Economic Ethics Of World Religions Research Articles

Notas sobre o conceito de afinidades eletivas e sua articulação com processo de racionalização na obra de Max Weber

O presente artigo tem como objetivo apresentar algumas reflexões sobre a concepção de “afinidades eletivas” e quais seu possível papel na sistematização do processo de racionalização na obra de Max Weber. Trata-se de compreender, em que medida o conceito de afinidades eletivas apresentaria possibilidades analíticas para o esclarecimento do tipo particular de relação, entre as orientações de condutas de vida do protestantismo acético e as formas de organização econômica capitalista, que teria caracterizado o tipo especifico de racionalidade no Ocidente. O estudo tem como foco principal os escritos de Weber sobre a sociologia das religiões, em particular na segunda versão da Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus (Ética protestante e espírito do capitalismo) – presente em Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssociologie – (Ensaios reunidos de sociologia da religião) e no estudo - Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen (Ética Econômica das religiões mundiais).

Max Weber's Economic Ethic of the World Religions by Thomas C. Ertman (review)

Book Reviews 129© Max Weber Studies 2019. He had of course attended Knies’s course twice in the early 1880s in Heidelberg; but we also have two sets of student notes for that course, and they show that the political economy to which Weber had been exposed as a student was very different from the political economy that he presented just over a decade later. Keith Tribe Independent Scholar Thomas C. Ertman (ed.), Max Weber’s Economic Ethic of the World Religions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), x + 358pp. (hbk). ISBN 978-1-107-13387-7. £64.99. During the 1980s Wolfgang Schluchter organized a series of conferences on the completed and projected parts of Max Weber’s The Economic Ethics of World Religions with distinguished scholars and experts from the most diverse fields. He edited the results, together with pioneering introductions, in six volumes: Confucianism and Taoism, Hinduism and Buddhism, Ancient Judaism, Islam, Ancient Christianity, and Occidental Christianity. Since these volumes were written in German and new research results in specialized fields have since become available, Thomas Ertman has resolved to take a new look at the completed parts of Weber’s work. He asks whether Weber can help us understand our changing situation in today’s world, where religion is resurgent as a political force and the attractiveness of Western values has been questioned, despite the unfinished state of his oeuvre and the uncertainty as to whether the outdated character of his sources invalidates his conclusions. While some of the contributors seem to be unaware of the context in which Weber’s essays must be situated, Wolfgang Schluchter and Hartmann Tyrell provide detailed outlines of Weber’s intellectual project and methodology in their opening chapters. Schluchter emphasizes the comparative dimension: Weber was interested in the Occident, and so he asked why it was only in the Occident that modern capitalism and a peculiar Occidental rationalism developed . He studied India and China to better characterize the Occident , its defining features, and the conditions for their emergence. In Asia he wanted to emphasize only that which stood in contrast to Occidental cultural phenomena; he did not intend to provide a history of Asian cultures. But one must also consider the developmental historical perspective in Weber’s analysis of two kinds of causal 130 Max Weber Studies© Max Weber Studies 2019. relationships: the influence of ideas on economic, political, and legal institutions and, on the other hand, the influence of these institutions on ideas. Weber’s Collected Essays in the Sociology of Religions, of which The Economic Ethics of World Religions is the largest part, is a torso, writes Tyrell, though it is characterized by a strong inner coherence. Weber’s essays are not monographs, as the separate English translations and their misleading titles suggest, and they should not be assessed in isolation but rather in relation to Weber’s overriding question concerning the origin of modern Western rationalization . Normative ethnocentrism or Eurocentrism was certainly foreign to Weber, since he did not consider the Western world superior to other civilizations. On the other hand, he did have a heuristic ethnocentric perspective because he looked upon world history from a European standpoint in order to understand the distinctiveness of the West’s development. The contributors who address Weber’s essay on China tend to treat this work in isolation from the rest of his oeuvre. In his chapter, Timothy Brook questions Weber’s belief that prophecies did not arise in China. As counter examples, Brook mentions imperial astronomers, charismatic cult leaders in the villages, and kin elders. What he does not mention, however, is that Weber regarded (ethical) prophets as a challenge to traditionalism; they broke the power of magic and thus advanced the process of rationalization. The discussion of prophecy is soon left aside when Brook chastises Weber for deeming China a failure and Europe a success (90), and for treating Europe as the norm and China as the deviation (91). Perhaps a closer reading of Weber’s Protestant Ethic might have led Brook to consider the famous passage that describes modern Western man as a specialist without spirit, a sensualist without heart, a nullity who imagines that he has attained...

