Effects Of Conflict Research Articles

Rússia X Ucrânia: análise dos impactos da guerra nos esportes

The analysis of the Russia-Ukraine war focused on the conflict's effects on the global sports landscape, with particular emphasis on the socio- economic impacts experienced by Russia. The study highlights the sporting sanctions imposed on the country, which led to the exclusion of its athletes from international competitions such as the World Cup and the Champions League, as well as the cancellation of major sporting events, including the Formula 1 Grand Prix. Through a qualitative approach, the research examined the interrelationship between social and economic factors and the broader implications of these sanctions on Russia. Additionally, the study explored Russia's use of sports as a tool of soft power and the weakening of its sports diplomacy as a result of the sanctions imposed by the international community. The paper concludes that these sanctions reflect the growing geopolitical ramifications within the world of sports and suggests that enhanced global cooperation could provide a pathway to mitigating such conflicts.

Cognitive conflict does not always mean high effort: Task difficulty's moderating effect on cardiac response.

This article presents an experiment (N = 127 university students) testing whether the previously found impact of conflict primes on effort-related cardiac response is moderated by objective task difficulty. Recently, it has been shown that primed cognitive conflict increases cardiac pre-ejection period (PEP) reactivity-an index of effort intensity-during the performance of relatively easy tasks. This effect could be attributed to conflict-related negative affect. Consequently, as it has been shown for other types of negative affect, we expected conflict primes' effect to be task-context dependent and thus to be moderated by objective task difficulty. In a between-persons design, we manipulated conflict via embedded pictures of conflict-related vs. non-conflict-related Stroop items in a memory task. We expected primed conflict to increase effort in a relatively easy version of the task but to lead to disengagement when task difficulty was objectively high. PEP reactivity corroborated our predictions. Rather than always increasing effort, cognitive conflict's effect on resource mobilization was context-dependent and resulted in weak responses in a difficult task.

Russia-Ukraine conflict: An analysis of geopolitical alignments in Asian countries

This article analyzes the impact of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on the geopolitics of Asian countries, by assessing changes in their inclination towards neutrality, criticism of Russia, or support for Russia. Despite the abundance of literature on the topic, few publications have focused on the conflict's effects on Asia. Thus, this article provides a unique perspective by offering a comprehensive view of the geopolitical positions of Asian countries, compared to existing research. The article examines the factors influencing a country's foreign policy orientation, including economic, military, and geographical factors. The study evaluates the positions of Asian nations in the conflict by analyzing their voting records in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and UN resolutions. These sources highlight the details of the conflict. The research methodology is qualitative and relies on library research, with a focus on online newspaper sources like CNN, BBC, The Guardian, and Al-Jazeera. These newspaper sources were chosen because of their comprehensive coverage of the Russia-Ukraine conflict and their focus on geopolitical reactions by Asian nations, which are not extensively discussed in other media. The article is also backed by credible sources including the World Bank Group, official government reports, and research papers from various authors. The findings of the study indicate that the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has a significant impact on the domestic and foreign policies of Asian countries.

Action-orientation shields against primed cognitive conflict effects on effort-related cardiac response.

This article presents a quasi-experiment (N = 79 university students) testing whether individual differences in action-state orientation moderate primed cognitive conflict's effects on sympathetically mediated cardiac response during task performance reflecting effort. Action control theory posits that action-oriented individuals are less receptive to distracting affective stimuli during goal pursuit than state-oriented individuals because action-orientation is related to higher volitional skills. Therefore, we expected that action-oriented individuals should be shielded against conflict primes' effect on effort-related responses in the cardiovascular system. By contrast, state-oriented individuals should be more sensitive to irrelevant negative affective stimulation and therefore mobilize higher resources under such conditions. Responses of the cardiac pre-ejection period (PEP) during a moderately difficult short-term memory task corroborated these predictions. The present findings provide the first evidence that individual differences in action-state orientation indeed moderate previously demonstrated cognitive conflict priming effects on effort-related cardiac response and extend recent findings on action shielding.

