Eastern Partnership Programme Research Articles

Barreiers and opportunities of the Republic of Moldova as a future member of the European Union

Introduction. The article explores the challenges and prospects faced by the Republic of Moldova in its ambitions to become a member of the European Union. Moldova’s geopolitical location, situated between EU member states and Ukraine, makes it a significant participant in the Eastern Partnership program. The main barriers hindering Moldova’s path to EU membership, such as political instability, corruption, and economic disparities, have been analyzed. The impact of the Transnistria conflict on the country’s European integration ambitions has also been studied. Potential opportunities and advantages Moldova possesses, such as commitments to democratic reforms and association agreements with the EU, have been examined. The continuous support from the EU towards Moldova’s European integration through financial assistance and cooperation in political matters has been highlighted. A roadmap for realizing Moldova’s European ambitions has been proposed, and the consequences of its potential future membership in the European Union have been revealed.
 Purpose. The aim of the article is to analyze the economic, political, and geopolitical issues influencing the Eurointegration processes in the Republic of Moldova, particularly its status as a candidate for European Union membership.
 Methods. To achieve the stated goal of the article, several specialized research methods were employed, including analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, abstraction and concretization, systematization, and elements of comparative analysis. The methodological foundation for the research included national normative legal acts of the EU member states and the Republic of Moldova, as well as joint documents regulating integration processes. Additionally, scholarly works of domestic and foreign researchers, statistical reports, and other sources of information were utilized. This comprehensive approach facilitated a profound analysis and substantiation of conclusions regarding Moldova’s Eurointegration prospects and the necessity for implementing reforms to ensure successful membership in the European Union.
 Conclusions. The Republic of Moldova faces significant barriers, such as political instability, impeding the adoption of long-term reforms; widespread corruption affecting the business climate and investment potential; and economic disparities hindering regional development. Several promising opportunities for Moldova were identified during the research. These include commitments to democratic reforms and cooperation with the European Union. The conclusion was drawn that successful EU membership would grant Moldova substantial benefits, such as enhanced economic development, foreign investment attraction, access to the European market, and the promotion of contemporary standards across various sectors. The importance of implementing necessary reforms and changes to achieve Moldova’s Eurointegration goals and EU support in this process were emphasized.
 Discussion. The research findings indicate that the Republic of Moldova encounters internal and external barriers complicating its path to becoming a future member of the European Union. Political instability, corruption, and economic disparities remain significant obstacles to European integration. However, Moldova possesses the potential and opportunities for reforms and cooperation with the EU, increasing its chances of obtaining membership. EU support and commitment to democracy and European standards open doors to realizing potential advantages of EU membership. To succeed in Eurointegration processes, Moldova must continue implementing reforms and maintaining cooperation with the EU.

Trade and economic cooperation between the EU and post-Soviet states in the context of the Eastern Partnership program: the case of Azerbaijan and Georgia

The Eastern Partnership (EAP) program of the European Union is one of the key instruments of the EU's foreign policy for building relations with six post-Soviet states of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus, namely Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. This initiative contributes to the intensification of political, trade and economic ties between the Union and the above-mentioned countries. In this regard, for a more in-depth analysis of the dynamics of relations between the EU and the member states of the Eastern Partnership, both at the bilateral and multilateral levels, it seems necessary to conduct a study. Subject of research: trade and economic cooperation between the EU and post-Soviet states in the context of the Eastern Partnership program: the case of Azerbaijan and Georgia. The object of the study: the foreign economic policy of the European Union in the eastern direction in the XXI century. The purpose of the study is to identify the consequences of the foreign economic policy of the European Union within the framework of the Eastern Partnership on the economies of Azerbaijan and Georgia, taking into account their interaction with the Russian Federation.The relevance of this work is due to the close trade and economic cooperation and interaction of the post-Soviet states of the South Caucasus of Azerbaijan and Georgia with the European Union and the Russian Federation at the present stage. The scientific novelty of the work is explained by the fact that Russian historiography has not yet sufficiently studied the latest trends related to the EU Eastern Partnership program against the background of the current geopolitical situation in the world. If the ultimate goal of the Eastern Partnership program is transformed into EU membership, this region will turn into a zone of rivalry between the EU and the Russian Federation, which will create not only economic, but also political risks for the participating countries.