Religion and Economics: Can We Still Rely on Max Weber?

The article, within the framework of the logic proposed by M. Weber in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, attempts to identify the core ethical category of the Russian Orthodox Church that could function in the same way as Beruf (profession/vocation) does for the analysis of Protestantism and its potential impact on the formation of the economy. The attempt to apprehend this category relies on Weber’s works that analyze the economic ethics of world religions. In particular, an effort is made to interpret the Weberian categorization of Russian Orthodoxy as a “specific mysticism”. The texts of F. Nietzsche and M. Scheler are used to decipher Weber’s thesis. The analysis of the texts of Weber, Nietzsche, and Scheler leads to the assumption that “humility” could be the category in question. In his works on the sociology of religion, Weber used “humility” to describe “mysticism” in the same vein as is “vocation” for “asceticism”. At the same time, Weber reinterprets Nietzsche’s doctrine of ressentiment to construct the typology of economic ethics of world religions. For Nietzsche, humility is often synonymous to ressentiment. In the Weberian interpretation, the thesis on ressentiment becomes a “theodicy of suffering”. In the typology of suffering, humility was associated with contemplation, or the withdrawal from the world, that is, with everything specific for mysticism as it was understood by Weber. M. Scheler also took notice of this and criticized the thesis on ressentiment, contrasting it with humility as the basic Christian virtue. An analysis of the texts of F. Nietzsche, M. Weber and M. Scheler on the ressentiment and ethics of Christianity made it possible to propose a typology of ethics that seems to be suitable for constructing hypotheses about the (potential) influence of Orthodoxy on Russian economic life.

Weberian and Anti-Weberian Discourse: To the Question of the Hypnotic Power of Classics on the Example of “Protestant Ethics”

The article is a response to the text by R. I. Kapelyushnikov, “Weber’s Hypnosis: Notes on ‘Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism.’” The reasons and main directions of criticism and anti-criticism of the “Weber thesis,” about the emergence of capitalism due to Protestant ethics, are considered. In light of the criticisms of a well-known domestic economist, the Weberian and anti-Weberian dispute has been analyzed around one of the most cited classics, which testifies to the heuristic value of Max Weber’s scientific heritage, which remains relevant today. It should be noted that the 100-year narrative (the first critics of the Protestant thesis appear immediately after the publication of the Protestant ethic) requires more detailed research. Interpretation of Max Weber’s creativity is possible only in the context of the complete collection of works (Max. Weber-Gesamtausgabe [1984-2017]), including the systematics of the sociology of religion (which included “Protestant Ethics”) and, later, the 7-volume edition of “Economics and Society” on the economic ethics of world religions. The uncharted and authentic reflection of the legacy of the classic is possible only in view of a holistic reading of the classic, taking into account the historical, biographical, contextual (in the case of Weber’s theoretical discussions in the methodological dispute and controversy with the materialist understanding of history), categorical-conceptual, and methodological aspects, as well as the receptive and actualizing components. As a refutation of the criticism of the well-known economist, arguments are also presented in favor of W. Schluchter’s “Weberian research program” and the reconstructed paradigm of T. Schwinn and G. Albert. As a conclusion, the main lines of actualizing the legacy of the classic, which originates in the “Protestant Ethics,” are highlighted.

The Economic Ethics of World Religions and their Laws: An Introduction to Max Weber's Comparative Sociology by Andreas E. Buss (review)

