Eastern Policy Research Articles

Chinese Eastern Railway in 1920s: Perspectives from ‘Izvestia’ Newspaper

This article explores the history of the Chinese Eastern Railway, which spans over 120 years and has significantly influenced the development of Northeast China. The focus of this study is on materials from Soviet press outlets in the 1920s that address Soviet-Chinese relations surrounding the railway. It is noted that following the October Revolution of 1917, the railway became a central point of interaction between Russia and China. The Soviet leadership aimed to establish friendly and equal relations with China while simultaneously seeking to bring the railway’s exclusion zone under Bolshevik control. The objective of this article is to trace how events related to the Chinese Eastern Railway were reported during the transitional period of the 1920s by one of the most authoritative domestic publications — ‘Izvestia’, which has been published since March 1917 and became the official organ of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR after the October Revolution. Through analysis, the article reveals the significant role of ‘Izvestia’ in shaping public perceptions of Soviet-Chinese relations during this period and in conveying Soviet Russia’s Far Eastern policy as a whole.

Poland’s Eastern Policy: Promethean Traditions and Contemporary Challenges within the Visegrad Group

Poland’s Eastern Policy: Promethean Traditions and Contemporary Challenges within the Visegrad Group

A Few Notes on Józef Piłsudski and the Treaty of Riga

Historical literature oflen suggests that Józef Piłsudski, the Commander-in-Chief, won the war with Soviet Russia, but lost the peace. He lost in many respects: he lost his Polish eastern policy, which ended in failure; he lost to the Sejm and politicians who were pushing for an armistice with the Bolsheviks and who took the matters of peace in Riga into their own hands. These politicians were also asked: did nothing in Riga actually depend on Piłsudski? What did he know about the pending talks, did he try to influence them somehow behind the scenes? Did he see any alternative to the decisions being made in the Latvian capital? And finally – how did he remark on and evaluate the provisions of the Riga peace? The purpose of this article is to analyze all these narratives, bring out their main themes and re-examine them. The main conclusion is that Piłsudski’s defeat in Riga was also a defeat for Poland: of its attempt to achieve independence as a superpower between Germany and Russia. The failure of Piłsudski’s eastern policy, of which Riga may be a symbol, determined not only further Polish–Soviet relations, but the fate of Poland in general in the interwar two decades, a fact of which Piłsudski was well aware.

“Olen su sõbra sõber ja su vaenlase vaenlane” – Vene riigi ja Krimmi khaaniriigi diplomaatilised suhted Ivan Julma valitsemisajal

The Russo-Turkish stand-off, which began under Ivan IV the Terrible, was largely motivated by the rising imperialism and ambitions of Muscovy, which the no less ambitious Ottoman sultans, who in turn were expanding their Ottoman Empire, wished to oppose in order to maintain and extend their influence also in the Black Sea, Caspian regions and the Caucasus, where Russian troops were slowly ‘infiltrating’ and to which Moscow’s foreign policy was also increasingly turning its attention. Tsar Ivan IV conquered and destroyed all the Tatar states (including Astrakhan, Kazan, the Siberian Khanate, the Nogai Horde), with the exception of Moscow, which was increasingly subjected to the Russian occupation. Although he eventually achieved military supremacy over Crimea, Ivan IV was unable to subdue Crimean Khanate. In order for Crimea to survive, the Crimean Khan had to accept in the 1580s that Crimea, already formally a vassal of the Ottomans since 1474/1475, would become even more dependent on the Ottoman Empire. This article examines Ivan the Terrible’s eastern policy ambitions, as well as Muscovy’s relations with the khanates, especially the Khan of Crimea, and the diplomatic correspondence between the rulers (the Khan of Crimea and Ivan IV). In addition to excerpts from the letters of the various khans and the Russian tsar’s replies, we present commented translation into Estonian of a letter of 1572 from the Crimean khan Devlet-Girei to Ivan the Terrible, about a year after his raid on Moscow and just after the Battle of Molodi in the summer of 1572. More recently, the history of Russo-Tatar-Turkish relations has shown that the existence of the Crimean Khanate in the 17th and 18th centuries depended to a large extent on the support of the Turkish Sultan, and that eventually, after a series of Russo-Turkish wars (often involving Crimea), the Russian Empire absorbed the Crimean Khanate. Admittedly, this took place 200 years after the death of Ivan IV, in 1783, when the Russian Empire was ruled by Catherine II. However, it was Ivan IV who laid the foundations for the conquest of the Tatar lands, and this was only the first episode in a series of Russian-Turkish wars and the Russian-Turkish confrontation, which in fact continues to some extent to this day.

