Efficacy Of Violence Research Articles

Honouring Uncelebrated Heroes in Maaza Mengiste’s <i>The Shadow King</i> and <i>Beneath the Lion’s Gaze</i>

This paper examines literary representations of marginalised, uncelebrated heroes in two novels by Maaza Mengiste: The Shadow King and Beneath the Lion’s Gaze. The central argument is that Mengiste excavates and portrays the overlooked heroic contributions of select male and female protagonists to honour their legacy and illuminate their vital yet under-recognised roles in constructing Ethiopian national identity. By adopting close textual analysis, the paper examines the conception of ‘heroism’ to characters derived from Mengiste’s fictionalised historiography centred upon Ethiopia. Furthermore, the sociocultural and ideological factors engendering the marginalisation of these heroic figures shall be scrutinised within the novels’ specific narrative contexts. Incorporating critical theoretical perspectives, the efficacy of violence as a liberating praxis against political oppression shall be evaluated through the lens of Frantz Fanon. At the same time, Marxian theories of alienation are employed to elucidate the subjective motivations compelling certain protagonists towards heroic but uncelebrated deeds. Methodologically, the paper is grounded in a close literary analysis of the theme of unheralded heroism within the two primary texts. A synthesis of supplementary scholarly perspectives bolsters this paper’s central thesis regarding unrecognised heroic narratives. The paper argues that despite contributing substantially to anti-oppressive struggles, Mengiste’s marginal protagonists remain uncelebrated within Ethiopia’s dominant historical discourses due to their race, class, gender, and ideological positionality.

Choosing tactics: The efficacy of violence and nonviolence in self-determination disputes

Disputes over self-determination (SD) have led to many civil wars, and a primary alternative, nonviolent campaign, is rarely successful in this context. Yet, while secession is rare, these movements often achieve more limited successes in the form of concessions from the state. This article provides a new assessment of the efficacy of different tactics – violent, nonviolent and conventional political action. It advances an argument that nonviolent tactics can help SD movements to generate indirect pressure on states that contributes to movement success, including greater autonomy. Nonviolence is used to garner attention from international actors using a human rights frame for their cause. International actors that are receptive to these human rights narratives then incentivize concessions for the SD movements and dis-incentivize repression. This happens through a variety of means, such as public shaming of the host state and withholding inter-governmental organization membership. Statistical analysis of violent and nonviolent tactics in SD movements shows that nonviolence can be effective in successfully obtaining concessions. Movements that use nonviolence are twice as likely to see concessions in any given year compared to those that just make demands but do not use nonviolence or violence. The effect of nonviolence is slightly larger than that of violence, which is also associated an increased chance of concession.

Violence Detection using Deep Learning

Violence detection occasion in surveillance gadget is performed a crucial sizable position in enforcement of regulation and metropolis safe. The Violence efficacy of the violence occasion detector calculate with aid of using the reaction and the accuracy and usually over extraordinary types of cognizance both velocity or accuracy or both. But now no longer thinking of generality over extraordinary kinds of the video source. In this paper, offer a real-time violence detection primarily based on totally deep getting to know method. This proposed version include CNN as a function extraction and LSTM because the temporal relation getting to know method, which cognizance on 3 component this is average generality, accuracy and rapid reaction time. The recommended version attaining 97% accuracy with a velocity 130 frames/sec. Differentiating of accuracy and velocity of the presented an version with a remaining paintings instance that the proposed remaining paintings within side the subject of the violence detection.

Learning and performing political violence: ZANU-PF Youth and the 2008 presidential run-off election in Zimbabwe

ABSTRACT This article examines political violence enacted by youth during the presidential run-off election in Zimbabwe in 2008. After the presidential election in March 2008, no clear winner emerged, leading to a run-off election in June 2008 between Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). In the face of a possible defeat in the run-off, ZANU-PF unleashed significant levels of violence against MDC activists and members, such that Tsvangirai withdrew. Central to the violence were youths, and mainly young men, who performed this violence for diverse reasons, including promises of material rewards and compliance due to fear of being labelled as a sell-out. While not denying the significance of these reasons, this article explores the importance of political socialisation of youth in Zimbabwe by the ‘war generation’, that is, those who fought during the war of liberation in the 1970s. This socialisation entailed the propagation of an authoritarian nationalist narrative by ZANU-PF in which violence was justified in defending ‘the revolution’. This narrative was very pervasive in the years preceding 2008 and in the months leading up to the run-off. There is evidence that suggests that youths learnt about the efficacy of violence through this process of political socialisation and, on this basis, performed violence during the run-off. We conclude that this ‘indoctrination’ is of some significance in understanding youth violence in 2008. However, we argue that any youths considered as inspired on nationalist grounds to enact violence also had their own personal motivations that are irreducible to nationalist fervour.

Standing ‘bare hands’ against the Syrian regime: the turn to armed resistance and the question of civilian protection

ABSTRACTPerhaps the most serious ethical challenge to pacifism is the argument for the necessity of military action to protect civilians from violence. Whether articulated by IR scholars or armed rebels, such argumentation depends upon largely uninvestigated notions about the efficacy of violence as a tool for protection. This paper takes on this presumed link between violence and protection by examining the case of Syria, where this argument has had particular salience, and whether the formation of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) in 2011, a few months into the violent repression of anti-government protests, did in fact serve to protect civilians as intended. This case points to an often overlooked distinction between the refusal of soldiers to fire on unarmed activists and the subsequent decision of these soldiers to turn their arms back on the regime to ‘protect’ unarmed activists—two courses of action that can have radically different effects on conflict dynamics involving a nonviolent movement. Through analysis of casualty figures, military/security force behaviour, and regime discourse, the article finds, counter-intuitively, that the arming of the opposition did not ultimately protect civilians and may have actually made them more vulnerable than they were when the protest movement remained primary nonviolent.