[MWS 17.2 (2017) 297-321] ISSN 1470-8078 http://dx.doi.org/10.15543/MWS/2017/2/10© Max Weber Studies 2017, Rm 4-12, London Metropolitan University, 84 Moorgate, London EC2M 6SQ. Book Reviews Andreas E. Buss, The Economic Ethics of World Religions and their Laws: An Introduction to Max Weber’s Comparative Sociology (Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2015), 219pp. (hbk). ISBN 978-3-84872424 -6. €44.00. The title of this book is unquestionably accurate, but it does not really tell the reader what to expect from the book. In contrast, the subtitle does tell the reader what to expect, but whether it does, or does not, meet the reader’s expectations depends largely on what the reader thinks an ‘introduction’ should be. If one expects an ‘introduction’ to be a survey of most of the major points then Buss’s book almost always succeeds; but if one expects an ‘introduction’ to be carefully and clearly written then his book does not always succeed. There are chapters in which Buss sets out Weber’s concepts and arguments rather plainly, and a few which seem to be written for the more advanced reader; some provide a more general overview, while others seem to be highly focused. Both contribute to sense that the book may have been composed from two different studies. Chapter Three, the book’s longest, is devoted to ‘The World Religions and Their Ethics’, and is probably the most successful of all of the chapters. Buss introduces and explains many of the basic tenets of the six religions that Weber examined, and competently shows how and why Weber’s conclusions from his investigations were largely correct. For those who do not know much about Hinduism , Buddhism, and Taoism, Buss provides welcome insights into Weber’s understanding of the economic ethics of these religions. Weber recognized the impact of the caste system on Hinduism, but as Buss notes, he did not think that it prevented any major economic developments. Instead, it was Hinduism’s emphasis on tradition and the lack of interest in rationalism that made the difference (77-78). Buss suggests that what prevented any significant economic development in Buddhism was its lack of interest in planning and its ambivalent approach to wealth, which was viewed not as wrong in 298 Max Weber Studies© Max Weber Studies 2017. itself but rather as a source of temptation (83-84). While Taoist mysticism shared the general tendency of mysticism to minimize action, it never led to the complete rejection of the world because it espoused the ideal of the educated gentleman (62). The notion of the educated gentleman is also found in Confucianism: study leads to grace and dignity, but not to profit and wealth (60-61). The question why economic development did not occur in China is a perplexing one. Weber acknowledged that there were certain similarities between Chinese rationalism and Protestant rationalism, but he pointed to the importance of tradition and magic for the former, which were superseded in the latter. Buss makes these important points but very briefly (65-66). When it comes to Weber’s interpretation of ancient Judaism, Buss discusses the Jews’ status as a pariah people and how it affected their views about money. In this, Buss’s treatment is largely correct , except for the suggestion that it was Nietzsche’s Antichrist that inspired Weber (96); more likely it was Zur Genealogie der Moral. Though Weber never published an essay on Islam, Buss takes inspiration from Wolfgang Schluchter and attempts to outline how Islam’s exterior factors (institutions) and interior factors (motivational spirit) would have likely contributed to its particular economic ethics (101-102). Weber stressed the differences between medieval feudalism and Islam; while both tended to be traditional forms of rulership, feudalism was an ‘approximation of a rule based on law’. In contrast, Islam’s military institutions of slaves and taxation ‘lessened the calculability of the administrative/legal processes’ (103). In characterizing the ‘spirit’ of Islam, Buss suggests that Weber thought there were significant similarities with ascetic Protestantism: both Islam and Calvinism believed in a transcendent God and asserted that the gulf between this omnipotent deity and human beings cannot be...

Intellectual Work and the Spirit of Capitalism: Weber's Calling by Thomas Kemple (review)

Book Reviews 301© Max Weber Studies 2017. (Stefan Breuer), prophets and prophecy (Bernhard Lang, Riesebrodt), asceticism (Hubert Treiber), and mysticism (Volkhard Krech), all of which would have been relevant for Buss’s work. There is no doubt that one cannot take into consideration all of the important literature on Weber’s sociology of religion, but these omissions seem striking. The book does have many positive attributes. For the most part, Buss’s explanations are relatively clear and free from technical terms and jargon. The book is clearly structured so that one can choose to focus on one major section of the book or to read to the work as a whole. And while Buss’s presentation of Christianity may seem shaky at times, it appears that he knows an impressive amount regarding many other religions. The Economic Ethics of World Religions and their Laws may not have so much to offer to the Weber scholar, but it does have much to give to the student who wishes to gain a proper overview of the various economic ethics that make up Weber’s comparative sociology of religion. Christopher Adair-Toteff University of South Florida Thomas Kemple, Intellectual Work and the Spirit of Capitalism: Weber’s Calling (Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), xiv + 266 pp. (hbk). ISBN 978-1137 -37713-5. $110.00. Thomas Kemple’s book ostensibly concerns Weber’s two well-known vocation lectures, delivered in 1917 and 1919, as well as a less known and earlier ‘talk’, namely Weber’s reply from the floor to Sombart’s address on ‘Technology and Culture’ presented to the German Society for Sociology conference in 1910. It does not matter that the last of these bears little relation to the vocation lectures in structure, purpose or context, because Kemple is concerned with an extrinsic concern of his own making, not Weber’s; namely, an exploration of ‘speech acts’ as sites of intellectual engagement as read through Weber’s performances as orator. In pursuing this theme, Weber’s charisma as a person and as a public persona is core to Kemple’s account of value freedom in Weber, and paradoxically the values underlying it, and also rationality as a trope of discourse. Kemple does not find the intellectual apparatus required to execute this fascinating and more-orless behind the scenes forensic excursion into Weber’s rhetoric style in Weber himself, but in an array of culture analysts who are brought to bear on Weber’s own assessment of classical and contemporary 302 Max Weber Studies© Max Weber Studies 2017. thinkers. The result is terse, dense, difficult, and at times obscure, as well as perceptive, enlightening, and surprisingly entertaining. A self-description on Kemple’s departmental website at the University of British Columbia, where he is a professor of sociology, indicates his research interests and approach: My research advances European and North American traditions of classical and contemporary social theory from the late 18th century to the present. Rather than focus on the scientific formulation and empirical testing of hypotheses, I emphasize the reappraisal of classic problems and the recovery of forgotten or undervalued ideas, texts, and authors in the history of the social sciences. I aim to show how rhetorical arguments, interpretive methods, and literary genres that contribute to the formation of concepts enhance the public significance and cultural relevance of thinking sociologically. This statement encapsulates a good deal that is represented in Intellectual Work and the Spirit of Capitalism: Weber’s Calling. Kemple’s concern for the non-obvious and underlying aspects of Weber’s calling, his rhetorical disposition and emotionalized engagement with currents of his day that we are told continue in our own, reflects Kemple ’s own affective style and focus. This is not to deny Kemple’s forceful intellectual engagement that is infused throughout this book, but more than anything Kemple disarmingly displays a pure and true love for Weber. This is not said lightly, nor flippantly. But to fail to acknowledge the fact fails to identify the source of Kemple’s energy, the care with which he reveals Weber’s sensibilities, and the sense of devotion in his characterization of Weber and his calling. It is appropriate here to reflect on...