Иран на пути к региональной интеграции: политические и экономические аспекты взаимоотношений с государствами-членами ШОС

The article examines Iran’s relationship with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), analyses the process of establishing cooperation with the member states of this organization, primarily Russia and China, in the field of regional security, as well as the political and economic spheres. The history of Iran’s inclusion in the SCO, the dynamics of cooperation, as well as the impact of this interaction on regional and world politics are explored. The focus is on joint projects, diplomatic, trade and economic relations, as well as potential challenges and prospects for cooperation between Iran and the SCO. The work notes that Iran’s desire for full membership in this organization was reinforced by the confrontation with the leading Western powers led by the United States and fit into the framework of Eastern policy with the prospect of an alliance with Russia and China. It is emphasized that due to opposition to Iran’s desire to strengthen its independence and sovereignty, Western powers prevented its inclusion in the regional or international security architecture. Under these conditions, Iran has intensified its efforts in search of its place in the international security system, relying on the idea of national identity and drawing closer to Russia and China. It is noted that the negative consequences of sanctions, threats of military intervention, cyber warfare and attempts to destabilize the Islamic regime were the main methods of Western policy towards Iran. Based on this, accession to the SCO was considered by the Iranian leadership as the most important task to neutralize Western sanctions and become one of the leaders in the regional security system.

Military shipbuilding in the Volga region (XVIII-early XX centuries) in Russian historiography

The article is devoted to the problem of the emergence and development of the industrial base of military shipbuilding in pre-revolutionary Russia in the Volga region. Its purpose is to analyze the work of domestic researchers on this problem, to identify on this basis the features of the shipbuilding industry in the region, to create a complete picture of its formation and development. The study was conducted within the framework of the individual periods proposed by the author, the grounds for which were both fluctuations in Russia's foreign policy in the Caspian Sea region and changes in the technical and technological aspects of shipbuilding itself. Special attention is paid to the emergence and activities of two major centers of Volga shipbuilding – the admiralty in Kazan and Astrakhan, attention is paid to the development of their production infrastructure, as well as their personnel and logistical support. The research uses both general philosophical methods of analysis and ascent from the concrete to the abstract, as well as special historical methods: chronological, periodization and comparative historical. It is revealed that organized state military shipbuilding in the Volga region arose both to implement the goals of Russia's eastern policy and to meet the needs for shipbuilding materials of the fleet being built on the Baltic Sea. The limited foreign policy goals in the Caspian Sea region predetermined the specific appearance of the shipbuilding industry formed in the Volga region. The conclusion is made about the commensurate development of the shipbuilding base in the Volga region to the level of threats to Russia's national security that existed in the Caspian Sea region during the period under study. It is emphasized that a specific feature of the shipbuilding industry's production and logistics infrastructure in the Volga region was its focus on providing strategic materials to other shipbuilding centers in Russia, primarily those working in the interests of the Baltic Fleet. The problems and issues of the history of military shipbuilding in the Volga region that require further study are shown.

The Kurdish factor in Saudi Arabia's Middle Eastern policy: an analysis in the context of relations with Iraq and Iran

The subject of the study is the complex relationship between Saudi Arabia's Middle East policy and the Kurdish question. It includes an examination of Saudi Arabia's attitudes, strategies and actions towards Kurdish groups in the region, as well as the factors influencing its approach to this issue. The object of the study, is Saudi Arabia's Middle East policy, that is, it is an analysis of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy objectives, priorities and interests in the Middle East region, with a particular focus on how the Kurdish factor influences or intersects with this policy. This includes an examination of Saudi Arabia's diplomatic relations, security concerns and strategic calculations towards Iraq and Iran, as well as its broader regional ambitions. By analyzing the Kurdish factor, the authors offer an interdisciplinary understanding that bridges the fields of political science, international relations, Middle East studies and Kurdish studies. This interdisciplinary approach allows for a fuller understanding of the complexities surrounding the Kurdish question and its implications for regional dynamics. The article presents a historical analysis of Saudi Arabia's engagement with Kurdish groups in the region, shedding light on past policies, alliances and conflicts. By contextualizing current events within a historical framework, the article offers valuable insights into the evolution of Saudi Arabia's approach to the Kurdish factor. Moreover, the article is able to assess the political implications of Saudi Arabia's approach to the Kurdish factor on regional stability, security and diplomatic relations. By assessing the potential consequences of various policy decisions, the article provides valuable insights into effective strategies for managing the Kurdish issue within the broader framework of Middle East politics.

