Elements Of Democracy Research Articles

Do Affective Polarization and Populism Affect the Support for Holding Referendums?

What populism and polarization have in common is that their relationship with democracy is an ambiguous one. Studies have found that certain degrees of polarization can be helpful for citizens to make up their minds about their choices and because of that encourage them to democratic participation. Similarly, populism can help increase participation by, for example, presenting policies in a simpler language. Citizens with less political interest and political knowledge might be incited to participate in elections and democratic politics in general. However, high levels of polarization lead to the irreconcilability of factions and thereby to gridlock. Democracy can be regarded as incapable of solving citizens’ problems. Likewise, populism can be destructive to democracy when occurring in certain forms and degrees. While populism is not per se antidemocratic, populist parties and leaders, when in power, repeatedly challenge democratic elements. To disentangle how polarization and populism affect democracy, I focus on certain specifics of these three concepts (democracy, populism, and polarization). Namely, I analyze how affective polarization and individual-level populism affect the support for the direct democratic instrument of holding referendums. Drawing on survey data from Austria and Germany, I find that being affectively polarized has a positive effect on the support for holding referendums. However, this effect is moderated by citizens’ individual-level populism. Thus, this study provides insights into citizens’ preferences for democratic decision-making, dependent on their levels of affective polarization and populism.

Democracy as a Goal and a Driving Force for Development: The Case Study of Vietnam

The article explores the complex interplay between democracy and development in Vietnam, a country with a unique historical and political context. Through document analysis, it examines the legal and political reforms implemented since the Doi Moi in 1986 to understand how democratic elements have contributed to Vietnam's socio-economic development. We argue that, despite existing challenges, the integration of democratic principles into Vietnam's development framework serves not only as an ultimate goal but also as a powerful catalyst for economic innovation, human development, and sustainable governance. The conclusion emphasizes that to maintain sustainable and inclusive development, Vietnam must continue its commitment to democratic values by improving governance mechanisms, expanding citizen participation, increasing transparency, and ensuring that development processes reflect the needs of the people. Only by deeply integrating these principles into its development strategy can Vietnam achieve long-term growth and stability.

Democracy and Authoritarianism in Egypt Today

In this paper, we analyze the political system of Egypt under President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi between 2016 and 2024. The article aims to reveal whether there are still some democratic elements or if the country has rather a classical authoritarian system. To answer this question, we used relevant democracy criteria as analytical tools. Methodologically, we conducted this study through a literature review and an expert interview with an Egyptian political scientist. Based on the findings on vertical accountability, political rights, civil liberties, and horizontal accountability, Egypt has quite an authoritarian regime with few democratic elements.

Proces „Democratic backsliding“ (Demokratického úpadku) v Ruské federaci v období 2012-2021

The phenomenon of "democratic backsliding" is becoming a topical issue in today's international relations, with recent occurrences in various regions, including Europe. This paper examines the weakening of democracy in the Russian Federation from 2012 to 2021. The study aims to determine whether democratic elements were dismantled in Russia during this period. For this purpose, the theoretical framework by Ellen Lust and David Waldner was utilized, alongside Merkel's concept of embedded democracy. Appropriate indicators were selected to reliably reveal the deterioration in the quality of democratic institutions and processes in Russia, specifically the Freedom House index, Democracy Index, and the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI). By employing these three indices, the study assesses whether Russia can be classified as an anchored democracy or a defective democracy. The findings, presented in the final section of the paper, indicate significant erosion of democratic practices and institutions in Russia during the observed period. This deterioration underscores a shift from an already flawed democratic structure to one that increasingly resembles an authoritarian regime. The study concludes that Russia cannot be considered an anchored democracy; rather, it exhibits numerous characteristics of a defective democracy, marked by weakened institutions and diminished political freedoms.

