East Arms Research Articles

Dynamic analysis of geophysical characteristics of Una-Una Volcanic Island, Sulawesi, Indonesia

The Una-Una Volcanic Island is an active and isolated island, and its deep structure and dynamic causal mechanism have yet to be fully understood. The island is situated in Tomini Bay, between the north and east arms of Sulawesi Island in Indonesia. Around 5 Ma, the Sula Islands collided with the east arm of Sulawesi Island, which caused the subduction and retreat of the North Sulawesi Trench. Additionally, a sinistral strike-slip of roughly 4 cm/a initiated at the Palu-Koro fault on the western side of Sulawesi Island, ultimately leading to the formation of the isolated Una-Una Volcanic Island in Tomini Bay. Here, we utilized gravity, seismic, magnetic, and heat flow data to calculate the geophysical characteristics of three-dimensional temperature, velocity, and viscosity of the northern Sulawesi region. The results of our research showed that the crust in the northern region of Sulawesi Island is primarily characterized by brittle deformation. However, the presence of a southward-inclined weak layer in the crust, which resulted from the subduction of the North Sulawesi Trench, caused the region between the terrain and the Moho surface to exhibit a combination of brittle and ductile deformation. The weak zone in the crust in the northern region of Sulawesi Island is the primary controlling factor for the development of sinistral strike-slip. The uplift of the crustal weak area below the Una-Una Volcanic Island was caused by the southward subduction of the North Sulawesi Trench and the northward push of the Banggai-Sula microblock, ultimately leading to the formation of the Una-Una Volcanic Island in Tomini Bay.

Analysis of Key factors in Arms Export and Arms Export Strategy of Middle East Countries


 President Moon has visited to UAE as a National Visit in March, 2018 and express to support co-develop, co-produce and co-export to the third countries of weapon system. Therefore, the paper analyzes the recent arms market in the Middle East, as one of the three major arms export market to Korea, and present an arms export strategy to customize the Middle East countries.Concerning a recent 10 year arms export by region, the ratio of Middle East countries arms export was highly increased by 12%p(17%→29%). And arms acquisition budget in 5 years(2018∼22) will be over 130 billion dollars. UAE has a highly interested in missiles, warship building, surveilance system, RWCS etc after Summit meeting. Iraq has focus on his post war rebuilding to include relevant weapon system and facilities. Also, Saudi Arabia is necessary to fulfill his Saudization policy to enter his arms market.For expanding of Middle East arms market, it is necessary to provide customized defense industry total solution for the whole weapon system lifecycles, dispatch defense cooperation director, find out co-development program between Korea and Middle East countries, and diversify cooperation system in the near future.

VLBA imaging of the 3 mm SiO maser emission in the disk-wind from the massive protostellar system Orion Source I

We present the first images of the 28SiO v=1, J=2-1 maser emission around the closest known massive young stellar object Orion Source I observed at 86 GHz (3mm) with the VLBA. These images have high spatial (~0.3 mas) and spectral (~0.054 km/s) resolutions. We find that the 3mm masers lie in an X-shaped locus consisting of four arms, with blue-shifted emission in the south and east arms and red-shifted emission in the north and west arms. Comparisons with previous images of the 28SiO v=1,2, J=1-0 transitions at 7mm (observed in 2001-2002) show that the bulk of the J=2-1 transition emission follows the streamlines of the J=1-0 emission and exhibits an overall velocity gradient consistent with the gradient at 7mm. While there is spatial overlap between the 3mm and 7mm transitions, the 3mm emission, on average, lies at larger projected distances from Source I (~44 AU compared with ~35 AU for 7mm). The spatial overlap between the v=1, J=1-0 and J=2-1 transitions is suggestive of a range of temperatures and densities where physical conditions are favorable for both transitions of a same vibrational state. However, the observed spatial offset between the bulk of emission at 3mm and 7mm possibly indicates different ranges of temperatures and densities for optimal excitation of the masers. We discuss different maser pumping models that may explain the observed offset. We interpret the 3mm and 7mm masers as being part of a single wide-angle outflow arising from the surface of an edge-on disk rotating about a northeast-southwest axis, with a continuous velocity gradient indicative of differential rotation consistent with a Keplerian profile in a high-mass proto-binary.

