Efforts In Iraq Research Articles

The Relationship between the Actual Implementation of the "English for Iraq" Curriculum and Teachers' Intentions, and Perceptions in Iraqi EFL Preparatory Schools

This study investigates the intentions, perceptions, and actual implementation of an innovative English curriculum among preparatory school EFL teachers in Iraq. The research recognizes the growing importance of English globally and Iraq's efforts to enhance English language education and implement an appropriate innovative curriculum. However, the implementation of a new curriculum poses significant challenges related to teachers' knowledge, intention, and academic culture. The study focuses on understanding the relationship between curriculum intentions, teachers' perceptions, and the actual implementation of the curriculum. The study also explores how teachers' intention, culture, and other factors influence the implementation of the curriculum. Data were collected through a combination of vignettes, semi-structured interviews, classroom observations, and follow-up interviews with a random sample of 10 male teachers from 10 preparatory schools in Babylon Governorate during the 2023-2024 school years. The results indicated that teachers are enthusiastic about the new curriculum, but its effective implementation faces many challenges. Teachers recognize the potential of the curriculum, but suffer from insufficient materials and overcrowded classrooms that hinder optimal teaching and learning. The study emphasizes that in order to successfully implement the curriculum, through continuous professional development and strong support systems, there must be ongoing professional development and strong support systems, ongoing training programs can help teachers adapt to the new curriculum, and the provision of resources, teaching aids, and manageable class size can create a more conducive learning environment, leading to better learning outcomes.

Identifying Expert Opinions on the Challenges and Barriers Faced in Implementing Iraq's National Plan for Controlling Hepatitis B.

This study examined the difficulties and obstacles faced by healthcare professionals in implementing Iraq's national plan for hepatitis B virus (HBV) control. This research aims to offer valuable insights into the intricacies of HBV control efforts and identify key areas for improvement. In this qualitative study, semi-structured interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of 10 physicians, representing diverse medical specialties and healthcare settings, including experts in the fields of medical sciences. Data analysis was conducted using MAXQDA software, version 24 (VERBI Software GmbH, Berlin, Germany)to identify recurring themes and gain insights into the challenges encountered during the implementation of the national plan. Ten physicians participated in the study, providing insights into challenges and barriers hindering the effective implementation of Iraq's national plan for HBV control. Consensus among participants highlighted challenges such as resource constraints, inadequate infrastructure, population ignorance, and vaccine refusal. Documentation challenges, including inaccuracies in reporting HBV-associated mortality, were also noted. Barriers to successful implementation included poor public awareness, inadequate education for healthcare providers, and funding shortages. Unmet needs highlighted the necessity for unified protocols, surveillance systems, and international training programs. The improvement strategies proposed by participants emphasized raising awareness, supporting primary healthcare centers, and enhancing funding allocation. This study underscores significant challenges in implementing Iraq's national plan for HBV control, with barriers ranging from resource constraints to communication barriers. Healthcare professionals advocate for targeted interventions, collaborative efforts, and policy measures to address these challenges effectively. The findings contribute to the evidence base for enhancing HBV control efforts in Iraq and emphasize the importance of tailored approaches to public health interventions.

Iraq's Counterterrorism Laws Under Scrutiny Unjustified Asset Freezes

In response to the terrorist threat posed by ISIS, Iraq implemented legal frameworks aimed at disrupting terrorist financing, including the establishment of a committee to freeze terrorist assets as per international and national laws. This study assesses the effectiveness of these measures through qualitative analysis of legal documents and judicial reviews by the Federal Supreme Court, which found many asset freezes to be unjustified. The findings indicate a need for procedural refinement to ensure fair and effective enforcement, highlighting the challenges of balancing legal integrity with counterterrorism efforts in Iraq. Highlights: Effectiveness: Examines the effectiveness of Iraq's asset freezing against terrorism, identifying practical issues. Judicial Oversight: Highlights the Federal Supreme Court's role in overturning unjustified asset freezes. Legal Refinement: Emphasizes the need to refine procedures to ensure fairness and compliance with international standards. Keywords: Terrorism Financing, Legal Frameworks, Asset Freezing, Judicial Review, Counterterrorism