Understanding of Hybrid Political System of Islamic Republic Iran: The Case Study of General Election 2024

The Islamic Republic of Iran possesses a hybrid political system. It encompasses both elements of democracy and Islamic theocracy. As a unique model of the Islamic governmental system, the political system in Iran rests on dual sources of legitimacy. The objective of this paper is to examine the voter behaviour and the result of the 2024 elections in the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as to study the impact of president death on the election schedule. This election recorded the lowest turnout in history. The voter behaviour, attitude, and concerns towards Iranian politics and electoral politics also studied. The factors that caused low turnout is also discussed. The data for conducting this research is collected from journals, articles, official websites, and other secondary sources. The study concluded that the hope of no political and social change in Iran exploits the voters and that’s the main reason of low turnout in elections 2024. This study recommends that Iran’s government should focus to make electoral process modern, and policies should be flexible.

The Institution of Prime Minister and Government in A Hybrid Regime in Ukraine (1996–2021)

Abstract Hybrid regimes are characterised by a balancing act between democracy and authoritarianism, with neither political regime type being dominant. The balancing of the state between democratic and non-democratic modes of functioning can take the form of a state transforming from authoritarianism to democracy and a form of regression from democracy to authoritarianism, when the democratic system is upset by non-democratic mechanisms. The functioning of the political system in Ukraine during the years 1996–2004 was such that the authoritarian aspects of Ukraine’s hybrid regime overshadowed its democratic elements. Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way (2002; 2013) refer to this phenomenon as “competitive authoritarianism”. This term denotes regimes where authoritarian features are more prevalent than democratic ones, according to the concept. Since 2004, the Ukrainian political system has transitioned towards a hybrid regime that places more emphasis on democratic characteristics. In the following twenty years, the Ukrainian hybrid regime was transformed between democratic-authoritarian hybrid regime (as a result of the events of the “Orange Revolution”, and the “Revolution of Dignity”) and authoritarian-democratic hybrid regime (during presidency L. Kuchma and V. Yanukovych). The hybridity of the political regime also translated into the functioning of the chief state bodies. The aim of this study was to find an answer to the question whether and to what extent did the hybridity of Ukraine’s political regime imply on the specificity of the functioning of the institutions of the prime minister and government in the state. The research hypothesis is that the hybridity of the Ukrainian political regime, as a stage of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, partly contributed to changing the traditional order of functioning of the institutions of prime minister and government in the state just formally losing the head of state’s dominant role in the process of government functioning.

Participatory Budgeting in Public Sphere, Governance, Transparency and Participation

Today's modern cities have many vital problems. Participatory budgeting (PB) plays an important role in solving these problems by ensuring the effective development of democracy. Participatory budgeting, which incorporates democratic elements such as ensuring citizen participation in budget decision-making, increasing accountability and transparency, attempts to solve the problems of the city by increasing communication between citizens and representatives at the local level and creating an organised society. In this way, it can be used as a tool to promote different types of sustainability in the political, economic and social spheres, from creating an organised society that will enable segments of the city with limited opportunities to become effective in the budget process, to social justice, from environmental problems to providing basic health services, clean water and wastewater systems, schools and kindergartens and living spaces for the poor, from the provision of better quality public services to the efficient use of resources due to accurately identified public services, and from corruption, bribery and nepotism to the solution of administrative failures. This study aims to present the concept, emergence, functioning and outcomes of participatory budgeting.

“First Democracy, Then Centralism”: The New Shape of Village Elections Under the “One-Shoulder Pole” Policy

ABSTRACT Since the full implementation of the ‘one-shoulder pole’ policy in 2019, village secretaries are now expected to concurrently serve as village heads. Simultaneously, the question arises as to how village secretaries can be guaranteed to be elected as village heads. Drawing on an in-depth case study of Y County, this paper shows that the local government has adopted an approach I call ‘first democracy, then centralism’ to ensure that village elections involve democratic elements, such as open nomination and candidate competition, yet also produce a designated winner who is, in the government’s view, most qualified to govern the village. Such an approach has generated two consequences on village elections: First, the significance of village Party elections has greatly increased. Since the result of village committee elections is already certain, Party elections become the key phase that determines who will hold village office and in which candidates still have an opportunity to compete against one another. Second, it is now imperative for candidates to earn support and approval from the local government in order to become the village leaders in the new era.

