Election Broadcast Research Articles

Diskursus Pilkada Jawa Timur 2018 Di Media Televisi Lokal TV9

Abstract— General election to be one of public concern because in the process leaders will be selected both at the executive and legislative levels. Television media makes the implementation of elections as the content of choice to be broadcast to the public. If the national election is packaged in a broadcast program on national television, then the holding of regional head elections or local elections becomes the material for broadcast programs on local television. East Java is the province that held simultaneous regional elections in 2018, both the election of the Governor and the election of Regents and Mayors. This moment was then managed by TV9, which was one of the local televisions in East Java to present a dialogue program called Ruang Pilkada. From this background, the researcher wanted to find out how the results of the discussion presented in the broadcast program were related to the East Java elections. Talks from the speakers were important to describe as references to the next election. This study uses a case study method and collects data through interviews, observation, and documentation. The result is that the regional election broadcast program can provide an overview of the implementation of the election in accordance with the expected stages and processes of democracy. The discourse in the broadcast program is a reference that the socialization and discussion that educates the public will have an impact on the implementation of a safe and dignified local election. Keywords—: broadcast media; television program; East Java regional election;TV9.

19대 대통령선거 선거방송토론에서 나타난 후보자의 설득전략 분석

19대 대통령선거 선거방송토론에서 나타난 후보자의 설득전략 분석

디지털 방송 카메라와 토론자 간의 시각 편차 해석

본 논문은 선거방송에 참여한 토론자가 제한시간 확인을 위해 디지털 초시계를 빈번하게 곁눈질로 인하여 발생하는 토론자와 촬영 중인 디지털 방송 카메라와의 시각 불일치에 대한 시각편차에 대하여 해석하였다. 스튜디오와 같은 소규모 토론회에서는 토론 참여자와 온에어 방송카메라와의 시각 일치는 비교적 안정적이다. 그러나 공개토론이나 토론 참여자가 다수인 경우 중앙에 설치된 대형 LCD 모니터 초시계를 지속적으로 곁눈질함으로 발생하는 시각의 편차가 심각하다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 토론자 인원수, 데스크의 길이, 디지털 초시계와의 거리, 방송 카메라와의 거리와 높이에 따른 시각편차의 해석방법에 관하여 논한다. In this paper, we analyze the visual deviation for the sight mismatch between the digital broadcast camera during shooting and panelists due to sideways frequently the digital stopwatch for panelists who participated in the election broadcast to check the time limit. Match the sight of the on-air broadcast camera discussion and participants in the debate, such as the small studio is relatively stable. However, if a large number of participants in the discussion and broadcasting of the forum is a serious sight deviation occurring by sideways large LCD monitor stopwatch that is installed in the center. Therefore, in this paper, the number of panelists, the length of the desk, to discuss the analysis of fair value changes in accordance with the height and distance the distance between the digital stopwatch, and digital broadcast camera.

The Marmite Election

‘What’s food for one is poison for another’ Marmite: You either love it, or hate it It’s black. It’s vegan. Its name is French, and it was invented by a German. As an icon for the British National Party, Marmite hardly seems to ‘tick all the right boxes’, least of all the far-right ones. Its attempted misappropriation by the BNP in that capacity in the course of the 2010 UK General Election would have been altogether incomprehensible but for two factors: for 10 years previously Marmite had been advertised under the slogan ‘Marmite. You either love it or hate it’; and for the 2010 General Election campaign Marmite’s advertising agents, DDB, had engaged in some harmless ‘ambush marketing’ by creating a parallel electoral campaign of their own, with an internet-based ‘Marmite News Network’ reporting on the televised campaigns of the two competing political parties. Not the real parties of the real election, of course, but fictional ‘Love’ and ‘Hate’ parties, a party of Marmite lovers pitted against a party of Marmite haters. The Love Party, led by the telegenic Fay Freely, was pledged to ‘Spread the Love of Marmite’, with policies including making Marmite available on the NHS, setting up anger management courses for Marmite haters, and providing Marmite-flavoured condoms for teenagers. Their opponents—the Hate Party—promised to ‘Stop the Spread of Marmite’ by creating designated Marmite-eating zones, a ‘Spread Offenders List’ of electronically tagged Marmite eaters, and special Marmite rehabilitation centres. But that was just the start. In one particularly hard-hitting scene from its second party election broadcast, the leader of the Hate Party, Steve Heaving, announced his party’s intention to round up all the Marmite lovers in Britain, and deport them to Guernsey.

'Sometimes I like to stay in and watch TV ...' Kinnock's Labour Party and Media Culture

This article looks at Neil Kinnocks appearances in Labours 1987 election broadcast and the promotional video for Tracey Ullmans My Guy in 1984, in order to evaluate the relationship between political communication and popular culture. After the first British television broadcasts, television moved from a means of observing politics and politicians to an active agent and participant in politics. In the 1980s this relationship became more complex: it was politicians and politics that became participants in television. New media technology helped the televising of Parliament and new current affairs broadcasting formats to extend the opportunities for political communication through television. Engagement with television, and popular culture more generally, had a specific pull for Labour under Kinnock as the party strove to engage with first time voters without alienating their traditional voters. Discussion of politics and popular culture in the 1980s generally takes place around issues of party policy on the media industry or censorship, of promotional culture configured as PR or spin, or of the artificiality of politicians engagement with youth culture at events like Red Wedge. Instead this article argues for the importance of understanding politicians engagement with television through the lens of changing broadcast cultures and technologies, rather than as illustrative of traditional political communication.

