. The article situates the EU strategy within the dynamics of neoliberal capitalism (and its interconnected tensions) and considers its spatial and temporal scales. It argues that the complex interplay of developments at the EU scale, global competition scale and MENA scale across three distinct time frames (1995–2003, 2004–11, 2012–21) has shaped the EU’s fragmented strategy. On the EU scale, while Brussels presents itself as a leading proponent of neoliberal ideology for global market openness, it strategically elevates the Agadir Agreement at the expense of the GAFTA to meet its economic needs. The global competitive dynamics, however, have constrained this preference, as the EU has been contested by the US in the Agadir Agreement area and China and, to a lesser extent, Russia in other GAFTA member states. Lastly, the agency of MENA states has been noticeable, since the EU encounters difficulties in influencing GAFTA’s regulatory framework and dealing with the diverse interests of state elites in the region. We conclude that the dialectical method of the article holds promise for analysing the regional integration strategies of other global powers.

Analysis of Fossil Fuel Subsidy Removal Policy in Nigeria

Elite interest in energy policy reform has often been neglected in analysing subsidy removal policy on fossil fuel in Nigeria, which is the reason for this study. The study explained the reasons for the fossil fuel subsidy removal policy in Nigeria, identified the reasons for protests against fossil fuel subsidy removal policy in the country, and analysed the reasons for acceptance of protested fossil fuel subsidy removal policy in the country. Information for the study was obtained through a systematic review of 13 purposively selected peer-reviewed published journal articles between 1996 and 2023. Subsidy removal policy has been influenced by internal and external factors in Nigeria. Protests recorded against the policy have been noted to result from exploitation from the government and multinational oil companies, an increase in the poverty rate, an increase in the crime rate, a failed private investment quest, and a contradiction to the constitutional provisions on the welfare of the citizens. The acceptance of the policy is informed by the need to have sustainable access to fossil fuel, the capability of the government to provide services locally and nationally within the country, and the involvement of the labour unions in the negotiation on fuel subsidy removal. The study concluded that elite interest sustains subsidies removal policy on fossil fuel in the country

Elite Dynamics and China's Influence in Latin America

ABSTRACTThe rise of China as a trading partner, lender and investor is among the most significant developments in the global political economy over the last two decades. This shift has created important new opportunities for developing countries, but it has also introduced new challenges, with benefits and drawbacks unevenly distributed across different nations. This article argues that understanding the developmental consequences of China's involvement requires studying not only Chinese priorities and modalities but also the interests and strategies of local elites. The development of Latin America has been profoundly influenced by these elite interests, which are shaped by the region's integration into the global economy. Elites may leverage the benefits of the relationship to China to enhance their rent‐seeking capabilities and limit competition, thereby hindering development and perpetuating inequality in Latin America. This argument is examined through the contrasting cases of Chile and Venezuela; while Chile's approach to China has been dominated by private sector elites, Venezuela's approach has been driven by governmental elites. In both cases, integration with China is shaped by and has in turn strengthened interests and strategies of the elites.

Analyzing the impact of anti-corruption reforms on wealth and power distribution in Roman Iberia: a historical and statistical perspective

Using historical analysis and statistical data, this study examines the impact of anti-corruption reforms on the distribution of wealth and power in Iberian Rome. Corruption in the Roman Republic posed serious challenges to just governance, and this led to reform initiatives to restore public trust and reduce the influence of corruption. This research examines the historical context of corruption and emphasizes its negative effects on wealth distribution and social equality. Important reforms implemented in the early imperial period, especially under Augustus, aimed to address these issues and temporarily improve economic conditions, especially in urban centers such as Taraco and Córdoba. However, the effectiveness of these reforms varied considerably across regions, with rural areas typically benefiting less due to the influence of elite interests. Statistical analyzes show that there is a complex relationship between anti-corruption measures and wealth concentration, such that despite initial successes, many regions have returned to pre-reform levels of inequality over time. The findings emphasize the need for continued political commitment and systemic change to ensure the sustainability of anti-corruption initiatives. By examining the Roman experience, this study provides valuable insights for contemporary anti-corruption efforts and emphasizes the importance of paying attention to power dynamics and strengthening social participation to promote equity and long-term transparency in governance.