УЧАСТЬ ЄС У ВРЕГУЛЮВАННІ ВІРМЕНО-АЗЕРБАЙДЖАНСЬКОГО КОНФЛІКТУ ЗА НАГІРНО-КАРАБАСЬКИЙ РЕГІОН

The article highlights the reasons for the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The position of the European Union regarding this conflict is analyzed. It has been found that since the beginning of the conflict, the European Union has not actively participated in its settlement and its policy has been weak. The EU has often expressed its support for the negotiation process under the auspices of the OSCE Minsk Group. The change in the attitude of the EU to this conflict after the introduction of the Eastern Partnership program, which included both Armenia and Azerbaijan, is characterized. An assessment of the consideration of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict at the Eastern Partnership summits is given, namely, at the Eastern Partnership Summit in 2021, the EU’s attitude to the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict is changing, the EU’s participation in the peaceful settlement of the conflict is increasing. The importance of the created initiative «European Political Community» in the negotiation process regarding the settlement of this conflict was considered. In the course of the study, it was concluded that from 2021, the European Union will become an active participant in the negotiation process regarding the settlement of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the EU is further strengthening its mediation in the negotiation process. At the current stage, three rounds of negotiations between the parties to the conflict took place with the mediation of the EU, thus, the European Union is trying to reduce the influence of Russia in the (not) settlement of the conflict. In turn, from 2022, Armenia is also interested in greater influence of the EU in the negotiation process and at her request; the civilian mission of the European Union in Armenia – EUMA Armenia – was created. Through its presence, EUMA Armenia contributes to the security of people in conflict-affected areas of Armenia and makes an impact on the strengthening of trust on the ground. The country also contributes to the creation of an environment favorable to the normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan with EU support.

ON THE INTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 5

The article analyzes the cooperation of three pan-European political organizations – the Party of the European Left (PEL), the European Free Alliance (EFA) and the European Christian Political Movement (ECPD) – with their partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine). All these European parties, since 2014, have sought to establish cooperation with ideologically close parties from these countries and even accepted them into their ranks as full members. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections, interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of electoral and ruling coalitions were studied. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro-European choice, as well as press releases and statements by the leaders of the PEL, the EFA and the ECPM, concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership, are given. It is shown that all three European parties supported this program and their partners, regardless of their electoral results. It is noted that in Belarus and Moldova, the local PEL member parties, and in Ukraine, the ECPM member party initially achieved good results in national and local elections, but in recent years most of them have found themselves on the political periphery. The reasons for this phenomenon vary from country to country. Nevertheless, European leftists, Regionalists and Christian Democrats are confident that as the situation stabilizes, issues of social justice, strengthening sovereignty and preserving traditional values will return to the political agenda and become in demand again. It was noted that two more European parties, Identity and Democracy and the European Democratic Party, which have official registration in the EU, currently have no ties with parties from the Eastern Partnership member countries.

НОРМАТИВНО-ПРАВОВЕ ЗАБЕЗПЕЧЕННЯ СПІВРОБІТНИЦТВА ТЕРИТОРІАЛЬНИХ ГРОМАД УКРАЇНИ: ГЛОБАЛЬНИЙ ВИМІР

The study reveals the relevance of the development of cooperation between territorial communities. The purpose of the study The purpose of the study is to generalize the legal framework for the development of cooperation of territorial communities in Ukraine and abroad.
 The normative-legal provision of cooperation of territorial communities, the system of which is formed by international documents (ratified, recommendatory), state normative-legal acts (constitution, profile legislation, international agreements), regional normative-legal acts (agreements of regional development, interregional cooperation, strategies), is analyzed. programs), local documents (statutes, agreements, strategies, programs, decisions).
 The provisions of the European Charter of Local Self-Government regarding the right of local self-government bodies to freedom of association are analyzed. Given Ukraine's European integration priority, the provisions of the Association Agreement with the EU in terms of opportunities for interregional and cross-border cooperation, as well as the Eastern Partnership Program are revealed.
 The provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine in the context of administrative principles of development of territorial communities are highlighted. The basic laws that laid the legal foundations for the development of territorial communities in Ukraine in a certain chronology are indicated. Attention is drawn to the need to improve the legal regulation of cooperation at the regional and local levels, as the national legal dimension currently forms favorable conditions for inter-territorial cooperation. Territorial communities and their local governments face the task of using these opportunities, actively participating in decentralization processes.
 The applied significance of the research results is to identify ways, forms, stages and areas of cooperation of territorial communities in Ukraine.
 The scientific novelty of the research results lies in the further development of the tools of state policy to ensure local development by improving the mechanisms of cooperation between territorial.

