Electoral Process Research Articles

Analisis Bahasa Anies-Muhaimin pada Tayangan “Usai Putusan MK Anies-Muhaimin Menghormati dan Beri Selamat Ke Prabowo Gibran” di Channel Youtube Kompas TV Sukabumi

In political campaigns, rhetoric plays an important role to attract public attention. The Anies-Muhaimin candidate pair utilised the Youtube social media platform to campaign and discuss with the people through the "DESAK ANIES" and "SLEPET, IMIN" programmes, which aimed to deliver political messages and increase popularity. The programmes include interviews, panel discussions and vlogs. This research uses qualitative methods to understand the dynamics of their political campaigns. The research revealed that the rhetoric of the Anies-Muhaimin pair had a significant impact on public acceptance during the 2024 election campaign. The combination of ethos, logos, and pathos used in their speeches succeeded in creating a space of acceptance and trust that the constitutional process had been completed with the results of the final Constitutional Court decision. The ethos rhetorical technique was also used by Anies to recognise Prabowo's credibility as president-elect. As a result, Anies-Muhaimin's rhetoric was able to create a fair and peaceful democratic atmosphere, and restore the divisions that occurred during the election process, making the community back in harmony and order during the election

Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and Election Postponements: Trends, Socio-Economic Effects and the Future of Nigeria’s Electoral Process

Election postponement has gradually crept into the political lexicon and is fast becoming a tradition in Nigeria’s electoral process that has sequentially marred the conduct of elections in the country as evident in 2011, 2015, 2019 and 2023 general elections among others. This has raised serious concerns as to the integrity of the electoral process and the preparedness of INEC to conduct free, fair and credible elections in the country. The essence of this paper was to assess the trends and socio-economic effects of election postponements and its impacts on Nigeria’s electoral process. The paper is historical and descriptive in nature and utilized relevant data obtained wholly from documentary sources which were analysed within the context of structural functional theory. From the analysis, it was gleaned that the electoral umpire has not learned from its previous sloppy preparations and mistakes, despite significant condemnation from Nigerians across political divides. Moreover, the paper established that security challenges, logistics inadequacies and court verdicts contributed to the postponement of elections, which resulted in severe socio-economic losses for the voting public, electoral commission, political parties, security agencies, election observers, and media outlets. Accordingly, the paper recommended, among others, that the government and other stakeholders in Nigeria’s electoral process should work to ensure that adequate pre-emptive measures are put in place in advance of future elections. Again, the Electoral Act 2022 should be amended to provide for electronic registration and voting, to accommodate Nigerians in diaspora.

The Zimbabwe political space

Zimbabwe's post-independence election processes have been predominantly male-dominated, with women relegated to the periphery as electorates or party ‘cheerleaders’. Since the Beijing conference in 1995, Zimbabwe enacted several laws to overcome bottlenecks that have impeded women's participation in political processes, with the 2013 Constitution serving as the ultimate template for promoting women's engagement in mainstream electoral systems. Nonetheless, women’s participation as candidates or leaders in electoral processes has declined significantly since the 2013 Constitution. The study brings to the fore, findings to respond to 3 fundamental research questions which are: 1) what is the interlinkage between economic, cultural, social, and physical spaces with the electoral processes, 2) what are the complex social inclusion factors in political spaces, and 3) what recommendations can be proffered to enhance inclusion of women in electoral processes. In answering the questions, the research draws on content analysis of reports from the Project on Preventing Violence Against Women in Politics Project (VAWP/E), face-to-face interviews, and focus group discussions to offer insights and investigate the opportunities provided by various legal frameworks to increase women's engagement in electoral and political processes in Zimbabwe. The article further systematically explores other important factors and elements that impede and contribute to women's full participation in electoral processes as candidates. This study contends that the availability of excellent legal provisions does not result in increased women's participation in electoral politics as candidates unless there is political will. The study further asserts that participation in social, cultural, economic, and physical spaces interacts in a complex manner and influences women's participation in Zimbabwe's electoral political processes as candidates. Because of the country's political polarisation and the impunity of perpetrators of political violence, the political arena is believed to be intimidating and discouraging, thus not ripe, for women to participate as candidates. The study recommends a wholesome approach to dismantling the complex interlinkages between cultural, social, economic, and physical spaces as obstacles affecting the inclusion of women in electoral processes as candidates. Thus, the study further recommends that existing legal instruments should be complemented by progressively dismantling the social, cultural, and physical forces prohibiting women's participation as leaders in electoral processes. Specific provisions in the Electoral Act may further be used to penalise failure by political parties to field a reasonable number of women as candidates in elections.