Gender, conflict and the environment: Surfacing connections in international humanitarian law

AbstractBoth gender and the environment have traditionally been positioned at the periphery of international humanitarian law (IHL). In recent decades, there has been important progress in moving both concerns closer to its centre; to date, however, an understanding of the intersection of gender and the environment in the legal regulation of armed conflict remains largely underdeveloped. Nevertheless, as the present article documents, there are important similarities in strategies pursued to advance both gender and the environment from the periphery to the mainstream of IHL, namely: first, a focus on sources of IHL, in particular concretizing arguably limited specific treaty content with interpretive guidance and implementation frameworks; second, a conceptual critique of prevailing definitions of “harm” in IHL; and third, advancing, through close empirical documentation and household-level analysis of conflict's effects, understandings of harm that capture so-called “second-round” effects of conflict. Recognizing these important affinities between gender and environment work in IHL, this article draws on these insights to propose a typology of gendered environmental harm in conflict. The article concludes with proposals for enhancing the legal and operational capture under IHL of the gender–conflict–environment nexus.

Effect of Crop Farmers-Pastoralist Conflict on Crop Output in Adamawa State, Nigeria

This study was conducted to determine the effect of crop farmers-pastoralist conflict on crop output in Adamawa State, Nigeria. Purposive and random sampling methods was used to select 24 communities and 192 respondents (Crop farmers) from the study area. Descriptive statistic and regression model were used to analyse the data collected. The results showed that majority (67.23%) of the respondents were between 31 – 50 years; 70.1% of crop farmers had western education and 80.7% of the respondents were married. Furthermore, the respondents had farming experience of 7 – 20 years and above with 48.4% having less than 20 years of farming experience. The multiple regression result showed that there is a strong correlation between the effect of conflict and output/income of crop farmer. Furthermore, the result further indicated losses in monetary term of N87,875,00 arising from the loss of farm produce. The major constraints to the strategies taken by government to resolve the conflict were weakness of state institution (97.95%), slow response to crises (97.92%) and excessive use of force (police/military) in mitigating the conflicts. Conclusively, the farmers-pastoralist conflict had negative effect on crop farmers’ output/income. It was recommended that state institutions need to be pro-active enough to nip the problem of crop farmers – pastoralist conflicts in the bud, Law enforcement agencies should be alive to their constitutional roles and government should strengthen the security around farmers and herders across the country by providing necessary training and sophisticated security equipment are required to control outburst of crisis. Government should make provision for customary institution to settle crop farmers-pastoralists conflicts rather than the courts, and a joint peace and conflict resolution committee consisting of leadership of farm community and the herders be constituted to mediate among conflicting groups.

UKRAINE CONFLICT’S IMPACT ON PAKISTAN FOREIGN POLICY

The situation in Ukraine has significantly impacted Pakistan's foreign policy, affecting a variety of areas and posing difficulties and options for the nation's international relations. This essay seeks to offer a thorough study of the conflict's repercussions on domestic and international politics, as well as its ramifications for trade, energy, food security, and shifting alliances. Despite Ukraine's distance from Pakistan, the crisis there has had an impact on world politics, changing the balance of power and necessitating tactical changes. Understanding Pakistan's reaction in its foreign policy depends on knowing how the conflict will affect regional and global affairs. This study investigates the effects of the conflict and sheds light on Pakistan's participation in the changing geopolitical environment. The conflict may have an impact on trade, food security, and the energy sector, to name a few industries. Global supply chains and trade routes could be disrupted, which would change economic dynamics. Additionally, because the conflict may affect trade routes and access to resources, issues to food security may appear. Geopolitical changes may cause volatility and uncertainty in the energy sector's energy supply and pricing. Comparative analysis of Ukraine's exports of military equipment to Pakistan and India can shed light on how the regional defense partnerships are changing. Understanding the choices both nations made when purchasing military hardware from Ukraine aids in clarifying Pakistan's foreign policy philosophies and strategic considerations. Pakistan's foreign policy has been significantly impacted by the situation in Ukraine. A thorough comprehension of the dynamics at play can be attained by analyzing the conflict's effects on various sectors, looking at shifting partnerships, and comprehending the decisions and difficulties faced by Pakistan. Policymakers, academics, and analysts who want to understand Pakistan's foreign policy in the wake of the Ukraine conflict can benefit greatly from this research.