Реакция США на советско-западногерманские переговоры в рамках подготовки и подписания Московского договора 1970 г.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the reaction of the US government to the negotiations between the USSR and the FRG within the framework of the Moscow Treaty of 1970. The article pays particular attention to the assessments and opinions of the US administration on this issue, as well as analyzes the direct interaction between the two countries in the context of the discussion of the Moscow Treaty and the "new Eastern policy" of the FRG. For several years, the FRG has been able to develop and coordinate a new foreign policy strategy that takes into account the interests and correlates with all the main actors in the system of international relations. To achieve this goal, the author conducted an analysis of various sources, including memoranda, telegrams, correspondence and records of negotiations published in the collection "Foreign Relations of the United States," especially in the volume devoted to policy towards the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, the author studied the memoirs of Richard Nixon's national security adviser Henry Kissinger and the memoirs of the Federal Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany Willy Brandt. In Russian historiography, the negotiations between the FRG and the USSR, as well as the signing of the Moscow Treaty, were studied mainly in the context of the Soviet delegation's strategy and the goals of the FRG. However, the author has approached this topic from the other side, taking into account the American view on these events. Analysis of the documents shows that Bonn demonstrated the ability to make independent decisions in the field of foreign policy, which raised doubts about the extent of the US influence on Western Europe. However, the negotiating process between the Soviet Union and West German diplomats aroused distrust among Washington's representatives, which indicates the difficulty of establishing trusting relations between the countries. The author's conclusion is that the negotiations within the framework of the Moscow Treaty of 1970 between the FRG and the USSR played an important role in the development of international relations during the policy of détente. The signed agreement contributed to the improvement of relations between the two states and the reduction of tension on the European continent. The FRG needed to constantly consult with its main ally, the United States of America. However, such actions aroused distrust among the representatives of the United States, which indicates the complexity that has arisen in American-West German relations. Studying the specifics of the American reaction is important for understanding the strategy and priorities of the US government, as well as the various factors that influenced the decision-making process of the White House administration.

Political and economic aspects of Iran's relations with Central Asian countries

Central Asia holds economic and political significance for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Their cooperation has great potential for both sides. However, Iran's practical role in economic and political relations within the region remains limited. Currently, Iran does not have a significant position among the top ten economic partners of regional countries. Iran’s foreign trade with Central Asia is less than 2% of Iran’s total foreign trade. The most important reasons for this are the lack of priority given to economic development domestically, resulting in Iran's weakness in investment, technology, and the private sector, the lack of diplomatic priority for the region, and sanctions limiting Iran. Some developments in recent years have given hope for the expansion of cooperation between Iran and Central Asian countries. In this regard, we can refer to the preferential trade agreement between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union from 2019, the free trade agreement from 2023, Iran's membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization from 2022, the neighborhood policy and the eastern policy of the new government from 2021. All these economic and political communications have been leading to an increase in development of relationships between Iran and Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Although bilateral relations between Iran and Kyrgyzstan are not particularly dynamic, but relations between Iran and Uzbekistan are the most complex in the region among the CA countries. All in all, Iran and Central Asian countries have taken important steps towards each other in order to have political stability and economic development over the last decade. Thus, Tehran has enormous potential for cooperation with the post-Soviet countries of Central Asia, but its implementation is closely connected with the geopolitical situation around Iran.

The middle Eastern policy of Yugoslavia at the end of 1973 and during the first half of 1974

The middle Eastern policy of Yugoslavia at the end of 1973 and during the first half of 1974

Yomkippur War from the Perspective of Czechoslovak Diplomacy

This study presents the perspective of Czechoslovak diplomacy on the events of the Yom Kippur War (1973) in the context Czechoslovak foreign policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict in early 1970s. The research is based on so far rather underexplored archival sources. Despite Czechoslovakia's declared unequivocal support for the Arab side of the conflict, Czechoslovak Middle Eastern policy since the mid-1950s was not entirely unconditional in relation to the Arab countries. Internal documents of Czechoslovak government occasionally revealed criticisms of Arab representatives. The Yom Kippur War represented a significant moment in this regard, as it was a military confrontation initiated not by Israel but by the Arab coalition, posing a challenge for Czechoslovak propaganda. Simultaneously, this armed conflict presented an opportunity for Communist Czechoslovakia to further deepen its relations with its Arab allies.