Institutionalising inclusion

Inclusion within the electoral process is crucial for democratic societies, ensuring all citizens can participate regardless of background. The study explores how institutional frameworks, particularly electoral management bodies like the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), facilitate or hinder inclusivity through their operational mandates. Drawing on data from Election Observation Missions and other sources, this analysis evaluates the ZEC's performance in candidate inclusion, accessibility of polling stations, voter education initiatives, and representation of marginalised groups such as women and youth. Key findings reveal that while ZEC implemented measures to enhance inclusion, challenges persisted, such as accessibility issues for voters with disabilities and uneven voter education coverage. Through a historical backdrop and contextual framework, this paper delves into the role of electoral institutions in promoting democratic processes and enhancing inclusion. The findings underscore both achievements and challenges encountered by the ZEC, suggesting areas for future improvement and policy refinement to strengthen electoral inclusivity through institutional means. The study concludes by recommending enhanced financial and legislative support for ZEC to bolster its operational capacity and collaboration with other institutions. Addressing these recommendations could mitigate common electoral challenges and further embed inclusive practices within Zimbabwe's electoral framework.

An analysis of the role of disinformation in elections

Electoral disinformation poses a significant threat to democratic processes, particularly in politically polarised environments like Zimbabwe. This paper examines the efficacy of the CITE project, a six-month high-impact initiative aimed at countering electoral disinformation during the August 2023 plebiscite. The primary objective was to mitigate the impact of disinformation on citizen participation by training citizens and community journalists to identify, flag, and combat misinformation. Methodologically, the study employed a qualitative exploratory approach, including workshops, social media campaigns, and a systematic desk review of existing literature and primary data sources. Key findings indicate that the project successfully raised awareness about disinformation, reaching over 100,000 people on Facebook with a campaign debunking election boycott rumours. However, the initiative faced limitations such as poor internet connectivity in rural areas and resistance from political actors benefiting from disinformation. The study underscores the importance of tailored strategies for different media platforms and highlights the efficacy of infographics and low-literacy data packaging methods in building trust. The research also identifies the need for multi-stakeholder collaboration and the potential of AI and machine learning in detecting disinformation. The significance of this work lies in its contribution to understanding the dynamics of disinformation in electoral processes and its practical implications for enhancing media literacy and democratic engagement. By comparing Zimbabwe's challenges and solutions with those of other countries, the study offers valuable insights for developing robust counter-disinformation strategies globally.

Electoral Behavior of Russian Youth of the Digital Generation

The article is devoted to the analysis of the electoral behavior of Russian youth of the digital generation (aged 18–24 years). The empirical basis of the study was made up of data from an interregional youth survey conducted by the authors in 2023, as well as data from a WCIOM study in 2024. The relatively low level of their participation in the electoral process and in general in socio-political activities is considered as a feature of the electoral behavior of young people of the digital generation. At the same time, a steady trend towards a decrease in youth absenteeism has been identified, which is manifested in the formation of an intermediate group of young people with a more positive attitude towards elections. Subject to comprehensive constructive actions on the part of the state and civil society institutions, this group can be included in the electoral process. The study showed that young people of the digital generation are quite well informed about the possibility of online voting, although the vast majority of young people aged 18–25 years do not have practical experience in participating in remote electronic voting. For young people who ignore the institution of elections, the form of voting is not significant. A tendency has been discovered towards a decrease in the electoral activity of girls of the digital generation, who are inferior to young men in other indicators of socio-political activity.