ON THE INNTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 4

The article analyzes the cooperation of one of the leading pan–European political organizations – the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists (AECR) – with its partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova). Since 2014, European conservatives and reformists have sought to establish partnerships with the conservative parties of these countries and even accepted them into their ranks as full members. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections, interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of electoral and ruling coalitions were studied. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro-European choice, as well as press releases and statements by the leaders of the AECR concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership, are given. It is shown that the AECR actively supported this program and its partners, regardless of their electoral results. It was noted that in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia and Moldova, local AECR member parties initially achieved good results in elections, including in national parliaments, but in recent years some of them have found themselves on the political periphery. The reasons for this phenomenon vary from country to country. Nevertheless, European conservatives and reformists are confident that as the situation stabilizes, the issues of strengthening sovereignty and preserving traditional values will return to the political agenda and become in demand again.

Foreign policy activities of the Visegrad Group in the period 2004-2014

The subject of the study is the historical conditions in which the process of designing and implementing the Eastern Partnership program began, which became the only significant foreign policy initiative of the Visegrad Four. The role of Poland, which positioned itself as a link between the EU and part of the post-Soviet space, is considered. The plans of France, Bulgaria and Romania in 2003-2004 for a number of post-Soviet countries, reflecting the ambitions of Paris, Sofia and Bucharest in the Black Sea and Mediterranean region, are presented. But under pressure from the European Commission, these initiatives were not further developed, and a decision was made to implement the Eastern Partnership project. The development tools used by V4 for the implementation of the Eastern Partnership project, due to the limited resource base of the Quartet countries, are considered. The criticism of the Eastern Partnership project is being studied, due to the lack of a common understanding among EU members of what prospects the new project can offer to "partner countries". The novelty of the scientific research in the framework of this article is expressed in the analysis of the "energy crises" and the change in the EU's approaches to the post-Soviet space in the late 2000s, which became the basis for the development and implementation by the Visegrad Group in 2004-2014 of the Eastern Partnership program. In this program, the "four" countries played the role of curators and a link between the EU and the post-Soviet space. The implementation of the project allowed V4 to gain political weight within the European Union. When developing relations with the "partner countries", the Visegrad Group tried to make maximum use of all available mechanisms and tools (for example, the potential and experience of implementing joint projects within the framework of the International Visegrad Foundation). At the same time, our own capabilities and resources (coupled with the ambiguous perception of the Eastern Partnership in the EU) did not allow us to fully implement all the stated strategic goals, which seriously affected the effectiveness of the project and the results obtained.

European Union Policy in the South Caucasus after the Karabakh War of 2020

The article focuses on the transformation of the European Union’s policy in the South Caucasus after the NagornoKarabakh war of 2020. Before the war, the foreign and security policy in the region had depended on the OSCE Minsk Group, Georgia’s role in the Russian-Georgian confrontation, and the Eastern Partnership program for the South Caucasus. After Azerbaijan won the Nagorno-Karabakh war with Turkey’s support, the previous line of policy stopped being effective. It failed to unite the countries of the South Caucasus, to remove the Russian Federation from the region, and to make the European Union a real mediator in the conflict zone. The democratization of the local political regimes also failed, despite the proEuropean position of Georgia and the velvet revolution in Armenia. As a result of the Armenian-Azerbaijani war of 2020, Russian and Turkish troops entered the South Caucasus, and Russia, Turkey, and Iran started acting as peace mediators. The European Union failed to strengthen the role of the OSCE Minsk Group and the mechanisms of the Eastern Partnership in the region. Ever since 2020, it has been trying to develop a common policy for all ethnic and inter-confessional conflicts in the postSoviet space. The European Union keeps failing in its competition and partnership with Russia, while Turkey is getting more active and independent in the region. Thus, the European Union will have to develop a new model of influence in the South Caucasus and the whole post-Soviet space. In the current global confrontation, it is very important to find an international actor able and willing to interact with all parties. The European Union seems to be the one, and its actions in resolving regional conflicts require a detailed research.

ON THE INNTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 3

The article analyzes the cooperation of one of the leading pan–European political organizations – the European Green Party (EPP) – with its partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine). Since 1994, the European Greens have established partnerships with the environmental parties of these countries and even accepted them into their ranks. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections were studied. The interaction of these parties with other political forces of their countries on the formation of pre-election and ruling coalitions is considered. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro–European choice, as well as the resolutions of the EPZ Council concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program, are given. It is shown that the EPZ actively supported this program itself and its partners, regardless of their electoral results. It is noted that in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, local green parties initially achieved good results in elections, including in the national parliament, but in recent years they have fallen by the wayside of the party-political system of their countries due to a number of objective and subjective circumstances. First of all, this was due to the fact that the political turbulence characteristic of these states made environmental issues irrelevant to public consciousness. Nevertheless, the European greens are confident that as the situation stabilizes, the issues of environmental protection and sustainable development will return to the political agenda and the green parties will once again become in demand.