Poverty Eradication Efforts in Iraq and Its Challenges in the Perspective of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

Introduction: Iraq faces high levels of poverty, exacerbated by conflict and political crisis. The sustainable development goals (SDGs) offer a framework for overcoming poverty. This research aims to explore efforts to eradicate poverty in Iraq and its challenges from an SDGs perspective.
 Methods: This qualitative study uses in-depth interviews with 15 key informants from the government, non-governmental organizations, and academics in Iraq. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis.
 Results: This research found that Iraq has made several efforts to alleviate poverty, including social assistance programs, investment in education and health, and economic reform. However, these efforts face various challenges, such as corruption, weak infrastructure, and political instability.
 Conclusion: Iraq still has a long way to go to achieve the SDGs regarding poverty alleviation. More targeted and sustainable efforts are needed to overcome existing challenges.

Os Efeitos dos Padrões de Corrupção Administrativa no Processo de Desenvolvimento

Objective: Identifying the relationship between administrative corruption and development in the Arab world and Iraq. Theoretical framework: The study contributed to defining the relationship of corruption to development in the Arab world. As for the second axis, it talks about the impact of administrative corruption and its patterns on development efforts in Iraq. As for the third axis, it will be about the reasons for the failure or faltering of the development model in Iraq. Method: We shed light on the concept of corruption, its manifestations, its causes, effects and impactful repercussions, then we look at Iraq's experience in administrative corruption, trying to shed light on the characteristics and dimensions of this experience and the negative effects resulting from it, then we come to develop the most prominent solutions and objective treatments to reduce the impact of this phenomenon on human societies. Results and conclusion: Administrative and financial corruption is an old phenomenon that has afflicted the administrative apparatus in Iraq since the establishment of the Iraqi government in the twenties of the last century. Weak political will to combat corruption, as members of Parliament are prevented from disclosing their income and sources. Implications of the research: Corruption leads to weak investment and the flight of funds outside the country at a time when these funds were supposed to be used to establish economic development projects that serve citizens by providing job opportunities. Originality/value: Developing educational and cultural curricula through various media to create a culture of integrity and preservation of public money through a long-term strategy for the purpose of achieving loyalty and belonging between the individual and the state, as the law is not the only deterrent to corruption, but rather there must be a culture of integrity and preservation of public money.

Iraq's regional strategic performance under the Iranian-Saudi agreement

Iraq has sought to play a role in mediating the Saudi-Iranian talks for several rounds, and Iraqi Prime Minister Muhammad Shia al-Sudani received a phone call from the Secretary of the Iranian Supreme National Security Council (Ali Shamkhani), through which he expressed his “thanks to Iraq for its role in the negotiations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Iraqi efforts made to bring views closer between the two countries, which contributed to reaching a new agreement between them in Beijing.

Comparison Study between Iraqi Conditions of Contract and FIDIC Conditions- The Red Book

Reconstruction in Iraq requires coherent legitimate frameworks that are able to detail obligations, rights and responsibilities of the parties participating in reconstruction projects, regardless their type or delivery system.Conditions of Contract can be considered an important component of these frameworks. This paper investigates flexibility and appropriateness of the application of Iraqi conditions of contract in reconstruction projects. These conditions were compared to FIDIC Conditions. The objective wasn't comparing individual clauses, but rather exploring the principles and philosophy laying behind each conditions, and to what extent each conditions care about realizing equity between main contract parties. Validity of application on various project delivery systems was also investigated. The structure of Iraqi and FIDIC conditions were compared to determine how the efficiency of use will be effected by the layout, presentation, organization, and detailing of the contents of each conditions. Moreover, some clauses related to the project parties were compared in order to further illustrate the disparity in efficiency of each conditions. The paper concludes that Iraqi conditions of contract in its current state was, and will continue, hindering the reconstruction efforts in Iraq, as well as being a cause of money waste and bad quality of project outputs.