Military Intervention in Politics

The Military exhibits discipline and is organised by a chain of command system from superiors to subordinates. In liberal democratic systems where democracy is deep-seated and the existence of vibrant civil society and elected democratic institutions with very sophisticated political culture keep military force within its determined ambit and thus restrain the military from meddling with politics. The military remains under the control of the civilian authority. The influence of military authority has been trammelled by the all-pervasive legitimacy of a democratic system and a very enriched level of political culture. So reasonable possibility of a military coup or direct military intervention in this system is almost eclipsed. Contrastingly the dearth of democratic elements and low level of political culture in the countries of the Middle East, Latin America, and some countries of Southeast Asia, such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Myanmar have turned them vulnerable to military coups and frequent intervention of the military in the political domain. Lack of social cohesion, political instability, political and administrative corruption, a vicious circle of poverty, the existence of extremist and separatist groups, and religious fundamentalism provide a conducive atmosphere for military intrusion in politics.

The decoupling practice of “Democraticwashing”: the case of Israel

ABSTRACT This study introduces and elaborates on the decoupling practice of “democraticwashing” within contemporary political discourse, where anti-democratic actions are concealed behind democratic rhetoric. The primary aim is to unravel the multifaceted nature of democraticwashing, which extends beyond mere language manipulation for legitimization. It explores instances where democratic values and the legitimation attached to them in the present day are internalized to the extent that contradictions between rhetoric and reality are adamantly denied. By analysing the relation between democratic discourse and anti-democratic actions in the Israeli case since 2009, this study provides a comprehensive understanding of how democraticwashing contributes to the erosion of democratic elements in states usually considered as democracies in the global arena. This research advances our comprehension of the contemporary challenges facing democratic governance worldwide while proposing a new analysis tool for the erosion of democracy in the contemporary era.

‘No distinction exists as to religion, profession, or sex’: Imperial Reform and the Electoral Culture of the East India Company's Court of Proprietors, 1760–84

AbstractAs contemporaries frequently pointed out, and often in disparaging terms, the governing institutions of the British East India Company contained an almost unprecedented ‘democratical’ element. By this, they were referring to the Company's General Court of Proprietors, its sovereign deliberative body, composed of all East India stockholders. Ownership of certain proportions of stock conferred the rights to participate in debate, to vote on policy, and to elect on an annual basis the directors who governed the day‐to‐day affairs of the Company. These electoral rights were granted solely by virtue of stock‐ownership and made no distinctions based on sex, social status, nationality or religion. This article examines the ways in which women, non‐Britons and religious minorities, in particular, took advantage of the opportunities for political participation opened up by the politicisation of the East India Company's general court in the 1760s, as well as the ways in which this was discussed and debated by contemporaries both in parliament and the press. Tracing the political activities of Mary Barwell, William Bolts and Joseph Salvador provides a unique window into a variety of ways in which the Company offered an alternative venue for political activity for groups often otherwise excluded from the formal politics at Westminster. In doing so, it also shows how the democratic elements of the Company's general court played a significant role in shaping the reform of the East India Company between 1767 and 1784, a process which ultimately led to their curtailment.

Suspending Voluntary Reserve Service: New Questions in Israeli Military Ethics

Military activities with the framework of the IDF [Israel Defense Force] is carried out by citizens in a variety of positions. In addition to the ordinary positions of career officers and NCOs, the IDF consists of conscripted men and women as well as reservists. Some of the latter serve under an ordinary command to serve for a certain relatively short period. Other reservists, including pilots and special forces officers have served since they volunteered to serve. Facing the political clash between the government, who have been viewed as trying to change the democratic nature of the state, and the popular opposition, who have tried to protect the judiciary and other elements of democracy, many officers who belong to the latter reservist group have suspended their voluntary service or even retired. Their decision has raised the obvious issue of whether such decisions can be justified, morally, ethically, and democratically. This is the topic of the present paper.