Exploring the Security Challenges of an E-Voting System (EVS): A Case Study in the Bolgatanga Senior High School

The integration of electronic voting systems (EVS) into electoral processes promises increased efficiency, speed, and transparency. However, this technology also introduces a variety of security challenges that must be addressed to ensure the integrity of the voting process. This study explores the security vulnerabilities of an EVS, focusing on its implementation at Bolgatanga Senior High School (BIGBOSS). Through a case study approach, this research examines the potential threats to the administration of EVS, including issues related to data privacy, system integrity, authentication protocols, and susceptibility to cyber-attacks. A mixed-methods strategy was employed, utilizing surveys, interviews, and system tests to assess both technical vulnerabilities and user experiences. Key findings revealed Potential Voter Manipulation where unauthorized access could allow individuals to cast votes fraudulently; Insider Threats where trusted users exploiting their access could manipulate election outcomes; Weak Authentication; Lack of Robust Verification; Potential Physical Attack where individuals could vandalize machines and Vulnerabilities in Encryption which may expose votes, compromising ballot secrecy. The study recommends the implementation a blockchain-based technology , such as cryptographic techniques, consensus mechanisms, use of biometric verification to ensure the identity of voters as well as the use of digital signatures to verify the authenticity of electronic ballots and ensure that they haven't been altered during transmission, implementation of real-time monitoring of the e-voting system to detect and respond to security threats promptly” and also provide ongoing cybersecurity education and training to election officials, staff, and voters to raise awareness and reduce the risk of human error. These findings contribute to the ongoing discourse on EVS security, providing insights into practical measures for improving the reliability and safety of electronic voting systems in educational institutions and beyond.

Electoral Reforms in India in the form of Digitisation and its Future Potential

The research paper discusses the impact of digitalization on electoral reforms in India, focusing on its potential to enhance transparency, voter engagement, and efficiency in elections. It also identifies challenges like misinformation and digital literacy gaps while proposing measures to improve electoral processes, such as strengthening cybersecurity and promoting voter surveillance.

Urban Local Body in Mizoram: A Study and Analysis of The First Lunglei Municipal Council (LMC) Election

The present paper aims to examine the origins of the Urban Local Body (ULB) in the state of Mizoram. Furthermore, it highlights the significance of the development and electoral processes pertaining to the Urban Local Body (ULB) in the state. The research further examines a comparative analysis of voting behaviour in various rural local body elections and the first Lunglei Municipal Council (LMC) election. Additionally, the paper examines the electoral performance of major political parties in the first Lunglei Municipal Council (LMC) election.

Digital natives, digital activists in non-digital environments: How the youth in Zambia use mundane technology to circumvent government surveillance and censorship

This study investigates the technological strategies the youth in Sub-Saharan Africa employ to circumvent government surveillance and censorship. Centered on the 2020 Zambian youth protests and informed by interviews with 37 participants, we explore the youth's innovative use of mundane skills to build digital communities, evade government surveillance, and leverage algorithms. The findings indicate that despite limited online access and government restrictions, the Zambian youth creatively employed their local skills to build social networks, disseminate information, and mobilize for social change. However, two contrasting narratives emerge: one celebrating the innovation and resilience of these young people, with the other raising concerns about the broader implications of their actions. Notably, some youth transitioned from influential activists to government insiders, a shift that may have diluted their capacity to champion social justice. The study emphasizes the need to scrutinize the balance between technological cooperation and potential discord, urging a more profound exploration of technology's role in shaping the trajectory of democracy, especially in settings akin to sub-Saharan Africa. We argue for further research into the role of digital influencers in electoral processes and democratic systems.