Effect of Crop Farmers-Pastoralist Conflict on Crop Output in Adamawa State, Nigeria

This study was conducted to determine the effect of crop farmers-pastoralist conflict on crop output in Adamawa State, Nigeria. Purposive and random sampling methods was used to select 24 communities and 192 respondents (Crop farmers) from the study area. Descriptive statistic and regression model were used to analyse the data collected. The results showed that majority (67.23%) of the respondents were between 31 – 50 years; 70.1% of crop farmers had western education and 80.7% of the respondents were married. Furthermore, the respondents had farming experience of 7 – 20 years and above with 48.4% having less than 20 years of farming experience. The multiple regression result showed that there is a strong correlation between the effect of conflict and output/income of crop farmer. Furthermore, the result further indicated losses in monetary term of N87,875,00 arising from the loss of farm produce. The major constraints to the strategies taken by government to resolve the conflict were weakness of state institution (97.95%), slow response to crises (97.92%) and excessive use of force (police/military) in mitigating the conflicts. Conclusively, the farmers-pastoralist conflict had negative effect on crop farmers’ output/income. It was recommended that state institutions need to be pro-active enough to nip the problem of crop farmers – pastoralist conflicts in the bud, Law enforcement agencies should be alive to their constitutional roles and government should strengthen the security around farmers and herders across the country by providing necessary training and sophisticated security equipment are required to control outburst of crisis. Government should make provision for customary institution to settle crop farmers-pastoralists conflicts rather than the courts, and a joint peace and conflict resolution committee consisting of leadership of farm community and the herders be constituted to mediate among conflicting groups.

Conflict and Decision‐Making: Attributional and Emotional Influences

AbstractThere is general consensus among conflict scholars that cognitive conflict's impact within the organization is functional, whereas affective conflict's impact is dysfunctional. Inconsistent findings in the literature suggest that additional factors impact these relationships. In this study, we integrate theories of conflict, affect, and attribution within the domain of decision‐making to gain a greater understanding of how and why organizational conflicts are at times positive, negative, or neutral. Specifically, we posit that the conclusions individuals reach as a result of their attributions, and their subsequent emotions and behavioral responses, play a significant role in determining conflict's effects. We apply theories of team‐level emotional convergence to propose how the individual emotional responses of team members may converge into a collective emotional response at the team level. Finally, we propose that the team‐level emotional responses initiated by the attribution process are significant moderators of the relationship between conflict type and decision outcomes.

Political Regime Types and Economic Development in Nigeria: Significance of Conflict and Corruption

This article investigates the short- and long-run effects of political regimes (POLREGs) on economic development in Nigeria between 1984 and 2015. It looks at the effects of the conflict (CONFL) and corruption (COR) on economic development indicators and examines the interactive effect of POLREGs and COR as well as CONFL on economic development. COR and CONFL seem to be more prevalent in Nigeria during democracy relative to the periods under dictatorship. Using the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) approach to cointegration, it derived a number of robust conclusions. Democracy in the long run yields higher economic development when it is devoid of CONFL and COR, while autocracy hinders economic development. In the short run however, more autocracy fosters economic development in Nigeria while democracy hinders it. COR portends grave threat to the development of Nigeria’s economy as it reduces development in the long run. Effect of CONFL on economic development in Nigeria is unclear. These findings highlight the need to establish effective anti-graft agencies to fight COR to the barest minimum in Nigeria. They also highlight the need to employ CONFL resolution mechanisms in resolving CONFL issues in the democratization process of the country. JEL: D74, K420, P160, O1, Q550

Preparing for War: The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army, 1815–1917 by J. P. Clark