Water productivity of drip irrigated melon in semi-arid climate

Water productivity refers to the yield produced per cubic meter of fresh water for a given crop. It is not recorded for most crops in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), where water shortages have recently forced farmers to switch from conventional farming methods like surface irrigation on bare soil to modern farming methods like drip irrigation and mulching. This study is the first effort in Iraq and KRI to determine and report the water productivity for melons (Cucumis melo L>) grown on farms using drip irrigation and plastic mulch. Data on the production, the number of irrigations, the length of each irrigation, as well as the cost and benefit of production were collected from 24 farmers who produced melons in 2022 on an area of 56 ha. Then, the yield, the amount of water applied, and the water productivity were determined. The mean value was 37.4 tons ha-1 for yield, 5,486 m3 ha-1 for water applied, and 7.1 kg m-3 for water productivity. Hence, 140 litres of water were applied to produce 1 kilogram of melon. A cost-benefit analysis showed that water applied accounted for 18% of the overall production benefits, production expenses for 37%, and net benefits for 45%. Therefore, melon production is a profitable rising business in the region. In light of the present water shortage in the area, it is concluded that the recent switch from bare soil surface irrigation to drip irrigation and mulching is a successful adaptation approach.

THE OTTOMANS DURING THE GLOBAL CRISES OF CHOLERA AND PLAGUE: THE VIEW FROM IRAQ AND THE GULF

AbstractThe cholera and plague pandemics of the 19th and early 20h centuries shaped Ottoman state-building and expansionist efforts in Iraq and the Gulf in significant ways. For Ottoman officials, these pandemics brought attention to the possible role of Qajar and British subjects in spreading cholera and plague, as well as the relationship between Iraq's ecology and recurring outbreaks. These developments paved the way for the expansion of Ottoman health institutions, such as quarantines, and the emergence of new conceptions of public health in the region. Specifically, quarantines proved instrumental not only to the delineation of the Ottoman–Qajar border, but also to defining an emerging Ottoman role in shaping Gulf affairs. Moreover, the Ottomans’ use of quarantines and simultaneous efforts to develop sanitary policies informed by local ecological realities signal a localized and ad hoc approach to disease prevention that has been overlooked. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that environmental factors operating on global and regional scales were just as important as geopolitical factors in shaping Ottoman rule in Iraq and the Gulf during the late Ottoman period.

من الثكنة إلى المجتمع: دور الخدمة الاجتماعية في تأهيل أبطال الحشد الشعبي (نحو إستراتيجية وطنية)