Wokół układu Piłsudski-Petlura. Porozumienie w świetle publikacji wybranych tytułów polskiej prasy codziennej

The present study analyzes the reaction of the subjectively selected titles of the daily Polish press to the signing of the Pilsudski-Petlura agreement. The article examines the consequences of the pact for the concerned parties and the significance of the treaty for the formation of the relations between the Second Polish Republic and Bolshevik Russia, and thus for the Polish government’s Eastern policy. The article also explores the extent of the publicists’ knowledge of the course of the talks between Poland and the Ukrainian People’s Republic.

Failure, crisis, or renewal? The Eastern policy of the European Union and the war in Ukraine

This paper’s objective is to study the impact of the war in Ukraine on the Eastern policy of the European Union. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to highlight this policy’s position in the overall international activity of the EU, as well as its characteristic features, main goals, instruments, and two components: the strategic partnership with Russia and the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The substantive part of the paper contains an analysis which, taking into account the implications of the war in Ukraine, is intended to justify three research hypotheses. They concern: the complete failure of the strategic partnership with Russia, then the serious crisis of the EaP and, finally, the possibility of achieving success in the Eastern policy in the form of Ukraine’s accession to the EU. As indicated in the conclusion, this would provide the European Union with a permanently strong position in Eastern Europe.

«Новая восточная политика» Вилли Брандта и бундесвер в 1969–1974 годы

The article based on archival and published materials analyses the attitude of the members of the higher and lower structures of the Bundeswehr to the “new eastern policy” of Chancellor Willy Brandt and the influence of the latter on the development of the armed forces of West Germany in 1969–1974. It is demonstrated that privates and junior officers supported the foreign policy course of W. Brandt on detente in relations with the socialist bloc. At the same time it is shown that the high command of the Bundeswehr emphasized loyalty to the North Atlantic Alliance in their documents and used the principles of the “new eastern policy” to strengthen the positions of the Federal Republic of Germany in NATO.

Intransigent anti-communism and/or pragmatic diplomacy? Pius XII’s Eastern policy between world war and cold war

In an investigation involving Vatican sources that have recently been opened for research, the paper reassesses the story of the actual or alleged Vatican-Soviet attempts at rapprochement initiated during and after World War II with the aim to explore the considerations that shaped Vatican eastern policy at the end of the war. Ont he basis of a closer examination of the Orlemanski mission in the spring of 1944, the Flynn mission in March 1945, and the negotiations initiated in 1946 through Hungarian Jesuits it argues that despite Moscow’s brief apparent display of willingness to cooperate at the end of the war, the failure of actual attempts at rapprochement was primarily due to the Kremlin’s lack of interest. By contrast, the Vatican was truly open to dialogue, given the right conditions. Consequently, Pius XII’s Eastern policy is to be interpreted through the paradigm not of intransigence but traditional Vatican concordat policy. The term Ostpolitik, however, unless used with some distinguishing qualification, seems inappropriate to Pius xii’s stance on Eastern policy. Despite the similarities with the Vatican Ostpolitik of the 1960s, a close comparison shows up several basic differences.

The Far East in Russian foreign policy according to “Memoirs” by S.Yu. Witte

The article is devoted to the analysis of “Memoirs” by S.Yu. Witte in the context of the study of the Far Eastern policy of the Russian Empire and contradictions between Russia and Japan, which had been growing only to cause the war of 1904-1905. S.Yu. Witte was a member of the political elite of Russia in the late 19th and the early 20th centuries and, as Minister of Finance and Chairman of the Committee of Ministers, he was involved in critical decisions on domestic and foreign policy matters. Witte's memoirs reflected his meetings with the Russian and German emperors, Japanese and Chinese statesmen, members of the imperial family, and ministers for the Russian Far East. This information is of great value, containing numerous details, lengthy descriptions and personal observations related to the penetration of Russia into China and the acquisition of new bases for the Pacific Navy. The reverse side of the memoirs is their subjectivity and the author's desire in a special way to emphasise his own historical correctness, despite the erroneous opinions and short-sightedness of Emperor Nicholas II and his ministers. S.Yu. Witte repeatedly reproached the political elite for inconsistency in actions, unwillingness to comply with the obligations assumed, and underestimation of the enemy. All these miscalculations had catastrophic consequences in the form of Russia's defeat by the Japanese and the attempted Revolution of 1905-1907.