ON THE INTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 2

The article analyzes the results of cooperation of one of the leading pan-European political organizations – the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) with its partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), with which ALDE has established cooperation and even accepted to become its members. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders were studied, including the results of their participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections, as well as interaction with other political forces of their countries to form electoral and ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties became members of ALDE and what status they have today in this European Party. The main provisions of the program documents of these parties, which reflect their pro-European choice, are given. A number of resolutions adopted by the ALDE Council, which is the main governing body of this party, were considered, which concerned the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties. It is shown how ALDE’s strategy regarding cooperation with parties from the Eastern Partnership member countries has changed depending on the results of their participation in parliamentary and presidential elections. It is noted that ALDEэs initial bet on cooperation with the former heads of these states, or well-known politicians, and the parties headed by them did not justify itself in Armenia, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. It is assumed that ALDE has recently changed its policy and is now betting on new parties led by young pro-European-oriented politicians, but it is not yet clear whether such a change in the paradigm of cooperation will justify itself

Ukraine’s Balance Policy between European Union and Russia

Having declared independence in 1991, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Ukraine gained strategic importance in terms of its geographical location. It is regarded a “buffer zone” for both the European Union (EU) and Russia. There is a division within the country into the pro-Western and pro-Russian options. Ukraine’s aspiration for the UE membership has faced Russia’s objection since time immemorial. In the past, Ukraine preferred to pursue a balance policy between Russia and the EU. Ukraine’s attempt to approach the West with the Orange Revolution, its inclusion in the European Neighbourhood Policy, its participation in the Eastern Partnership program were perceived as a threat by Russia. The Ukrainian crisis, in particular, brought these two countries face to face. This crisis also deeply affected both the EU’s energy policy and its relations with Russia. After all the developments that followed, the issue of Ukraine’s membership in the EU remains uncertain.

A Globalization Project in Practice? The EU's Cultural and Educational Activities in Azerbaijan in the Framework of the Eastern Partnership Programme

A Globalization Project in Practice? The EU's Cultural and Educational Activities in Azerbaijan in the Framework of the Eastern Partnership Programme

ON THE INTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 1

The article analyzes the results of cooperation between two leading pan-European political organizations – the European People’s Party (EPP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES) with their counterparts in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), except Azerbaijan. It is considered with which political forces and why the EPP and the PES have established interaction and even accepted them into their membership. The profiles of these political organizations were studied, including the results of their participation in the national parliamentary and presidential elections and interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties joined, respectively, the EPP and the PES, and what status they have today in these European structures. The main provisions of the resolutions of the governing bodies of the EPN and the PES concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties in these countries are presented. It shows how the foreign policy course of the Eastern Partnership member countries changed after political organizations that closely cooperate with their European counterparts came to power. It is noted that in almost all of these countries there has recently been a steady desire to strengthen political and economic partnership with the European Union and Western countries in general. And only one country. Georgia is still trying to maintain a balance in relations with Western countries and Russia. Key words: European parties, party system, Eastern Partnership program, elections.

Стратегия Европейского союза в отношении стран Южного Кавказа в рамках программы Восточного партнерства: 20 результатов к 2020 году

Introduction. Due to the destabilization of the situation in the countries of the South Caucasus in 2020, the region is of particular relevance today. At the present stage, it is an object of geopolitical competition for numerous international actors: the Russian Federation, the United States of America, the European Union, the Republic of Turkey. The article examines the EU policy in the process of implementing the Eastern Partnership program as part of the European political strategy. In relation to the South Caucasus region, the interim results of the EU’s activities on the implementation of 20 deliverables for 2020 in relation to the states of the South Caucasus are analyzed. Methods. Comparative analysis makes it possible to give a comprehensive assessment of European policy in the region by identifying priority areas and development prospects by comparing the intermediate results of 20 deliverables for 2020 in the South Caucasus countries within the framework of their bilateral relations with the EU. Analysis. The analysis of the activities of the European Union in relation to the South Caucasus countries is associated with the determination of the prospects for the development of the European strategy in the region. The analysis included tracking the dynamics of the implementation of the 20 deliverables for 2020 in relation to Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, as well as options for developing a European strategy in the South Caucasus countries, taking into account the new policy in the context of the Eastern Partnership beyond 2020. Results. As a result of the analysis, the EU’s competitive advantages in the South Caucasus were determined by identifying areas in which the EU’s geopolitical interests intersect with other actors.