Rental housing and the continuum of carcerality

Existing research on housing and the carceral state demonstrates a divergence in the carceral state's orientation toward property owners and the unhoused. We focus on the liminal arena of rental housing and draw on three cases—landlords’ use of criminal history to screen rental applicants, citizen participation in policing neighborhoods, and crime initiatives that weaponize building code enforcement—to posit a continuum of housing carcerality. We argue that the carceral regulation of rental housing emerges from sources in civil law and policy, illustrating the enduring relevance of what Beckett and Murakawa call the shadow carceral state. Yet, in the rental context, the carceral state tends to have a more covert, decentralized character which does not consistently align with the economic interests of rental property owners and other housing market elites in comparison to its manifestation at the ends of the continuum.

Making sense of state violence: understanding public inquiries as political devices

ABSTRACT Whenever a political scandal or controversy erupts, one is likely to hear a familiar demand: ‘There must be a public inquiry!’. Inquiries are institutions of last resort, instigated only when something has gone wrong or must be urgently done, where the usual mechanisms of the state are found wanting. Often the focus of inquiries has been that which the state claims as its monopoly: the use of violence. There is a long and chequered history of inquiries appointed to investigate the state’s use of violence in (post)colonial contexts, military interventions and police actions. This special issue interrogates this history, contributing to wider debates in Critical Military Studies on war and violence. Inquiries are acts of epistemic sovereignty that seek to establish authoritative interpretations of events, and this has sometimes led to a dichotomous representation of inquiries as either promising fora for democratic accountability or tools for elite interests. This special issue seeks to overcome this dichotomy through interdisciplinary dialogue and a granular examination of the political cultures and epistemic practices of inquiries into state violence. In so doing, these articles offer a nuanced analysis of the political functions of inquiries and their potential for democratic accountability and justice.

Legacy media outlets also stand in dock over Gaza: How RNZ, ABC and other Western media failed to challenge Israeli war narratives

As Israel faces charges at the International Court of Justice in The Hague of breaching the 1948 Genocide Convention, for many people Western media institutions also stand in the dock. Critics have pointed to a media failure to effectively challenge a narrative that framed Israel’s actions in terms of an erroneous claim to Israeli ‘self-defence’, a de facto diplomatic cover for war crimes, ethnic cleansing and probable acts of genocide. In the Pacific, news leaders at Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), by alleged omission, story framing, inaccuracies, passive editorial stances, including a refusal to adjudicate contentious claims when the evidence was available, fall into the category. Such failures call into question claims of due impartiality, a fundamental tenet media outlets use to anchor their credibility as trusted sources of news. Failure to adequately create awareness of Israeli crimes also raises questions over whether state-funded public broadcasters are fulfilling the informational needs of democratic citizenship and serving the public interest, or whether they are serving the interests of a Western power elite.

The Indonesian House of Representatives and its role during democratic regression

ABSTRACT Parliament and the separation of power are essential elements of democratic consolidation. However, what role does parliament take if democracy is in retreat? Following a comparative approach, this article analyses the role of the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR) during a process of democratic decline. Indonesia is seen as a success story of democratisation. Since 1998, the country has transitioned from an autocratic regime to a vibrant multi-party democracy. However, twenty years on, academics have been highlighting far-reaching patterns of democratic regression. Whereas there have been studies of the democratic setback globally and more in-depth analyses of aspects of the Indonesian democracy in retreat, there has been little attention on the role of the country’s legislature in this situation. This article analyses how the DPR has been executing its legislative mandate during Joko Widodo’s second presidential term from 2019 to 2024. Examining three cases of legislation, it found the DPR is not actively resisting the democratic decline. On the contrary, the hypothesis has been proven that the parliament is an active factor in autocratic legalism. This has been most visible in the reduced scrutiny of draft legislation, limited deliberation, and narrow public consultation to serve elite interests. In addition to a weakened legislative role by the DPR, there has been reduced oversight and scrutiny of government policies, visible through limited questioning of ministers or inquiries into the use of the budget and the appointment of government-favoured candidates to national commissions, courts, and state bodies. Moreover, the nature of a consensus-based decision-making system has allowed the executive to effectively control the parliament, instead of the other way around. This is despite some reminders from the Constitutional Court to respect the legal provisions that require deliberation and consultation of the people.

Ireland’s Haunted Stages

In this essay I will look at the metaphor of the ghost particularly in relation to the issue of class disparity which has haunted Ireland and its stages for decades and is especially poignant in the current economic situation. Taking my cue from Marvin Carlson’s seminal book The Haunted Stage, I extend his argument that for audiences “ghosting presents the identical thing they have encountered before, although now in a somewhat different context” (7), to the recurrence of class disparity and concomitant social injustice in Ireland as represented in Irish theatre across the twentieth century and on into the contemporary moment. The ghosts that haunt Ireland’s stages re-materialize in the themes, characters and performance accretions of plays in successive decades since 1949. These ghosts are the shades of people whose lives were blighted by injustices perpetrated not by a foreign colonial power, but by domestic class structures that served the interests of a narrow elite at the expense of the broader public.