Enhancing Human Resource Competence through Informative Communication Techniques by North Sumatra Election Supervisory Body for Preventing 2024 Election Violations

This study aims to analyze the implementation of the Informative Communication Technique of the North Sumatra Election Supervisory Agency in Socializing the Prevention of Election Violations 2024. This type of research is included in field research with a qualitative approach. Data collection was carried out through observation and interviews with relevant parties in Bawaslu North Sumatera. The data obtained were analyzed descriptively and interpretatively with a focus on explanations in the form of words, although there were some quantitative data that were analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that the informative communication techniques applied by Bawaslu North Sumatra were successful. There was a significant increase in public understanding of election regulations, marked by a decrease in the number of campaign violations and increased participation in reporting violations. In addition, the training and workshops conducted for political parties succeeded in increasing their level of compliance with election regulations. These communication techniques also reflect the principles of honesty, transparency and responsibility in accordance with Islamic teachings, making the electoral process more fair and democratic.

Unionization of Graduate Medical Education Trainees: Perspectives from Designated Institutional Officials.

Labor unions represent an increasing number of graduate medical education (GME) trainees in the United States. Most GME and other leaders at academic medical centers lack familiarity with resident/fellow unions, including what to expect, what decisions need to be made, and the processes involved in a unionization effort. It is important for designated institutional officials (DIOs), GME program directors, teaching faculty, and other institutional leaders to understand the drivers of resident/fellow unionization, the union organizing campaign and election process, and what follows a vote to unionize, including collective bargaining. Careful consideration of the role of educational and other institutional leaders during the unionization process is important to prevent any loss of trust between residents/fellows and those they view as their advocates. In this Commentary, the authors describe these considerations from their perspective as DIOs and GME leaders.

S&SEM: A Secure and Speed-Up Election Mechanism for PoS-Based Blockchain Network

To be a stakeholder/validator/token holder is not so difficult in the Proof of Stake (POS)-based blockchain networks; that is why the number of validators is large in these networks. These validators play an essential part in the block creation process in the PoS-based blockchain network. Due to the large validators, the block creation time and communication message broadcasting overhead get increased in the network. Many consensus algorithms use different techniques to reduce the number of validators, such as Delegated Proof of Stake (DPoS) consensus algorithms, which select the set of delegators via stake transactions for the block creation process. In this paper, we propose S&SEM, a secure and speed-up election process to select the ‘z’ number of validators/delegators. The presented election process is based on a traditional voting style with multiple numbers of rounds. The presented election mechanism reduces the possibility of malicious activity in the voting process by introducing a special vote message and a round that checks duplicate votes. We did horizontal scaling in the network to speed up the election process. We designed an improved incentive mechanism for the fairness of the election process. The designed reward and penalty procedure controls the nodes’ behaviors in the network. We simulate the S&SEM, and the result shows that the presented election process is faster and more secure to select delegators than the existing process used by DPOS.

Купечество Вологодской губернии в структуре городского самоуправления в последней трети XIX века

The paper deals with the correlation between the proportion of merchants in the total urban population of the Vologda province in the second third of the XIX century and the degree of representation of the merchant class in local self-government after the approval of the Town Regulations in 1870 and then in 1892. Based on materials published in the “Vologda Provincial Gazette” in the 1870s–1890s, the share of the merchant class in the number of electors in the towns of the Vologda province and the share of the merchant class in the number of elected members of the municipal Dumas were calculated and summarized in tabular and graphical form. The results of the analysis not only confirmed the widespread participation of merchants both in electoral processes as voters and in local self-government bodies – municipal Dumas, but also revealed certain patterns. Thus, the more developed the town was in terms of trade and industry, the more representative was the share of merchants among the members of the Duma, even despite the modest share of the merchant class in the total population of the town. And, conversely, in towns where trade and industry were rather of local importance, the share of merchants among members of the municipal Dumas was only slightly higher than their share in the total population of the town. The changing role of the town in the economic life of the province was also reflected in the degree of representation of the merchant class in the municipal Duma.