ان الخدمة الاجتماعية هي عمل مجتمعي، وجهود مشتركة، وخدمات إنسانية يقدمها مختصون أكاديميون (أخصائيون اجتماعيون) بطرقٍ وأساليب علمية وجهود ومنظمة، لتقديم الأدوار العلاجية، والوقائية، والإنمائية بما يخدم حاجات المجتمع الإنساني ومتطلباته سواء على مستوى الفرد أو الجماعة، أو المجتمع ككل، وغالباً ما تقدم تلك الجهود من خلال مؤسسات اجتماعية خاصة، أو عن طريق إدارة وتوجيه عدة مؤسسات بطريقة تشاركيه. وكما يقال فأن المجتمعات تنهض برأسمالها المادي وبما تملكه من ثروات وإمكانيات، وبرأسمالها البشري وما يملكه من خبرات ومؤهلات، لذلك نحن نركز في هذه الدراسة على الاستثمار في المجال البشري (تأهيل قوات الحشد الشعبي) فأن الاستثمار فيهم، يُعدْ جهداً تنموياً ضرورياً لمستقبلهم، ورعاية أفكارهم وبناء شخصياتهم وتنمية مجتمعهم. غير أن مقاتلي الحشد واجهوا أوقاتاً عصيبة، فقد كانوا حطب الحروب وضحايا الاعتداءات والهجمات من ما يسمى تنظيم داعش الإرهابي، فضلاً عما دمرت صعوبات الحياة من: البطالة، والفقر، والتهميش، والتهجير القسري...الخ ، حياة الآلاف منهم وعوائلهم.
 في هذه الدراسة الموجزة نحاول ان نراجع جانباً مهماً من الجهود المبذولة في العراق لبناء قاعدة بيانات موضوعية واسعة، يمكن أن تستثمر لوضع إستراتيجية (عراقية) وطنية، بصورة مباشرة من الجهات ذات العلاقة. أن هدفاً كهذا يتميز بأهمية استثنائية، لاسيما وان العراق مقبل – بأذن الله- على مرحلة تنمية، وبناء وأعمار يحتاج فيها لكل موارده البشرية والمادية وفي مقدمة من يحتاجهم ويعول عليهم هم شريحة الشباب للاستفادة منها في وضع الرؤى ورسم ملامح الخطط المستقبلية، بما في ذلك رعاية (مقاتلي الحشد الشعبي) عبر التعرف على حاجاتهم ومتطلباتهم وصولاً لتنمية قدراتهم وتأهيلهم وبناء شخصياتهم.
 إلا إن ظروفاً معينة قد تحول دون تحقيق تلك المطالب المشروعة، لاسيما حين تكون الحرب قد نالت منهم وأربكت حياتهم، ولم يجدوا من يمد يد العون لهم لانتشالهم من واقع الحرب والعسكرة التي ذاقوا ويلاتها. أن وضع إستراتيجية وطنية مستقبلية سوف تخدم وترعى أفكار الشباب المقاتلين وتوجههم بما يفيد في بناء شخصياتهم وتقويم رؤاهم المستقبلية، فهي أذن مطلب حضاري يقوم على قاعدة التوازن بين الأجيال ويأخذ في الاعتبار ثقافة المجتمع، و وقيمه، وعاداته، وتقاليده لتوجيه أفكار أولئك المقاتلين بما يخدم وطنهم، دون إهمال لقيم الحداثة والاهتمام بالتحديث لمتطلبات التطور الاجتماعي. في هذه الدراسة : سنراجع بعض الجهود العلمية التي من الممكن ان تشكل منطلقات أساسية للإستراتيجية المطلوبة. فضلاّ عن بعض المقترحات حول الإستراتيجية الوطنية المستقبلية لخدمة (عناصر الحشد الشعبي) ودعم شخصياتهم وتوجيه رؤاهم المستقبلية نحو الأفضل والأحسن.
 أن صياغة هذه الإستراتيجية الوطنية المستقبلية تتطلب من متخذي القرار ما يأتي:-
 
 تحديد الفئات العمرية التي ينبغي التركيز عليها في مرحلة زمنية معينة.
 تحديد الموضوعات التي يجب التركيز عليها لتخدم وتوجه الواقع الفعلي لبناء تلك الإستراتيجية.
 ما هي الوسائل الملائمة لتحقي ذلك الهدف بطريقةٍ موضوعية.
 تحدي الآليات التي يتعين وضعها لإنجاز هذا المشروع الوطني لخدمة العراق وبناء مستقبله وتنمية المجتمع تنمية مستدامة.
 من جانب آخر حرصنا في ثنايا هذه الدراسة على أن نُقدم مقترحات وآراء للخروج من الأزمة –الحرب والإرهاب- من خلال التعرف على عواملها وتضميد الجراحات التي نجمت عنها، وتفعيل دور المؤسسات الحكومية والمنظمات المجتمعية الداعمة.
 