Rethinking the funding of New Zealand’s election campaigns

The 2005 general election campaign was notable not only for its close-fought nature, but also for a range of deeply concerning, and in some cases undoubtedly unlawful, behaviour by various electoral participants. The Labour Party exceeded the statutory maximum on its ‘election expenses’ by at least $418,603, primarily due to the costs associated with producing and distributing its pledge card to voters. Furthermore, the use of parliamentary funding to pay for this campaign material prompted a post-election review by the auditor-general, which revealed widespread misuse of this source of funds by a range of parties and individual MPs (Auditor-General, 2006). The National Party’s negligence in failing to account for GST when booking election broadcast time meant that it was able to screen some $112,000 more in campaign advertising than the law allowed. Both National and Labour, and to a lesser degree some smaller parties, used anonymous donations and trusts to shield the identity of their major donors, allowing hundreds of thousands of dollars to flow into their campaign coffers from hidden sources.

Hayek, The Road to Serfdom, and the British Conservatives

Over the years, Friedrich Hayek has received a generous response from some members of the British Conservative Party. One immediately thinks of endorsements of his work by Mrs. Thatcher in the 1970s and '80s.Those with longer memories—and teeth—might also recall the controversy around Winston Churchill's first election broadcast in 1945, and the response to it by the Labour leader Clement Attlee, the following evening. Churchill spoke of the dangers of planning, and raised the idea that it would, in the end, require the powers of a Gestapo to put the ideal of a planned society into practice. Attlee criticized these ideas, and Hayek as the source of the theoretical conceptions behind them. This led to a fair bit of attention being paid to Hayek by the press, and to his being described as an economic adviser to Churchill. But Hayek himself has downplayed his direct contacts with Churchill (cf. Hayek 1994, pp. 106–107). Indeed, in Hayek on Hayek (Hayek 1994), Hayek indicates that he met Churchill only once. On that occasion he was struck by Churchill's being the worse for drink and then recovering, to Hayek's surprise, to make a first-rate speech.

DEBATING ABORTION—THE RIGHT TO OFFEND GRATUITOUSLY

In R. (Pro-Life Alliance) v. British Broadcasting Corporation [2003] UKHL 23, [2003] 2 W.L.R. 1403, the House of Lords held that the broadcaster's decision to prohibit a Party Election Broadcast by an anti-abortion group was a lawful exercise of its general duty not to transmit offensive programmes. This duty applies to all terrestrial broadcasters and exhorts them to ensure that their transmissions “do not include anything which offends against good taste or decency or is likely to be offensive to public feeling” (para. 5(1)(d) of the Agreement between the BBC and the Secretary of State for National Heritage dated 25 January 1996 and section 6(1)(a) of the Broadcasting Act 1990).

'Getting behind the image': personality politics in a Labour party election broadcast

The article examines a Labour party broadcast from the 1997 UK general election. I show how the film uses the conventions of a particular mode of contemporary documentary to present a portrait of Tony Blair. My main focus is on the way Blair's 'biography' is used for propaganda purposes, and how the tensions between the competing requirements of biography and propaganda manifest themselves textually. In particular, I examine Blair's strategic use of lifeworld discourses, and the role of pronominal choice in 'self' and 'other' referencing.

The uses of authenticity: “Speaking from experience” in a U.K. election broadcast

Authentic talk is treated as displaying features of spontaneous, unrehearsed discourse close in character to Goffman ‘s (1981) description of “fresh talk.” In the broadcast context it has become associated with eye‐witness accounts and the rendering of firsthand experiences (see Scannell, 2001): the evident lack of a script provides a guarantee of authenticity. This article examines how features of authentic talk can be deployed in political broadcasting by analysing a Party Election broadcast from the U.K. Conservative Party where the message is conveyed as if through the experience of ordinary people.

Time and the Politics of Nostalgia

This article engages with the temporal and spatial features of nostalgic discourse in general, and `The Journey' (a British Conservative Party election broadcast employed in the 1992 general election) in particular, in order to illustrate several ways in which `the past' may be re-articulated so as to legitimize a politicized configuration of the present. The form of this article is as follows: first, `nostalgia' as a conceptual problematic is set in relation to questions concerning discourses of self-identity, community and nation. Next, the historical specificity of party election broadcasts is discussed, as is the production and reception of `The Journey'. A critical analysis of `The Journey' is then provided, with special attention given to its construction of a nostalgic reading of PM Major's personal biography consistent with the ideological imperatives of conservatism as a political philosophy.

Political Communications: The General Election Campaign of 1987

This book examines the process of political communication in the 1987 general election campaign. Special attention is paid to the innovations that marked this campaign including the celebrated Kinnock party election broadcast and the TV 87 campaign for tactical voting.