RUSSIA’S HYBRID WARFARE IN THE WESTERN BALKANS: GEOPOLITICAL STRATEGIES AND PROXY ACTORS

This paper examines Russia’s hybrid warfare tactics against the Western Balkans, focusing on using direct and indirect methods to exert influence in the region. The study delves into Russia’s strategic use of media manipulation, cyberattacks, and disinformation campaigns, alongside its employment of proxy state and non-state actors such as Serbia, Republika Srpska, and the Serbian Orthodox Church. Leveraging historical, cultural, and religious ties, Russia seeks to destabilize the Western Balkans and prevent closer integration with NATO and the European Union. Special attention is given to the geopolitics of elections, where Russia manipulates electoral processes in countries like Montenegro and North Macedonia to favour pro-Russian or anti-Western political forces. By analyzing key case studies, this paper explores how Russian hybrid warfare exploits regional vulnerabilities—such as ethnic divisions and weak political institutions—while employing tactics of soft power and military cooperation. The findings indicate that Russia’s hybrid warfare, including electoral manipulation, poses a significant threat to regional stability and international security, underscoring the need for strengthened Western engagement to counter Russian influence. This study offers critical insights into the evolving nature of hybrid warfare and its implications for the geopolitical landscape of Southeast Europe.

RUSSIA’S HYBRID WARFARE IN THE WESTERN BALKANS: GEOPOLITICAL STRATEGIES AND PROXY ACTORS

This paper examines Russia’s hybrid warfare tactics against the Western Balkans, focusing on using direct and indirect methods to exert influence in the region. The study delves into Russia’s strategic use of media manipulation, cyberattacks, and disinformation campaigns, alongside its employment of proxy state and non-state actors such as Serbia, Republika Srpska, and the Serbian Orthodox Church. Leveraging historical, cultural, and religious ties, Russia seeks to destabilize the Western Balkans and prevent closer integration with NATO and the European Union. Special attention is given to the geopolitics of elections, where Russia manipulates electoral processes in countries like Montenegro and North Macedonia to favour pro-Russian or anti-Western political forces. By analyzing key case studies, this paper explores how Russian hybrid warfare exploits regional vulnerabilities—such as ethnic divisions and weak political institutions—while employing tactics of soft power and military cooperation. The findings indicate that Russia’s hybrid warfare, including electoral manipulation, poses a significant threat to regional stability and international security, underscoring the need for strengthened Western engagement to counter Russian influence. This study offers critical insights into the evolving nature of hybrid warfare and its implications for the geopolitical landscape of Southeast Europe.

Strategic voting in two-round elections: confirming the learning hypothesis in the Czech presidential elections of 2013–2023?

ABSTRACT This paper explores whether strategic voting can also be identified in two-round electoral systems. We use aggregate data at the level of Czechia’s 206 microregions to assess the incidence of strategic voting in the Czech presidential elections using two-round elections between 2013 and 2023. We find the following evidence of a considerable rise of strategic voting in the 2023 presidential election: (1) rise of support for the two strongest candidates nationally, as well as at the level of individual microregions; (2) decline of strategic failure and sincere voting indicated by shifting values of the second-first loser ratio; (3) increased electoral competition approaching strong competitive two-party dominance as shown by Nagayama diagrams. These results point to the importance of the ‘learning hypothesis’ that strategic voting in new democracies tends to increase as voters (but also political elites) become more experienced with the electoral process. Furthermore, while we present a case study of a Czech presidential election, we also make an important contribution to the literature on strategic voting. Therefore, a theoretical contribution of this study also lies in its effort to apply the Duvergerian logic to a very different context of presidential elections in which electoral competition is highly personalised.