The Impact of Iran Phobia on Arms Race in Persian Gulf After 2001

In the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, America's vital interest in the region was seriously challenged. Since this time, the project of Iran-phobia in various fields of military, political, economic, advertising and media, especially in the Western countries and America, was on the agenda and eventually led to the fear of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East. The main question of this research is that, what is the relation between Iran-phobia and Middle East arms purchases? The hypothesis of this paper is that instilling fear of Iran leads to obtain greater economic benefits for Western countries and America through the sale of weapons to countries in the Middle East. The present article is using new approach as a conceptual framework, and using descriptive and analytical method to evaluate the effect of Iran-phobia on the upward movement of weapons purchases in the Middle East.

Effects of mangroves and tidal flats on suspended‐sediment dynamics: Observational and numerical study of Darwin Harbour, Australia

AbstractThe suspended‐sediment dynamics in Darwin Harbour, Australia were investigated using field measurements and numerical modeling. The model suspended‐sediment concentration (SSC) agreed well with observation; the root‐mean‐square error was less than 0.02 kg m−3 and the anomaly correlation coefficient greater than 0.6. Model results indicate that the tide is the dominant forcing for suspended‐sediment transport: total sediment transport was seaward in the channel and landward at the East and Middle Arm entrances, dominated by the Eulerian residual current. Further numerical experiments indicate that mangroves and tidal flats play key roles in redistributing suspended sediment and affecting total sediment transport by modulating the tides and the tidal asymmetry. In Darwin Harbour, if these areas were reclaimed, there would be a significant transport of sediment into the inner harbor. However, the water in East Arm would be less turbid, with about 70% lower bottom SSC during spring tides. The landward sediment flux at its entrance would decrease by 99%, because of reduced currents in the Arm due to a weakened tidal choking effect. Tidal pumping would then dominate sediment transport in the channel and at the entrances of East and Middle Arms. Dredging for the East Arm Wharf affected the SSC upstream in East Arm. According to the model, material from dredging disposed of at a location outside the harbor will be transported back into the outer harbor, generating higher SSC values there. Although this study is site‐specific, the findings may be applicable to suspended‐sediment dynamics in other harbors and estuaries with extensive tidal flats and mangroves.

Arms control in the Middle East: cooperative security dialogue and regional constraints

Approaching Co-operative Security Dialogue Arms Control as a Process The Middle East Arms Control Dialogue The Process of Arguing: Effects of the Seminar Framework Arab Nationalism and Egypts Leadership Identity Egypts Role in the Arms Control Dialogue Bilateral Dynamics within the Multilateral Framework Conclusion Index.

Realism, Politics and Culture in Middle East Arms Control Negotiations

AbstractThe history of arms control efforts in the Middle East consists of numerous initiatives, but very limited results. From the first efforts to negotiate WMD limits and non-proliferation arrangements in the 1960s, through various regional initiatives, frameworks, proposals, discussions, and negotiations, the obstacles to agreement on mutual limitations remained dominant. Frequent discussions in the UN of a Middle East Nuclear Free Zone (MENWFZ), the multi-lateral Arms Control and Regional Security (ACRS) talks initiated during the 1991 Middle East Peace Conference, and the regional dimensions of global frameworks such as the NPT, CWC, and CTBT have all failed to produce results.Detailed analysis of these efforts highlights the impact of realist security-based factors, the structure and process of the interactions, as well as the cultural and domestic political dimensions. The existential conflicts, reflected in protracted territorial disputes and denials of legitimacy and compounded by a fundamental asymmetry, created a zero-sum framework in the region. The region is characterized by a great deal of instability and competition; this situation, in turn, contributed to the efforts to acquire WMD. In terms of domestic politics, the regional cooperation required for arms limitation is often inconsistent with the dominant articulated political interests and regime perspectives. In addition, misunderstandings and misperceptions frequently occur due to the complexities of cross-cultural communications in the Middle East. Numerous dialogues have not narrowed the gaps or transformed the zero-sum frameworks into cooperative ones. Hopes for the creation of successful regional mechanisms for limiting arms depend on overcoming the obstacles encountered in past efforts.