Irish Republican Politics and Violence before the Peace Process, 1968–1994

Analyses of the Provisional IRA in Northern Ireland tend to underplay the influence of political strategy in the 1970s, preferring to emphasise militarism. Similarly, the persistence of militarism in the 1980s is often obscured by the attention paid to a ‘new’ republican political orientation. This article seeks to draw attention to the IRA's evolving attitude to the ‘problem’ of Ulster unionism, and republicanism's various estimations of the likely efficacy of violence throughout the period. Republicanism is best understood as a deeply rooted working-class ethno-nationalist movement interacting closely with the other agents of the Northern Ireland conflict: constitutional nationalism, unionism and the British government. ‘Armed struggle’ became a declining asset for republicanism as it came to be seen less as a form of ‘popular guerrilla warfare’ and more as ‘terrorism’.1

Cultural Realism: Strategic Culture and Grand Strategy in Chinese History (review)

450 China Review International: Vol. 4, No. 2, Fall 1997 Alastair Iain Johnston. Cultural Realism: Strategie Culture and Grand Strategy in Chinese History. Princeton Studies in International History and Politics. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995. xiii, 307 pp. Hardcover $39.50, isbn 0-691-02996-2. It has long been conventional wisdom that one of the distinguishing features of Chinese strategy is a marked preference for nonviolent or minimally violent solutions to security problems. This view colors most of the modern secondary literature , both Chinese and Western, and has rarely been questioned. After all, Sunzi himself tell us that "attaining one hundred victories in one hundred battles is not the pinnacle of excellence. Subjugating the enemy's army without fighting is the true pinnacle of excellence" (Sawyer translation, p. 177). In this intricate and closely reasoned study based on the systematic analysis of implied and asserted cause-effect relationships in the Seven Military Classics and Ming memorials dealing with frontier policy, Alastair Iain Johnston challenges the established view. He argues that the "core paradigm" of Chinese strategic thought differs little from Western realpolitik views: conflict is seen as both unavoidable and zero-sum, violence is regarded as highly efficacious and preferable to all nonviolent approaches, and offensive strategies are favored over static defense. Furthermore, Johnston concludes that these views had a measurable effect on Chinese policies toward the Mongols during the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). A political scientist and student of Chinese foreign policy, Johnston does not approach his subject from a traditional sinological perspective. The conceptual framework for this study, along with its central question and a fair amount ofjargon , is provided by international-relations theory. In that context, the book is intended as a contribution to the debate between the dominant structural-realist school, which holds that a state's behavior is determined by ahistorical, structural factors such as relative capabilities and position in an anarchic multistate system, and the advocates of "strategic culture," who argue that deeply rooted cultural preferences exert a significant influence on strategic choice. Johnston's sympathies are with the cultural approach, but he is extremely critical of most of the existing literature for its lack ofmethodological rigor and its failure to offer a definition of "strategic culture" that can be tested empirically. On one level, then, this book is a more rigorous test for the existence and influence of strategic culture that happens to take Chinese culture as the object of study. y niversityJohnston begins by defining strategic culture in terms ofa "central paradigm " that offers answers to three related questions: die nature of conflict, the nature of the enemy, and the efficacy ofviolence. From this central paradigm there follows a preference ranking of the three most basic grand strategic options ofHawai'i Press Reviews 451 (offense, defense, and accommodation). The job is then to search for evidence of a central paradigm and preference ranking in selected "objects ofanalysis," in this case the Seven Military Classics (Wujing qi shu) (a set ofmilitary treatises mostly dating from the Warring States period tiiat were brought together as the basic curriculum for military examinations in the last quarter ofthe eleventh century), three Ming military treatises ofcomparable scope and content, and 120 Ming memorials on policy toward the Mongols (ofwhich sixteen are subjected to especially close scrutiny). Analysis of these texts centers on statements asserting or implying cause-effect relationships, especially those in which the result is the weakening of the enemy or the security ofthe state. Though the texts contain many contradictory signals, this method provides a convincing means of determining which message is primary and which secondary. Johnston finds enough congruence between the preference rankings of the Seven Military Classics, the Ming military treatises, and the Ming memorials to conclude that China does indeed have a strategic culture, and one with tremendous staying power over time. This strategic culture, which he labels "the parabellum paradigm," flows from a zero-sum view of conflict and favors violence over accommodation and offense over defense. This basic preference, however , is moderated by another lesson of the military texts, the concept of quan bian (or "absolute flexibility"), which holds that under unfavorable circumstances one must settle temporarily for a...

Gandhi, Without the Myth

That power ultimately comes from the barrel of a gun is not the hypothesis of Chairman Mao alone; it is a conviction common to Richard Nixon, Eldridge Cleaver, Hubert Humphrey, Andre Kosygin, Georges Pompidou, Jerry Rubin, Edward Heath, the editor of the New York Times, Al Capp, and more than several archbishops. To name a few! In fact, across generational and cultural, political and economic frontiers, a belief in the final efficacy of violence seems, ironically, to be one of the few ties that bind us. Century upon century, at least as far back as Cain, violence has been the principal means to public power and vies with sex as a source of stimulation and satisfaction.