Current issues of legal regulation on political advertising in election campaigns in social media

It is indicated that today the role of the Internet with all the unlimited amount of digital content that is produced in its spaces every day is extremely difficult to overestimate. Nowadays, it is various social networks and other online platforms that have become not only a means of placing and distributing information, but also the main communication field, which over time has made a real revolution in the field of user interaction. The article is devoted to the issues of legal regulation on political advertising and election campaignd in social media and on other online platforms, aims to highlight the central problems, as well as to outline the spectrum of possible ways to solve such problems through the study of Ukrainian and international experience of working with the control of the information field, namely, in the part of campaigning activities of the relevant subjects in social media, on other online platforms during the election process. Special focus in the current study is made on the correlation of national and corporate regulation of issues related to the use of foreign online platforms services for posting information that is considered as political advertising. In addition, it outlines a range of problems that are currently outside the scope of legal regulation and are caused, on the one hand, by the rapid pace of digital technologies development, and on the other hand, by the nature and essence of such a phenomenon as election campaigns and political advertising means in general, namely in terms of a wide range of tools for influencing the audience. As a result, the need for cooperation between the state as a legislator and corporations as non-state entities that own and manage specific resources used for posting election campaign materials is emphasized. It was also concluded that there is a need to pay special attention to the improvement of the national legislative framework in terms of understanding political advertising as a social phenomenon and creating special requirements for the regulation of legal relations regarding such advertising placement in social media and other online platforms.

Digitalization of the Electoral Process in Russia: Legal Aspects

Introduction. Digitalization is a distinctive feature of development of the modern society, which implies intensive implementation of the new technologies into the different spheres of life, including the electoral process. In Russia, the development of measures efficiently ensuring the suffrage of the citizens, the improvement of the legal regulation of the electoral process are being carried out for more than thirty years. However, the dynamics of automation and digitalization of the electoral procedures often outrides their theoretical justification and legal comprehension. The works of Russian and foreign authors study the problems of the electoral process digitalization, the electronic forms of manifesting the civic activity and political engagement. A number of researchers consider the ongoing changes to be inevitable and call for a revision of the electoral process basic fundamentals, others propose to limit this process indicating on the impossibility to ensure the absolute information security. The paper aims at analysing the main stages of automation and digitalization of the electoral process in Russia, identify the problems associated with implementation of the new technologies and develop recommendations for the efficient transformation of the electoral system in the context of digitalization.Materials and Methods. To ensure the relevance and reliability of the obtained results, the general and specific scientific methods of cognition were used in the research: the dialectical method, the method of juridical comparativistics, as well as the content analysis of the regulatory legal acts and historical, systemic, logical and other methods. Various methods of interpreting the legal norms were used to identify the regularities in their application. The content analysis of the regulatory legal acts and the logical method made it possible to identify the electoral process digital transformation features. The method of modeling enabled formulation of the proposals on improving the legislation.Results. The main stages of automation and digitalization of the electoral process have been studied. Their features and problems have been identified. The need for transformation of the legal regulation, capable of efficient ensuring the suffrage of the citizens in the new conditions, has been substantiated.Discussion and Conclusion. Based on the results of the research, the recommendations have been developed for efficient legal regulation of the main stages of the electoral process in the context of digitalization. The theoretical conclusions formulated by the authors are proposed to be used for further research and improvement of the current electoral law of the Russian Federation.

The 2024 EU elections and cybersecurity: A retrospective and lessons learned

This article analyses the cybersecurity threats to elections and draws out the lessons learned from the EU (Parliament) elections of June 2024, putting forward recommendations for further improvement. The objective of the analysis is thus manifold. First, it summarises the cyber threats pertinent to elections—those capable of influencing or distorting the election process and outcome. Second, it discusses the measures adopted in preparation for the 2024 EU elections and provides an analysis of how the election campaigns and actual elections across the 27 member states developed. Third, it offers recommendations for improving the cyber resilience of future elections. The analysis will cover both strictly cyber-specific threats and broader hybrid threats.