Practices of Formation of Managerial Personnel in Collective Farms of the Middle Urals in 1965–1982: on the Issue of Preserving Collective Farm Democracy

Introduction. In the article, on the basis of archival materials on the example of the Middle Urals, the issue of the practices of the formation of managerial personnel in collective farms is considered. The authors of the study question the widespread thesis that collective farms more and more resembled state farms – that is, managers were mainly appointed by higher authorities, and ordinary collective farmers could not influence this in any way. Results. We have identified at least three mechanisms for the formation of collective farm chairmen. The first mechanism assumed that the candidate for the position of head was an independent figure from the district committee, and was elected by the collective farmers at the meeting. In another case, the candidate was approved by the district committee or the city committee of the party and at the collective farm meeting only the candidate was approved for office. It is worth noting that such a statement was not always passed unanimously, and sometimes with the most severe resistance on the part of ordinary members of the collective farm. The third option of election is a compromise: if the collective farmers needed to leave one or another chairman of the collective farm, the district or city authorities could not offer their candidate, but agree with the opinion of the collective farmers. Discussion and Conclusion. Thus, the authors came to the conclusion that elements of democracy in the collective farms of the Middle Urals still existed in the above-mentioned period.

İL ÖZEL İDARELERİNİN İŞ SAĞLIĞI VE GÜVENLİĞİ UYGULAMALARINDA İNSAN KAYNAKLI RİSKLERE YÖNELİK KÖK SEBEP MODELİ ÖNERİSİ

Special provincial administrations are autonomous institutions based on the efficiency and effectiveness of local public services, where the people of the region contribute more to the management and democratic elements find a more comprehensive development environment. Local services provided by private administrations directly affect human life.
 The aim of the study is to propose a root cause model for risks based on human factors in the occupational health and safety (OHS) practices of special provincial administrations. In the research, OHS practices in special provincial administrations were examined. In the section, the importance of OHS in special provincial administrations, the causes of occupational accidents and occupational diseases, and the measures that can be taken to prevent occupational accidents and occupational diseases are included.
 The research was conducted on employees of special provincial administrations. While the population of the research consists of 11,463 people working in special provincial administrations, the sample was determined as 372 people with a confidence level of 0.95 and a margin of error of 0.05, and the study was conducted with 372 people. SPSS 22.00 was used to analyze the research data. Independent sample t-test was used to compare independent pairs of groups, and one-way variance test was used to compare three or more independent groups. In the study conducted on human-induced risks, OHS practices scores were compared according to the demographic information of the participants, and the relationship between the sub-dimensions and the root cause were examined. The direct and indirect effects of the root problem and cause factor on work accidents were examined. In addition, a root cause analysis was made in the research and a model proposal was made for human-induced. 
 Keywords: Occupational Health and Safety, Special Provincial Administrations, Occupational Accident

Achieving Democracy through Interest Representation?

The article discusses a link between interest representation and its importance for democracy. After looking at the pluralist, corporatist and neo-pluralist approaches, the article focuses on the role of interest groups in associational, deliberative, and participatory democracies. I debate whether or not interest representation is a necessary element of democracy and whether the theoretical background can help us grasp it across all political systems. I address this question in the context of young, post-Communist democracies in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). I argue that in the CEE countries when studying interest groups’ populations and organizational behaviour, we have to take into consideration a number of internal and external factors that impact perceptions and actual activity of interest groups when it comes to countries’ democratization.

Reimagining Human Rights: The Concept of Droits des Gouvernés in Foucault's Political Philosophy

Abstract This study explores Michel Foucault’s critique of human rights and his concept of droit des gouvernés, particularly with regard to refugees and migrants. It analyzes how Foucault’s ideas can revitalize democratic elements within the context of neoliberal governance and reframe our understanding of human rights. His approach encourages rethinking the foundations of democracy and challenging the monopoly of political decision-making. Keywords: Michel Foucault; droit des gouvernés; human rights; neoliberal governance; refugees.