Reviewed by: Preparing for War: The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army, 1815–1917 by J. P. Clark Wayne Wei-Siang Hsieh (bio) Preparing for War: The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army, 1815–1917 j. p. clark Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2017 336 pp. J. P. Clark's Preparing for War: The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army, 1815–1917 fills an important gap in our scholarly understanding of an important institution—the nineteenth-century US Army officer corps. Its wider event horizon due to its uncharacteristically broad chronological range allows for a study of different generations of professional officers that traces how the American army's leadership cadre evolved in relation to developments in both American military history and larger civilian society. Each generation of officers defined, debated, and experienced distinctly [End Page 599] different conceptions of military professionalism. Clark's analytical approach allows his monograph to discern both the American Army's institutional continuities and the significant changes it experienced over the course of the nineteenth century leading up to World War I. Clark lays out four generations of officers—a foundational generation of veterans of the War of 1812 and antebellum graduates of West Point, a Civil War generation that fought in the nineteenth century's longest conflict, a post−Civil War composite generation of mostly West Point graduates grappling with the earlier conflict's consequences, and a Progressive generation commissioned after 1890 that imported civilian ideas of centralization and bureaucratization into the army. Clark's approach allows him to examine the interaction between predominately military factors (e.g. the size and scale of American wars and the structures of American military institutions) and larger trends in American culture and society. Like many historians, between the analytical poles of continuity and change, Clark gravitates toward the latter—and he also locates the primary causal forces of change in larger American society. As he puts it, "the vertical ties of continuity within the military are less important than the horizontal ties across society. Therefore, each professional generation is more a product of its time than a creation of military institutions" (9). Clark's approach thus eschews an abstract and social-scientific notion of professionalism, perhaps best embodied in Samuel P. Huntington's The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations (1957). While that work is dated and challenged by most historians, if still cited due to its importance and influence, American military institutions (as Clark himself well knows) remain heavily influenced by conceptions of professionalism that claim to be timeless and enduring. Even the use of history in the American military's educational apparatus tends to gravitate toward the discovery of "lessons learned," which can be applied across wide stretches of time and place. In contrast, perhaps the most trenchant lesson Clark draws from his work for the current American profession of arms is a generational gap in the present US Army between general officers who led troops in Iraq and Afghanistan as senior officers, and junior officers who began their careers in those conflicts at the small unit level. As Clark puts it, "bridging the gaps between these quite different frames of reference is not impossible, but it is unlikely because the bureaucratic artifacts that give an army substance—doctrine, regulations, training plans—rarely [End Page 600] make explicit the assumptions on which they are based. … The most insidious divides are those that go unnoticed" (xi). Among most professional academic historians, Preparing for War would find ready agreement regarding its argument for the primacy of historical change over political scientists' search for timeless continuities, but where Clark's work makes its biggest contribution is in its longer distinctive chronological spread. William Skelton's An American Profession of Arms: The Army Officer Corps, 1784–1861 (1993) covers the creation of a professional officer corps, but excludes from its coverage the Civil War. It also covers the creation of an American military profession, as opposed to its continuing evolution. Samuel Watson's magisterial two-volume study of the Jacksonian and antebellum US Army, Jackson's Sword: The Army Officer Corps on the American Frontier, 1810–1821 (2012) and Peacekeepers and...

Identity of organizational conflict framework: Evaluating model factors based on demographic characteristics in Iran

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to Identity of organizational conflict framework: Evaluating model factors based on demographic characteristics in Iran. Design/methodology/approach: Research method is descriptive - applied. The statistical population includes all of the employees in Iran's Azad Universities with 600 individuals at the time of the study and statistical sample included 234 individuals who were selected using Morgan table. Beside this study, descriptive and inferential statistics were used. Also, reliability approved through Cronbach alpha (0.87). Then, to detect the dimensions causes of organizational conflict, factor analysis in line with the main components was used. Through exploratory analysis, ten principal factors identified. Thereafter, confirmatory factor analysis reconfirmed these factors. Findings and originality/value: The results of study showed that there is no significant difference between the causes of organizational conflict based on the gender. Also, there are significant differences among the causes of organizational conflict based on the variables of age, education and work experience. Research limitations/implications: We adopt a cross sectional research design and as a result inferences regarding causality cannot be drawn. Future studies following a longitudinal design could provide a more dynamic perspective and contribute further to this stream of research. Originality/value: A lot of researches about the conflict management styles, organizational conflict's effects, etc. are conducted by different researchers, but a handful of researches have been conducted in the field of resources and causes of organizational conflict and this is one of the reasons that it is important for researchers to address this issue

A People at War: Civilians and Soldiers in America's Civil War, 1854-1877. By Scott Reynolds Nelson and Carol Sheriff. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. xii, 372 pp. $28.00, ISBN 978-0-19-514654-7.)

Historians have produced countless studies of the American Civil War, but they only began examining the conflict's effects on ordinary people two decades ago. Scott Reynolds Nelson and Carol Sheriff's A People at War synthesizes much of that literature and supplements it with new research, providing a superb overview of what has become one of the most exciting fields in U.S. history. Beginning with the rise of sectional conflict in the 1850s and concluding with the end of Reconstruction in 1877, Nelson and Sheriff demonstrate not only that the war dramatically transformed the lives of soldiers and civilians, but also that these individuals helped shape the conflict's outcome. The authors question the traditional view of the war as a struggle between the North and the South, arguing instead that the battle over slavery divided not just the nation, but also communities and families. Finally, they show that the line separating military and civilian worlds sometimes vanished during the war, making it difficult to distinguish combatants from noncombatants.