Controversies and Unconstitutional Practices of Elections Postponement in Indonesia: State Interest or Political Elite Interest?

The Indonesian political atmosphere has recently been shocked by controversial issues regarding the postponement of the Indonesian elections in 2024 nationally. The reason for postponing the election is due to the unstable economic condition of the country after COVID-19 so that it is considered incapable of holding elections in 2024. This study aims to find out how the postponement of elections is regulated in Indonesia, as well as whether the postponement of elections is a constitutional action or for the interests of groups elite. The results of this study indicate that basically the Indonesian Election Law does not specifically regulate the postponement of elections. The postponement of elections in the provisions of election law in Indonesia only regulates regional election delays. Meanwhile, national election delays are not adequately regulated. Therefore, nationally postponing the election is considered a violation of the Indonesian constitution. In addition, it is seen that the postponement of the election is not an aspiration of the Indonesian people so that it is considered an attempt by the political elite to take political advantage in the 2024 election.

Thailand’s new soft power focus and the makings of a paradox

Soft power, obtained when a state develops the ability to attract rather than coerce other actors because of the legitimacy of its values, has been on the national agenda in Thailand since 2010, when efforts were made to expand the Kingdom’s creative industries. However, under nearly a decade of military rule after the May 2014 coup d‘état, Thailand focused largely inward in order to secure its legitimacy and survival, consequently curtailing soft gains. The military junta frequently targeted public dissent, including Thai activist rappers Danupa “Milli” Kanaterrakul and Rap Against Dictatorship (RAD). This article reviews soft power and state repression during the Prayut Chan-o-cha era and makes two critical arguments, that nation branding and soft power, related concepts, require a degree of authenticity and that Thailand’s soft power is increasingly outside of the government’s ability to completely control. Consequently, in a new semi-democratic environment under Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, successful soft power and nation branding efforts are likely to occur outside the Kingdom’s ideological constraints or self-serving elite interests or risk an unwanted paradox and an operating environment contradictory to either objective.

The Precarity Trap: Modelling Non-Democratic Journalistic Practices Beyond Media Capture

ABSTRACT How and why does legacy news media move from protecting to undermining democracy? Several studies argue that journalism can facilitate and shape democratic backsliding. However, evidence is scarce and, to some extent, limited to the content analysis of news outputs and editorials. The causal mechanisms of an anti-democratic role for the press and how it is operationalised into specific processes of news production remain largely misunderstood. Using 36 semi-structured qualitative interviews and three case studies, this paper analyses journalistic practices and role perceptions in Brazil within a period of constant decline in the quality of democracy (2016-2021). The results show that labour precarity is a crucial driver in journalistic practices capable of damaging democracy, which challenges previous assumptions that media capture is mostly influenced by the political economy of news organisations. This research also indicates that journalists are not homogeneously dominated by the interests of elites and can engage with them on their own terms to advance personal agendas.

The Behind Discourse on the Extension of the President's Term of Office

Abstract: since the beginning of the 2024 simultaneous General Election (Election) stage, even before that, there have been sideways issues regarding the implementation of the election, among which the most dominant is the issue or discourse about extending the term of office of the president and postponing the 2024 election. These two discourses have become polemic in the midst of Indonesian society because some of them support it and others clearly reject it for the main reason, namely the constitutional mandate must be the basis for organizing the state. the government as the ruler is then strengthened by an analysis of academic theory according to the study of scientist C. Wright Mills an American sociologist who wrote The Power Elite in 1956 in which he gave rise to an understanding of elite theory. An understanding of the election law can realize that the legal loophole for extending the term of office of the president has been closed so that this discourse is not appropriate to continue to be put forward because it violates the constitution, as well as delaying elections which are considered to violate the constitution. As for the decision of the Central Jakarta District Court (PN), it is considered that the decision is categorized as flawed in the constitutional law rules as explained by several legal experts. In conclusion, the emergence of discourses as mentioned above is nothing but an attempt by interested parties, in this case, the ruling elites who are in the current government circle to remain in their seats of office. To prevent this, it is mandatory for the community to understand and adhere to constitutional rules in carrying out the life of the nation and state.
 Keywords: Delaying the 2024 Election ; Legal Basis for Elections; Elite Theory; Central Jakarta District court Decision; Elite Interests

Impact of National Political Dynamics on Local Political Dynamics of The 2017 Dki Jakarta Election