 في المجتمعات المأزومة، حيث الحروب، والنزاعات، والكوارث الإنسانية، وحيث الكراهية وانهيار الضوابط والمنظومات الأخلاقية، وحيث البحث عن أمل في خضم ركام الانهيارات، والمشكلات الاجتماعية وفشل محاولات استعادة الوضع الطبيعي، يكون البشر في العادة حطب الأزمات، وأولى ضحاياها فهم غالباً، الجنود الذين يدفع بهم إلى ميادين الحرب والصراع الملتهبة، وهم أيضاً الذين تستغل طاقاتهم واندفاعاتهم وعواطفهم الجياشة لخوض مأساة ما بعد الحرب. فحين تضع الحروب أوزارها... وتقف دوامة العنف، ويستعيد الناس وعيهم، تبدأ معاناة أخرى للمقاتلين المشتركين في الدفاع عن الوطن، فإذا بهم يكونا ضحايا مرة أخرى لمفرزات الحرب من: الفقر والبطالة، والتهميش والإحباط وغالباً ما تتأخر المؤسسات الرسمية في الاستماع لمعاناتهم وتشخيص مشكلاتهم، ولذلك تزداد مشاعر الألم في نفوسهم. في هذه الدراسة البحثية سنتناول موضوعاً مهماً وهو بناء إستراتيجية لتحسين أحوال مجتمعنا فنحن ومنذ سنوات تراكمت آثارها في أزماتٍ متواصلةٍ يدفع شبابنا الجزء الأكبر من ثمنها قتلاً، ومرضاً، وإحباطاً، وبطالة وفقراً ، فما هو الأثر الذي يمكن لنا ان نقدمه كخطوات عمليه لتحقيق الخلاص في ذلك المسعى.
 من مذكرات جندي أدمن الحرب والعسكرة... فهو يحتاج إلى تأهيل(*)... في الواقع أنَّ الحروب والصراعات كانت إحدى السمات البارزة التي أتّسمت بها حياتي العملية!!! فثمة أحداث مدفونة في ذاكرتي، وليس من السهل استحضارها... تعلمت في مرحلةٍ مُبكرة أنَّ الحرب تولّد ثقافة خاصة بها. إنَّ لظروف المعركة جاذبية ولهذه الجاذبية فترة إدمان، ذلك لأن الحرب كالعِقار المُخدَّر، وقد تجرّعتُ هذا العِقار لسنوات كثيرة. وصانعو الأساطير هم الذين يُروّجون لهذا المُخّدر سواء كانوا كُتاباً مؤرخين أو مراسلين عسكريين أو مُخرجي أفلام أو روائيين، والدولة نفسها بطبيعة الحال...كل هؤلاء يضفون على "الحرب" صفات كثيراً ما تكون في محلها، مثل: الإثارة، ظروف غير مألوفة، الشعور بالقوة، توفير الفرصة للفرد لتحسين وضعه المعيشي أو الاجتماعي. إنَّ ظروف الحرب تقيم عالماً عجيباً غريباً!! جميلاً ومظلماً في آن... فهي -الحرب- تُهيمن على الثقافة وتحتويها.. وتشوّه الذاكرة.. وتُفسد اللغة.. وتُصيب بالعدوى كل شيء تلامسه.. وتطال حتى الفكاهات فتُصيرها روايات مريضة تدور حول الموت والأحداث القذرة...
 
 *) ) كرس هدجر، الحرب: حقيقتها وآثارها، تعريب: أيمن الارمنازي، الحوار الثقافي، ط1، لبنان، 2005.

The 2003 Iraq War as a Turning Point in German–American Relations: Political Leadership and Alliance Cohesion

The article explores and explains Germany’s pre-emptive ‘No’ to the war in Iraq and argues that the ‘No’ was not a structural break in the relationship with the US, although for many its dramatic consequences appeared as a ‘parting of ways’ of two close allies. With the European Union deeply divided and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization split into two camps, the result was a profound disunity of the West. After the war in Kosovo and the German military contribution to the ‘war on terror’ in Afghanistan, there was no chance that the SPD/Green coalition would have been able to put together its own majority for an additional war effort in Iraq. Opposing a perceived US unilateralism was popular and an opportunity to stand up to the Bush administration. On a more fundamental level, Germany reclaimed the right to national sovereignty in spite of its commitment to multilateralism. This self-assertion was a new development for German foreign policy and it will also characterise Germany’s actions in the future. With the arrival of the Trump administration in Washington and its challenge to the liberal world order America created after World War II, the US and Germany could end up on an even more profound collision course.

Corruption protection: fractionalization and the corruption of anti-corruption efforts in Iraq after 2003

This paper argues that corruption protection arises because a central feature of Iraq’s institutional environment is its factionalised political system between groups (i.e. sectarian affiliation), and these groups both protect their members from corruption charges launched by other groups, and collude to protect each other from prosecution of corruption. The paper defines corruption protection as ‘action carried out to prevent perpetrators of corruption from being brought to justice’, which is a systematic attempt among corrupt agents seeking to evade accountability for primary corruption activity. The paper has identified two contrasting paths taken by these groups in power in the dynamics of corruption protection: (a) The competitive mode is illustrated by spurious allegations of corruption made by some groups against other groups. Tension between factions results in fake charges being brought against rivals which sometimes lead to wrongful imprisonment of the innocent; (b) collusive between intra-factional groups, corruptly conspiring to hide each other’s corrupt acts thereby constructing a shield which protects the entire elite in Iraq, an issue which I label ‘solidarity in corruption’. The paper will conclude that despite the apparent strength of anti-corruption framework, the reality tells us a very different story; the multiple institutions established to fight corruption and the system of accountability can also constitute a means for corruption protection.