The Nagorno-Karabakh Settlement Revisited: Is Peace Achievable?

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which mars relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan and impedes the political stability and economic development of the South Caucasus, has a long history and deep roots. Its main political cause lies in the contradiction between the aspirations for national self-determination of the predominantly Armenian-populated enclave and Azerbaijan's claim of territorial integrity to its Soviet-defined boundaries. Although the Bolsheviks granted sovereignty over the overwhelmingly Armenian-populated oblast of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan in 1921, the people of Nagorno-Karabakh have since questioned this decision. In 1988, the Soviet of the Nagorno-Karabakh autonomous oblast requested secession from Azerbaijan, an event beginning the present phase of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The response was the massacre of Armenians in the Azerbaijani industrial city of Sumgait. Rising ethnic tensions and the ensuing violence gradually degenerated into a full-scale war between Azerbaijan and the local Armenian self-defense forces in and around Nagorno-Karabakh and then, following the collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of 1991, the devastating military confrontation along the borders of newly independent Armenia and Azerbaijan.On May 12, 1994, a cease-fire agreement, brokered by Russia and signed by Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Nagorno-Karabakh1 put an end to the years of bitter armed fighting in the battle about the of Nagorno-Karabakh. Because of the conflict, 6,500 Armenians and 20,000-25,000 Azerbaijanis were killed; 412,000 Armenians were expelled from Azerbaijan; and 186,000 Azeris fled from Armenia.2 Nagorno-Karabakh forces established military control over most of Karabakh, as well as seven districts of Azerbaijan, from where some five hundred thousand Azeris were displaced. Since the cease-fire, various international mediation efforts between the conflicting parties have been consolidated into negotiations under the auspices of the Organization for security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), led by the so-called Minsk Group, cochaired since 1997 by France, Russia, and the United States. The negotiations, which so far have produced few results, have focused on two possible methods for the settlement of the conflict. One approach is the package deal and the other is a step-by-step (or phased) solution.The package solution requires an agreement on the final of Nagorno-Karabakh to open a road for the elimination of the armed conflict's consequences. On the other hand, the step-by-step approach postpones an agreement on the final of Nagorno-Karabakh to the indefinite future, focusing instead on a agreement addressing all other issues. These include provisions for reliable international security guarantees for Nagorno-Karabakh, the withdrawal of Nagorno-Karabakh forces from the occupied territories, the return of displaced persons to their prewar homes, and the normalization of the relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, including the reopening of trade and communication links.The choice between a step-by-step and a package methodology for the conflict's settlement has become a bitter point of contention in Armenian political discourse. The administration of the first president, Levon Ter-Petrossian, favored the step-by-step approach as a way to avoid the irreconcilable contradictions of the conflicting parties' maximalist positions, promoting the land for peace formula. His opponents in the government, who forced him to resign over differences on the settlement, declared the policies defeatist.The current Armenian president, Robert Kocharian, has been a long-time advocate for the package solution based on the land for status formula. Besides, the former Karabakhi leader's rise to power in 1998 eventually brought a change to the negotiations' format. Whereas the 1994 Budapest Summit of the OSCE recognized Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Nagorno-Karabakh as parties to the conflict, the negotiators' perception of Kocharian as representing both Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh eventually led to the replacement of the negotiations' trilateral format by bilateral Armenian-Azerbaijani talks. …

Conflict's consequences: Effects of social motives on postnegotiation creative and convergent group functioning and performance.

Two studies tested the effects of social motives during negotiation on postnegotiation group performance. In both experiments, a prosocial or a proself motivation was induced, and participants negotiated in 3-person groups about a joint market. In Experiment 1, groups subsequently performed an advertisement task. Consistent with the authors' predictions, results showed that proself groups performed worse on the convergent aspects of this task but better on the divergent aspects than prosocial groups. In Experiment 2, the authors manipulated social motive and negotiation (negotiation vs. no negotiation), and groups performed a creativity task (requiring divergent performance) or a planning task (requiring convergent performance). Proself groups showed greater dedication, functioned more effectively, and performed better than prosocial groups on the creativity task, whereas prosocial groups showed greater dedication, functioned more effectively, and performed better than proself groups on the planning task, and these effects only occurred when the task was preceded by group negotiation.