The Labor Concept of Marx, Calvin, Luther in the Framework of Legal or Religious Rights

The most recent studies on economic ethics of world religions try to remind us once again the link between religion and economics in social rights, as one of the most important links of social stratification. The desire and passion to approach the idea of the man, who wants to live with both the matter and the spiritual, brings us to rethink once again that man needs a new social and religious spirit at the same time. As a scholar of religion and morality Weber shows the relation between religion, labor, and the right. It can never be left out without clarifying the problem that we are inspired by a new course “the opportunity to own" what we want. One can never abandon the idea that inspiration coming from religion brings a new level – a profession, which basically makes you who you are as a professional. We try to understand a new situation that basically is less complicated “intuition”. No matter how much we want to be pure in what we see in intuition, it isn’t clear in religion. Maybe the obstacle that the religion wants to present to intuition is much stronger than that. “The intuition” regarding the human being seems to be an intuition, to be grasped through your own intelligence, whereas the intuition comprehended as religion, through new ways brings a more complicated situation than this. – It brings us a situation when one choice makes you lose control. The narrowing of these two gaps which are seen both with the right to work as well as the right to have a new inspiration under the order of labor, leads to the desire to see Marx, Calvin and Luther as the Reformers of the rule of social relationships under the right of religious morality.

The concept of adequate causation and Max Weber's comparative sociology of religion

Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, studied in isolation, shows mainly an elective affinity or an adequacy on the level of meaning between the Protestant ethic and the 'spirit' of capitalism. Here it is suggested that Weber's subsequent essays on 'The Economic Ethics of World Religions' are the result of his opinion that adequacy on the level of meaning needs and can be verified by causal adequacy. After some introductory remarks, particularly on elective affinity, the paper tries to develop the concept of adequate causation and the related concept of objective possibility on the basis of the work of v. Kries on whom Weber heavily relied. In the second part, this concept is used to show how the study of the economic ethics of India, China, Rome and orthodox Russia can support the thesis that the 'spirit' of capitalism, although it may not have been caused by the Protestant ethic, was perhaps adequately caused by it.

THE ECONOMIC ETHICS OF RUSSIAN-ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY: PART I

The paper, which follows Max Weber's `The Economic Ethics of World Religions' in form and spirit, tries to depict the motivations of economic activity in prerevolutionary Russia. This first part of the paper analyses, on the one hand, the patrimonial-bureaucratic Muscovite state with its system of liturgies and, on the other hand, the Russian-Orthodox Church which, in contrast to the Western development, became integrated in the patrimonial state, and finally the Russian-Orthodox religion which can be characterised by its three aspects as magical-traditional, ritual and mystical. It led to an attitude of world indifference rather than world domination and did not produce independent powers to break open the patrimonial state.