Książę Adam Jerzy Czartoryski i jego stronnicy w świetle historiografii ukraińskiej

Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski and his political camp in the light of Ukrainian historiography In 1937, the Warsaw historian Marceli Handelsman published a work entitled Ukraińska polityka ks. Adama Czartoryskiego przed wojną krymską [Ukrainian politics of Prince Adam Czartoryski before the Crimean War]. So far, this book has been used by historians as the primary source of information on the Ukrainian issue in the views of the Hotel Lambert’s leader. The author of this text has decided to collect Ukrainian works referring to the topic inaugurated by Handelsman. Unfortunately, no larger study has been prepared on the Ukrainian side. However, a number of articles and encyclopaedic notes showing Prince Adam and his Eastern policy (especially during his stay at the court of Tsar Alexander I Romanov) has been published. Ukrainian authors paid much more attention to Czartoryski’s associates, who tried to put his ideas into practice. Ukrainian researchers wrote mainly about Michał Czaykowski (Sadyk Pasha) organizing the Cossack troops in the Ottoman Empire, about Hipolit Terlecki striving for the union of the Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches, and finally about the ethnographer and writer Franciszek Duchiński clearly separating Ukraine from Russia in his writings.

The Role of the Polemon Kingdom in the Eastern Policy of the Roman Empire

Antik çağda Pontos Bölgesi, doğuda Kafkas Coğrafyası ile batıda Anadolu’yu birbirine bağlayan stratejik bir noktada yer alır. Tarihsel süreçte bölge, bulunduğu stratejik konumdan ötürü askerî ve siyasi alanda oldukça hareketli bir coğrafya olmuştur. Hellenistik Dönem’de Mithradates Krallığı’nın merkezinde yer alan bu coğrafya, Roma hâkimiyeti döneminde imparatorluğun doğuda yürüttüğü askerî faaliyetlerde ikmal üssü, hatta ileri bir garnizon görevi üstlenmiştir. Öyle ki Roma, kendisi için stratejik önem arz eden Pontos Bölgesi’ni coğrafi konumu, dağlık yapısı ve Roma hâkimiyet sahasına olan uzaklığından dolayı genellikle vassal krallıklarla yönetme yoluna gitmiştir. Roma’nın Pontos Bölgesi’nin yönetimini verdiği bu vassal krallıların başında ise Polemon Krallığı gelmektedir. Bu krallığın hanedanı üyeleri yaklaşık bir asır Pontos Bölgesi’ni Roma’ya bağlı bir krallık olarak yönetmiştir. Bu yönetim süresince krallık bölgede istikrarlı bir politika sürdürmüş, bu başarılarından dolayı da dönem dönem Roma tarafından yeni topraklarla ödüllendirilmiştir. Hanedanın son üyesi II. Polemon döneminde krallığın sınırları Pontos’dan başlayarak kuzeyde Bopsoros toprakları güneyde ise Armenia Minor’a kadar uzanmıştır. Polmeon Krallığı’nın bu bölgedeki başlıca görevi bir taraftan Roma hâkimiyetini bölgede tesis etmek iken, diğer taraftan Roma’nın doğu seferlerinde Roma ordularına ikmal ve asker desteğinde bulunmaktı. Bu çalışmada Polomon Krallığı’nın Pontos Bölgesi’ndeki faaliyetleri, krallığın Roma’nın doğu politikasında oynadığı rolü ve bölgenin Polemon Krallığı’nın güçlenmesindeki stratejik önemi incelenecektir.

Cilician Armenia in the Eastern Policy of Byzantium during the Rule of the Komnenoi

Cilician Armenia in the Eastern Policy of Byzantium during the Rule of the Komnenoi

The United States of America in the Four Power Agreement on Berlin (1971)

The article describes the role of the United States in the Quadripartite Agreement on the issue of West Berlin signed by France, the USA, the UK, and the USSR in 1971. American participation in the negotiations consisted of two stages: passive interaction and intense activity. The author believes that Washington faced internal and external obstacles that affected the dynamics of the US involvement in the negotiations. The Federal Republic of Germany pursued its own "new eastern policy", which complicated the diplomatic maneuvers of the United States on the status of West Berlin. However, it was President Kissinger who helped to smooth the contradiction between the USA, as well as to find a compromise with the USSR, thus solving the West Berlin problem. The Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin was an important step in the emerging détente between the two superpowers.