Violence and mortality in West Darfur, Sudan (2003–04): epidemiological evidence from four surveys

Violence in Darfur, Sudan, has rendered more than one million people internally displaced. An epidemiological study of the effect of armed incursions on mortality in Darfur was needed to provide a basis for appropriate assistance to internally displaced people. Between April and June, 2004, we did retrospective cluster surveys among 215?400 internally displaced people in four sites of West Darfur (Zalingei, Murnei, Niertiti, El Geneina). Mortality recall periods covered both the pre-displacement and post-displacement periods in Zalingei, Murnei, and Niertiti, but not in El Geneina. Heads of households provided dates, causes, and places of deaths, and described the family structure. Before arrival at displacement sites, mortality rates (expressed as deaths per 10?000 per day), were 5.9 (95% CI 2.2-14.9) in Zalingei, 9.5 (6.4-14.0) in Murnei, and 7.3 (3.2-15.7) in Niertiti. Violence caused 68-93% of these deaths. People who were killed were mostly adult men (relative risk 29.1-117.9 compared with children younger than 15 years), but included women and children. Most households fled because of direct village attacks. In camps, mortality rates fell but remained above the emergency benchmark, with a peak of 5.6 in El Geneina. Violence persisted even after displacement. Age and sex pyramids of surviving populations were skewed, with a deficit in men. This study, which was done in a difficult setting, provides epidemiological evidence of this conflict's effect on civilians, confirming the serious nature of the crisis, and reinforcing findings from other war contexts.

Young People's Participation in a New Northern Ireland Society

This article examines the extent to which young people are given the opportunity to contribute to the rebuilding of Northern Irish society in the postconflict situation. It recounts the conflict's effects on the lives of children and young people and evidence that suggests that young people have not felt part of the political process in the past. We then examine arguments about citizenship for children and young people using a children's rights perspective. We provide new evidence of the extent to which the rhetoric of the past has translated into young people being allowed to participate in Northern Irish society. Finally, we identify lessons for Northern Ireland from international models of participation that help young people demonstrate their potential for responsible citizenship, and we look at the potential for increased participation by youth in the political structures emerging in the wake of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement of 1998.

A Qualitative Analysis of Conflict Types and Dimensions in Organizational Groups

I thank the interviewed organizational members for their assistance and patience and Jonathon Blake, Roxanne Jones-Toler, Keith Murnighan, and Keith Weigelt for their assistance on this paper. This paper presents a multifaceted qualitative investigation of everyday conflict in six organizational work teams. Repeated interviews and on-site observations provide data on participants' perceptions, behaviors, and their own analyses of their conflicts, resulting in a generalized conflict model. Model evaluation indicates that relationship conflict is detrimental to performance and satisfaction; process conflict is also detrimental to performance; and task conflict's effects on performance depend on specified dimensions. In particular, emotionality reduces effectiveness, resolution potential and acceptability norms increase effectiveness, and importance accentuates conflict's other effects. Groups with norms that accept task but not relationship conflict are most effective. The model and the findings help to broaden understanding of dynamics of organizational conflict and suggest ways it can either be alleviated or wisely encouraged.'

RESOLVING THE PARADOX OF CONFLICT, STRATEGIC DECISION MAKING, AND ORGANIZATIONAL PERFORMANCE

Strategic decision making influences organizational performance. However, close examination of this relationship reveals a subtle paradox. It appears that the products of strategic decision making, all of which are necessary for enhanced organizational performance, do not peacefully coexist. Conflict seems to be the crux of this conundrum. As such, a better understanding of conflict's effects on strategic decision making is needed This paper integrates a multidimensional conceptualization of conflict Into a model of strategic decision making and organizational performance and develops propositions to guide empirical study of the effects of conflict on strategic decision making.

How Nursing Administrators View Conflict

Fifty-one nursing administrators attending an institute on administration were asked to respond to two questions: "What is good about conflict?" "What is bad about conflict?" Findings indicated that nursing administrators: made more positive than negative statements about conflict, associated conflict's effects to be greater on people than on task accomplishment, indicated that conflict had greater intrapersonal than interpersonal effects, believed that the beneficial effects of conflict on task accomplishment lie in the realm of problem resolution, and reported that the major negative effects of conflict on task accomplishment were felt on productivity. These findings underscore the complex nature of conflict and its benefits and costs to the individual, organization, and nursing administrator. Views of these nursing administrators are in concert with contemporary behavioral science literature which suggests that conflict is necessary for organizational growth and is not automatically symptomatic of organizational pathology.