A Sympathetic Appraisal of Cold War Modernization Theory

ABSTRACTThe apparent failure of recent US nation-building efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan has re-awakened interest in earlier American efforts at nation-building and the scholarly literature that provided the intellectual framework and justification for those efforts. In the aftermath of the Second World War, a generation of scholars, shaped by their wartime experience, contributed to that literature under the general label of modernization theory. Modernization theory was promulgated under the auspices of three major institutions: Harvard's Department of Social Relations, the Social Science Research Council's Committee on Comparative Politics and MIT's Center for International Studies. All three institutions provided homes for scholars conducting multidisciplinary research on conditions in the ‘new states’ – that is the former colonial countries. Drawing on the work of key scholars that contributed to modernization theory, this article offers a more sympathetic analysis than is typical of many contemporary assessments of the theory. In order to provide that sympathetic appraisal, the widest perspective on the various approaches to modernization theory is required so that the scholars whose work are highlighted include: Gabriel Almond, Lucian Pye, Karl W. Deutsch, Daniel Lerner, Alex Inkeles and Walt Rostow.

The New Project for the Middle East: From US Democracy Promotion to ISIL Destruction

The supercilious idea of the United States that, by toppling Saddam Hussein, can rapidly democratize Iraq and unleash a democratic tsunami in the Middle East, has metamorphosed into an apocalypse that swept the core nations of the region. Chaos and destruction became the “manifest destiny” of these peoples and democracy became a dangerous fantasy. The U.S. record of building democracy after invading other countries is mixed at best and the Bush administration’s commitment to state-building efforts in Iraq is doubtful. The United States have failed at developing democracy in the Middle East – which has led to increased instability and anarchy – because U.S. foreign policy has misunderstood the formula for building democracy in the region. The United States is just the latest Western nation to fail in the Middle East. The repercussions of a miscalculated intervention in Iraq were likely to complicate the spread of democracy in the Middle East rather than to promote it. Instead of developing democratic governments in the region the US intervention paved the way for the emergence of more oppressive radical groups that hijacked the reins of power from the legitimate governments and anguished peoples’ lives through acts of terror and bullying. The new paradox that Bush’s neoconservative government created in Iraq and the Middle East has turned a lofty project of democratization into a disaster of destruction. While ISIL (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) has seized core leadership positions in Syria, Iraq and other places, it is putting in practice the larger tripartite plan of the disintegration of the Middle East. In the process of establishing the Islamic Caliphate, ISIL is sowing the seeds of its own destruction as the U.S. contemplates increased military action in the Middle East, specifically authorization of military force in Syria. However, if the US desires to preserve American preferential treatment in the region it should reconsider the policies that created so much anarchy.

Building peace in hybrid spaces: women's agency in Iraqi NGOs

International peacebuilding efforts in Iraq have been widely criticised by practitioners and academics. Without neglecting these critiques, I elaborate how external intervention has also created spaces for Iraqi women to exercise different forms of agency. Critical approaches in peace and conflict studies often limit so-called ‘local’ agency to resisting liberal agendas, assuming persistent binaries between local and international spaces. I argue here that upholding those binaries implicitly fosters an absolute understanding of space that fails to meet realities on the ground. This article seeks to outline a concept of gendered agency that integrates a relational conceptualisation of space into the hitherto applied understandings of agency. Drawing on empirical evidence from Iraq, it elaborates how a relational theory of space contributes to grasping hybrid realities and notions of agency on the ground. Beyond analysing spaces of agency for women in (post-)conflict Iraq, the article discusses the value of incorporating a relational understanding of space into critical peacebuilding studies.