Integrasi Nilai-Nilai Moderasi Beragama Dalam Pembelajaran Peradaban Islam Fakultas Bisnis Islam Syariah UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta

Religious Moderation Values ​​are a manifestation of moderation in various forms of interaction. This study discusses the integration of the moderation value of religion in Islamic Civilization courses including the Semester Learning Design (RPS) as well as the integration of the value of moderation in religion among students and lecturers at FEBI UIN SUKA. The research method uses a descriptive qualitative approach so as to provide a complete description and analysis of various case studies. The data collected was obtained by in-depth interview methods, direct observation and literature study. To test the validity by means of source and technique triangulation. The research results show the following. First, the integration of the values ​​of religious moderation based on the Semester Lesson Plan obtained moderation values ​​in the form of a fair attitude (not one-sided) and understanding diversity in tolerance between religions and local cultures. Second, the integration of moderation values ​​in learning in the form of making Semester Learning Plans (RPS) based on moderation values. Third, the integration of moderation values ​​when lecturers deliver Islamic Civilization courses, almost all material is associated with religious moderation values ​​such as moderation, love of peace, and understanding diversity or tolerance among people. Fourth, the integration of the values ​​of moderation when students have discussions is manifested by upholding democratic elements, namely being free to give opinions and being ready to accept any decision without coercion.

Parenting beliefs in ultra‐orthodox families in Israel: The integration of structure and support

AbstractObjectiveThe purpose of this study was to explore the parenting beliefs of large ultra‐orthodox families living in Israel within the context of religion, culture, and large family size.BackgroundThe ultra‐orthodox community in Israel represents a growing and insular population. Little research has been done exploring the nature of parenting beliefs in this community. In particular, the opinions of children on this topic have been neglected in the literature.MethodA qualitative design using semistructured interviews was used as the primary research instrument. The study sample consisted of 25 individuals from five ultra‐orthodox families. All members of the family above age 10 were interviewed.ResultsParents focused on the individuality of their children and made efforts to provide individualized attention to them. These intentions existed alongside a strong emphasis from both parents and children on hierarchy and respect for elders. These beliefs were identified as “Torah values” and were understood to originate within a religious framework with divine origin.ConclusionClinical and research implications of the findings are discussed. Participants supported a framework that emphasized the Euro‐American parenting values of individuality and support but did not include democratic elements of child–parent interaction. Instead, hierarchical beliefs that reinforced family hierarchy and obedience from children predominated.ImplicationsIn ultra‐orthodox households in Israel, firm boundaries and strict hierarchy should not be associated with low levels of warmth and attunement. A lack of tolerance for difference is not necessarily an indication of an absence of appreciation of individuality.

Auf dem Weg in die Postdemokratie

AbstractWe are on the way to post-democracy – but where are we today? This article discusses the post-democracy thesis against the background of recent social problems such as the Corona pandemic, the rise of right-wing populism and the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine. On the one hand, these problems indicate that Western democracies have taken a further step towards post-democracy. On the other hand, democratic potentials, such as a strengthening civil society and supranational democratic institutions, were also revealed in dealing with these problems. The article argues that in order to counteract post-democratic tendencies, both formal and informal democratic elements need to be strengthened and that it is more necessary than ever to build “bridges” between the two.

The Principle of Legality of Taxation as a General Principle of EU Law: National and Supranational Differences of Interpretation and Potential Difficulties

The principle of legality of taxation has gained a supranational status by means of its transplantation out of the national setting to a general principle of EU law by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). In this article the two cases in which the Court has given a first supranational interpretation of the principle are discussed, as well as the Research Note the Court published before rendering its judgment in these two cases. This European translation contains an uncertainty as to the representative democratic elements of the principle that are closely connected to its historical development in several national legal contexts of Member States. With the European principle being rooted in the national legal orders of the Member States, this current discrepancy stands at odds with the material scope in several Member States, which ascribes clear democratic elements to the principle. Thus, the main question addressed after taking a look at the national interpretations and the representative democratic elements contained therein in the Netherlands, France, Italy and Germany, is if the omission of these democratic elements can prove to become an obstacle for future harmonization or integration in taxation. The focus will lie on the current mode of norm-creation in above-state settings and the creation of ‘genuine’ own resources for the EU. principle of legality of taxation, legal transplantation, deliberative democracy, constitutionalism