Israel and the Western Powers, 1952-1960

In this study, Zach Levey provides a comprehensive analysis of the development of Israel's foreign policy during the critical years of the 1950s, focusing particularly on relations between the Jewish state and the three Western powers involved in the Middle East arms race - the United States, Great Britain and France. Drawing extensively on recently declassified archival materials, Levey challenges traditional accounts of the nature and success of Israel's policy goals. By 1950 Israel's primary foreign policy objective was the creation of a bilateral strategic relationship with the United States. The country's leader failed to achieve that goal, though, even after the Suez-Sinai campaigns of 1956. According to Levey, it was this failure that motivated Israel to cultivate ties with the West's other leading powers, France and Britain. But cooperation with these countries was not the out-growth of a gradually developing strategic understanding with either one, he argues. Instead, Israel viewed its French and British connections only as temporary substitutes for the desired eventual arrangements with the United States.

Nuclear weapons and arms control in the Middle East

Nuclear arms control in the Middle East - why now? nuclear programs nuclear weapons in Israel's security policy Arab approaches to nuclear weapons the global agenda for nuclear arms control U.S. nuclear nonproliferation policies in the Middle East nuclear arms control - Arab policies nuclear arms control - Israel's policies is linkage to conventional arms control feasible? interim measures. Appendices: Israel's draft resolution proposing the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East, presented to the UN General Assembly, October 31, 1980 excerpts from the address of Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir to the UN General Assembly, June 7, 1988 Excerpts from the address of Egyptian Foreign Minister Ismat Abdel Meguid to the UN General Assembly, June 13, 1988 the 'Mubarak initiative' (letter from the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Egypt to the UN Secretary-General, April 16, 1990) excerpts from General Assembly resolution 45/52, 'establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East' December 4, 1990 excerpts from address by Itzhak Shamir, Prime Minister of Israel, to the American Enterprise Institute, December 12, 1990 excerperts from a release from the White House Office of the Press Secretary, Kennebunkport, Maine: 'fact sheet on Middle East arms control initiative,' Wednesday, May 29, 1991 excerpts from Israel's reply to the UN study on the 'establishment of a nuclear-weapons free zone in the region of the Middle East', October 22, 1991 President George Bush's nonproliferation initiative, July 13, 1992 excerpts from the address by the Foreign Minister of Israel, Mr. Shimon Peres, at the Signing ceremony of the chemical weapons convention, Paris January 13, 1993 excerpts from 'U.S. nonproliferation and export control policy', a White House fact sheet issued on the occasion of President Clinton's address to the UN General Assembly, September 27, 1993 draft 'statement on arms control and regional security', ACRS, Tunis, December 1994 resolution of the Middle East conference of the state parties to the treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, New York, May 11, 1995.

Middle East Security and Arms Control

Middle East Security and Arms Control

Middle east security and arms control

(1997). Middle East Security and Arms Control. Canadian Foreign Policy Journal: Vol. 5, No. 1, pp. 149-151.

The demise of the middle east arms race

The demise of the middle east arms race

The Middle East Arms Bazaar after the Gulf War

The Middle East Arms Bazaar after the Gulf War

Power transition in Northeast Asia: U.S.-China security perceptions and the challenges of systemic adjustment and stability