Why America’s Nation Building Office Failed and What Congress Had to Do With It

Since the end of the Cold War, America has led six nation-building missions. We have done none particularly well. Throughout the 1990’s, but particularly after the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the U.S. government tried to improve the way it ran ‘stabilization and reconstruction’ operations. That effort produced most notably the Office of the Coordinator for Stabilization and Reconstruction (S/CRS) within the State Department. S/CRS was charged with developing plans, coordinating their interagency implementation, and staffing a ‘Civilian Response Corps’ to deploy to countries on short notice. S/CRS largely failed in these efforts. It struggled to establish control over the interagency planning process. It failed to staff its Response Corps. And it was largely excluded from the civilian efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan. This paper explains why S/CRS failed. Four reasons in particular stand out. The office never had strong backing from the Secretary of State. It was undercut by USAID in its congressional negotiations. It lacked a strong domestic constituency to advocate for it. And it suffered from a general bias against civilian-led foreign policy projects. Without a clear congressional mandate and enough funding, S/CRS could not control either USAID or the regional bureaus. Simply put, the office did not bring much to the table. Finally, the failure of S/CRS suggests that the Defense Department, not State, will run future stabilization and reconstruction efforts. Though the appetite for nation building in the U.S. is low, history suggests that we are not done with these projects.

Psychiatry and efforts to build community in Iraq.

Psychiatry and efforts to build community in Iraq.

Ripe for Betrayal? Intelligence Infiltration in Theory and Practice

How do counterinsurgents cultivate intelligence sources within insurgencies? Few scholars have examined this process systematically. In this paper, I find that the dominant framework for information provision in civil war, in which territorial control governs the flow of information, is inapplicable to intelligence infiltration. I forward a plausible alternative framework. I argue that presence and two specific types of capacity, local expertise and secrecy, enable counterinsurgents to penetrate insurgencies through the use of principal agents. Conventional wisdom about territorial control, and the mechanisms it sets in motion, has limited bearing on this process. I compare the performance of the existing framework and mine across three areas within a single case, the Vietnam War. I also discuss my framework in the context of U.S. intelligence efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Ultimately, I demonstrate that intelligence infiltration is difficult to achieve but can have a profound impact on civil wars.

Regulating Water and War in Iraq: A Dangerous Dark Side of New Governance

In the legal scholarship, the ‘new governance’ mode of governance advances an administrative arrangement where decision-making is shared amongst a range of actors, both public and private. The flexible, responsive, and collaborative governance orientation is intended to counter the ill effects of a coercive, top-down, state-centric, command-and-control approach to governance. Critics contend the new governance framework can displace the interests of local communities, disempower individuals, and dislodge basic human rights. The U.S. military has adopted such an adaptive approach in its own governance structure, which in this article is referred to as: the new governance “mentality.” This mentality of governance was employed in the U.S.’s post-conflict reconstruction efforts in Iraq—efforts that were plagued by waste, inefficiency, and corruption. Governance scholars have yet to ask the question of what models of governance should apply in the post conflict situation where the environmental violence of war has poisoned waterscapes and degraded landscapes. Should an adaptive mode of new governance be applied in post conflict situations where public institutions are weak and beset by corruption? What is the role of the state and private actors when the war is over and the reconstruction period begins? In this article, we explore a dark side of the new governance framework through the case study of the Iraq war theatre and examine how the transformed military culture shaped the 2003–2013 Coalition operations in Iraq and the reconstruction effort—in particular, the provision of safe, clean drinking water to local communities.

The East German Ministry for State Security and Iraq, 1968–1989

Despite the close relationship between the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Iraq from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s, new evidence from documents of the former East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) and the Iraqi Ba'th Party archives, combined with interviews of senior East German diplomats who served in the Arab world, indicates that the Stasi changed its policy in the second half of the 1970s and persisted with that policy in the 1980s after the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War. This article gives an overview of relations between the Stasi and Iraq following the rise of the Ba'th to power in 1968 under Saddam Hussein (who later became president of Iraq in 1979) and examines Iraq's efforts to obtain assistance from the Stasi. The Iraqi regime's persecution of Communists within Iraq and its targeting of Iraqi Communists in Eastern Europe were important in discouraging the Stasi from establishing close cooperation with Iraq.