Objective: Objective: This research examines the problem of Political Dynamics and Conflict of Interest in the Implementation of Government Policy in DKI Jakarta for the 2017-2018 Period with the aim of explaining the response of interest groups and political factions of the DPRD to it, because of the political conflict between the opposition factions of the DKI Jakarta Regional Government in the DPRD DKI Jakarta and the Regional Government of DKI Jakarta, and the impact of the policies of the Regional Government of DKI Jakarta after the national political conflict. Methods: This research is descriptive qualitative in nature, this writing uses qualitative methods, with primary and secondary data where data from sources using in-depth interviews, as well as documents and other written data, both printed and digital, is processed. Results: The results of data processing show that interest group responses give rise to political conflict, support and rejection from various groups in different societies encourage the interests of political elites to maintain legitimacy or also to delegitimize. This conflict of interest between political elites is apparently getting bigger due to the influence of the conflict at the central level which occurred previously. This cannot be separated from the influence of conflict between coalition camps at the national level, the interests of interest groups, and the very unique sharing of actors in this conflict of interest. This strengthens the influence of the conflict. at the national level which had occurred some time before and had led to increasingly large conflicts between elements of society in Jakarta. Conclusions: The results of data processing show that interest group responses give rise to political conflict, support and rejection from various groups in different societies encourage the interests of political elites to maintain legitimacy or also to delegitimize. This conflict of interest between political elites is apparently getting bigger due to the influence of the conflict at the central level which occurred previously. This cannot be separated from the influence of conflict between coalition camps at the national level, the interests of interest groups, and from the very unique sharing of actors in this conflict of interest. This strengthens the influence of the conflict. at the national level which had occurred some time before and had led to increasingly large conflicts between elements of society in Jakarta. Research Implications: This policy then had an impact in the form of fairer law enforcement, reducing opportunities for entrepreneurs to manipulate laws and regulations, increasing legal awareness in politics and establishing policies and the popularity of the DKI Regional Government, and increasing similar cases in Jakarta. Originality / value: This research resulted in a revision of the theory of formulating public policy in conditions of conflict by considering internal, external aspects, perceptions of interests and worldview (view of life) and revised the theory of the causes of political conflict. Including the structure of those in power and those controlled, the struggle for certain positions of power, playing with sources of power. for pragmatic purposes, worldview (view of life), and wider conflict areas/conflict areas above.

Komparasi daerah sukses dan gagal pasca pemekaran daerah (Studi kasus: Desa Watu Omok dan Papua)

Regional development is an attempt to expand the territory of the state administration with the aim of improving public service, economic development, and the well-being of the people. However, the reconstruction of the area carried out for the welfare of this community has not succeeded; in fact, it remains an area that has eventually suffered post-construction failure. This research uses qualitative research methods with a library study approach. As for the area that succeeded in post-development, it was the village of Watu Omok, which saw some improvement. It's because of the support of the public and the government, compliance with conditions, SDA, and even development. Meanwhile, Papua has become a potentially unsuccessful region due to a lack of regional fulfillment. Its causes are financial immaturity and governance, rapid and insufficient formation of aspirations, and a burden on the interests of the political elite.

Dividing Lines in the EU’s Common Foreign Policy: Russia as a polarising factor

Amid the ongoing confrontation between Russia and the West, the processes of consolidation and divergence among political elites are crucial for understanding the mechanisms that form dividing lines. This is particularly important when examining the elites of the European Uni­on in their opposition to Russia. This article aims to develop a framework for analysing the dividing lines among EU elites in the context of relations with Russia. The analysis em­ploys a multi-tier model establishing a relationship between the ‘depth’ of a dividing line and the degree of elite disunity. The model includes two levels of analysis of dividing lines within the EU: supranational and national. The research demonstrates that, depending on the degree of interest misalignment and the availability of communication channels, elite divergence can result in segmentation, fragmentation or polarisation. Each of the tiers of divergence increa­singly reduces the likelihood of forming a common EU position on foreign policy issues. All three tendencies — segmentation, fragmentation and polarisation — are observed within the EU in relation to Russia at different levels of elite analysis. Crucial to the formation of a dividing line is the aspect of EU—Russia relations in question: the degree of distancing from the country or support for, and funding of, containment. Additional variables include factors such as the regional affiliation of the elite, their ideology and position within the power structure. Among all levels of analysis, polarisation is most evident in the efforts of supranational elites to promote ‘militant integration’, which conflicts with the interests of national elites and citizens of member states.