This article argues that the rise of China and the changing North-east Asian balance of power are creating the classical adjustment problems of Great Power international relations historically associated with power transitions and that three types of misperceptions across five important issues in the Sino-American security relationship are interfering with the prospects of achieving the systemic adjustments required for long-term stability. Power transition and the rise of China are seen as potentially undermining stability in four ways: (1) by generating security dilemmas and arms races, (2) by contributing to increased incidence of conflicting security interests, (3) by aggravating South china Sea maritime disputes, and (4) by undermining Chinese domestic stability in a manner which potentially results in a hostile regime that adopts an aggressive foreign policy coming to power at some point in the future. Systemic adjustment is defined as the process by which major powers peacefully reconcile their opposing interests and is viewed as being an essential feature of stability over the long term. The article argues that three types of misperceptions concerning: (1) salient issues, (2) security interests, and (3) the influence of domestic politics on foreign policy are manifesting themselves in misunderstandings of five security issues that are impeding the systemic adjustment process. These five issues are: (1) the nature of post-cold war Sino-American security relations and international politics, (2) the role of democracy and U.S. human rights in foreign policy, (3) the significance of China’s South China Sea policy, (4) Middle East diplomacy and arms sales, and (5) nuclear weapons and arms control policy. The article concludes with a discussion of policy implications that stresses the importance of consultation and dialogue to reduce misperceptions.

Middle East arms control and regional security

(1994). Middle East arms control and regional security. Survival: Vol. 36, No. 1, pp. 126-141.

The control of the Middle East arms race

The war in the Gulf has highlighted the dangers of the Middle East arms race and raised arms control to the top of the US policy agenda. This book explains the geographic vulnerability of the countries in the region and their dependence on military force for security. This raises a difficult political question since Washington has many friends in the region to whom it has traditionally supplied arms. The author explains that an arms control policy connot be separated from the important goal of establishing regional stability and is a necessary part of any dialogues for peace.

The economics of arms transfers: The Saudi AWACS sale and the Israeli LAVI fighter

Abstract The Reagan Administration made a dramatic change in U.S. arms transfer policy early in 1981 which resulted in the viewpoint that conventional arms transfers would become an essential element of U. S. global defense posture and a key element of U.S. foreign policy. The Saudi AWACS sale in 1981 and the formal go‐ahead for the Israeli LAVI fighter in early 1982 were the immediate beneficiaries of this arms transfer policy change. Both of these Middle East arms transfer issues had major economic implications for the U.S. economy, including the maintenance of the U.S. defense industrial base, international trade balance issues, and technology transfer.

The Control of the Middle East Arms Race

The Control of the Middle East Arms Race

Dangerous new twists in the Middle East's arms race spiral

Dangerous new twists in the Middle East's arms race spiral

Origins of the 1950 tripartite declaration on the Middle East

In view of the fact that Acheson, perhaps more than anyone else, was the moving spirit behind the Declaration, it is somewhat surprising that he fails to recall the considerations which underlay its formulation. Perhaps the blatant failure of the Declaration in 1956 when the United States lined up with the Soviet Union to condemn its European allies prompted Acheson to disclaim any undue measure of responsibility for the document.3 However, the newly opened archival sources in London and Washington provide fresh insight into the critical elements which entered into the making of this historic document. The archival papers reveal a divergency of motive which goes far to explain why the Declaration never emerged as an effective instrument for restraining the tempests of war in the Middle East.. The starting point for tracing the origins of the Tripartite Declaration is Israel's growing concern in mid-1949 over the emergence of a Middle East arms race. In the early part of the year Israel and the Arab states had concluded armistice agreements which put an end to the 1948 conflict.4 However, to Israel's chagrin, these agreements were not, as was widely expected, harbingers of peace. In fact, voices were increasingly heard in Arab capitals calling for a 'second round' of fighting to eliminate the Jewish state. Arab governments seemed bent on obtaining mass quantities of arms which, given their offensive nature and number, could not be intended for any purpose other than a new military campaign against the state of Israel.5 Despite the ominous sounds emanating from Arab capitals, the United Nations acting-Mediator, Ralph Bunche, recommended to the Security Council on 21 July 1949 that, with the conclusion of the armistice agreements, the role of mediator be terminated6 and the restrictions imposed on the parties by Security Council resolutions be removed. Those resolutions included a prohibition on the import of arms. Already on 10 June, fully a month earlier, the Egyptian government had turned to the United States with a request for arms.7 On 25 July the request was repeated,8 and five days later Syria submitted its own shopping list of weapons.9 Throughout 1948, the year of Israel's struggle for independence, the