Приоритетные векторы региональной экономической интеграции в современном мироустройстве

. In the changing geopolitical reality, fragmentation of the economic space is taking place, and favorable opportunities are being created for the formation and strengthening of integration associations of states in different regions of the world. The subject of the study is the features of integration processes in transforming foreign economic conditions (using the example of the EAEU). The relevance of the study is due to the new geopolitical situation in the world, which exacerbates the need to find ways to improve international economic relations by intensifying the activities of interstate integration associations (unions) of friendly countries. The basis of the «core» of the new (integral) world economic order are China and India. Based on an analysis of the development of the situation on a global scale, a conclusion has been formulated about the emergence of new trends in international economic relations. The fact of the destruction of Russia’s economic ties with a number of developed Western countries, which were based on the interests of the largest business elites and had been functioning smoothly for several decades, has been established. The timeliness and progressiveness of the creation and active functioning of new integration unions of partner countries in the economic space of the globe has been proven. The basic conditions for the development of interstate cooperation: the scale of the economy, the growth of its complexity and connectivity, as well as its leading incentive – increasing public welfare – have been determined. The positive role of the association of EAEU member states operating in the Eurasian space and its place in strengthening regional international integration is substantiated. The increasing influence of the consensus positions of sovereign countries in pursuing responsible economic and financial policies is shown. The timeliness of making agreed decisions on mutually beneficial terms by friendly countries for the long term is being proven. Examples of accumulated invaluable experience of mutual assistance in the political and economic fields of interstate cooperation are presented. Conclusions about the advisability of intensifying activities to prepare for the transition of economic and financial relations of the EAEU member countries and other international integration associations to a new technological structure have been made. Recommendations on the advisability of forming a common vision among partner countries of objective trends in the dynamically changing reality in international economics and finance have been formulated. It would be advisable to focus further regional economic research on a more detailed study of the process of fragmentation of the world economic space and building prospects for international interaction in the future based on the application of system analysis methodology. This approach opens up opportunities for innovation in the financial and economic sphere and deepening integration processes between states from different regions of the world on the basis of partnerships and versatile mutually beneficial cooperation.

Violent Communal Conflicts as a Form of Terrorism in Taraba State, Nigeria

This study is a socio-legal investigation of the violent communal conflicts in Taraba State, North East Nigeria. Applying a legal research method through doctrinal analysis of literature, anchored on the concept of acts of terrorism under the Terrorism (Prohibition and Prevention) Act 2022, and framed on the human security theory, the study collected data from a sample of 12,663 respondents selected from the seventeen Local Government Areas in the State. The main instrument used to collect the data was structured questionnaire and the data was analyzed using descriptive statistical tools. Data was also sourced through field surveys, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions. Findings revealed that violent conflicts are often complex and deeply rooted in historical, social, economic, and political factors. The study finds that this situation results from differences between ethnic or religious groups within the society, fueled by grievances, perceived injustices, competition over resources, and political manipulations. The study further finds that the conflicts usually escalate to widespread loss of lives, destruction of properties, disruption of economic activities, displacement of communities, and long-term societal disaggregation. The study establishes that efforts towards mitigating the conflicts have yielded little results due to several challenges including lack of implementation of the reports of various committees of inquiry into the conflicts, lack of adherence to peace agreements by warring parties, and political interests of elites. Consequently, the study recommends that the government should be proactive and responsive towards security intelligence reports on perceived outbreaks of violent conflicts, should show greater commitment to guaranteeing the security of the people by implementing recommendations from commissions of inquiry, while civil society organizations and traditional institutions working with the government, should continually employ dialogue mechanisms to foster understanding between the belligerents. The paper concludes with the position that addressing these issues is crucial for effective conflict prevention, peacebuilding efforts, and promoting reconciliation in the State.

Appeasing Workers without Great Loss: Autocracy and Progressive Labor Legislation

Under what conditions do dictators enact pro-worker legislation? Conventional wisdom suggests that heightened mass discontent motivates dictators to make policy concessions to defuse revolutionary threats. However, a more protective labor law may decrease elites' economic benefits-and thus loyalty to the regime. I argue that limited judicial independence helps dictators control the distributional outcomes of the law and therefore better respond to the twin challenges magnified by labor reforms. To test this argument, I conduct a cross-national analysis of sixty-eight autocracies from 1970 to 2008. I then examine an illustrative case-China's 2008 Labor Contract Law-to illuminate how a non-independent judiciary gives autocrats more leeway to balance the interests of elites and the masses. This article contributes to our understanding of authoritarian survival strategies amid distributive tensions.