Small State Status-Seeking: Lithuania’s Foreign Policy Status Aspirations

Research on status-seeking in international politics offers valuable insights into why countries of various sizes may and sometimes do act in unexpected and apparently irrational ways. This article applies a status-seeking theoretical framework, that of Social Identity Theory, to explain a small, materially weak state’s unconventional foreign policy choices. Our case study focuses on Lithuania’s ambitious engagement in the EU’s Eastern Partnership programme, targeting Ukraine and Georgia. We find that a status-focused analysis helps to better comprehend several ‘unusual’ foreign policy initiatives launched by Lithuanian policymakers since the 2000s, the ultimate purpose of which, we argue, is the pursuit of higher status.

ПРОГРАММА «ВОСТОЧНОГО ПАРТНЕРСТВА» В ПОСТКОВИДНЫЙ ПЕРИОД: ГЛАВНЫЕ ОСОБЕННОСТИ И ДАЛЬНЕЙШИЕ ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in the post-COVID period. It considers the main features of that program in modern conditions and further prospects for its de- velopment, taking into account the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for the European Union and the countries participating in this program. The author analyzes the EU leadership attitude to the individual participants of the program and identifies priorities in relation to the various countries represen- ted in it. To overcome the social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, the European Commission decided to provide financial assistance to the participating countries, but the amount of the assistance for individual countries depended on the state of relations between the European Union and the leadership of those countries. It is proved in the article that the European Union currently has the most favorable relations with three countries parti- cipating in the program: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which have openly declared a policy of rapprochement with the European Union in the political and economic fields. The author outlines positions of all the countries and their expectations of participating in the program in the nearest future as well as in the longer term.

РОЛЬ АВСТРИИ В ПРОГРАММЕ ЕС «ВОСТОЧНОЕ ПАРТНЕРСТВО»

Austria was one of the countries that played an important role in the development of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program, that is aimed at the rapproachment of six post-Soviet states closer to European Union. In addition to promoting the program at the national level, that is strongly associated with the name of Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, the Austrians were also responsible for it at the EU level. Suffice it to say that the Austrians Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Johannes Hahn held the positions of European commis- sioners responsible for foreign and neighborhood policy of the European Union for many years. In 2018, Austria was the EU Presidency, and the promotion of the Eastern Partnership has become one of the priorities of the Austrian pres- idency. Especially noteworthy is the role of Austria in the settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine, where the Austrians acted on the line of not only the European Union, but also the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the special representative of the Organization for the Donbas became the Austrian Martin Sajdik. In addition, Austria did a lot for the devel- opment of relations between the European Union and Belarus. In general, the share of Austrian responsibility for the successes and failures of the develop- ment of relations between the European Union and the six post-Soviet states of the Eastern Partnership program should be recognized as very significant.

EFFECTIVENESS OF THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION SYSTEM BASED ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE EU EASTERN PARTNERSHIP PROGRAM IN UKRAINE

The article systematizes the principles and results of the EU Eastern Partnership program in the field of public administration. The procedures of institution-building mechanisms and the model of functioning of the Twinning Program in the Southern and Eastern regions of the European Neighbourhood Policy are presented. It is established that the areas of implementation of the Eastern Partnership tasks are represented in three cross-cutting areas (civil society; gender equality; strategic communications) and seventeen grouped within four priorities (economic development and market opportunities; institution building and good governance; energy efficiency, interconnectedness, and climate change, people-to-people contacts and mobility. It is proved that the positive results of the public administration system based on the implementation of the EU Eastern Partnership Program in Ukraine are: security of the participating states, strengthening of political dialogue, implementation of economic and structural reforms and participation in a number of EU programs, etc. Keywords: European Union, European integration, Eastern Partnership, public administration, association agreement.

Humanitarian Tools of EU External Policy: The Case of Eastern Partnership

The article deals with recent developments in the EU foreign policy towards neighbouring countries. The EU humanitarian influence mechanisms within the framework of European Neighbourhood Policy, Eastern Partnership program, along with the case of Belarus are explored. The article outlines that the European Union creates instruments of external influence through fostering humanitarian infrastructure in the periphery countries. As a result, the official government of a targeted country is not only unable to participate in the shaping of “European norms and rules”, but also ceases to be the single Brussel‟s counterpart. NGOs supported by the EU involve in to the dialogue between Brussels and the official government on behalf of the civil society. The latter contributes to the asymmetrical “teacher-apprentice” relationship between the EU and the bordering countries. Particular humanitarian instruments and cases exercised by the EU are explored. The interconnections between economic, political, and humanitarian tools in EU foreign policy are outlined. It is concluded that the “soft power” concept fails to explain comprehensively the EU foreign policy in the humanitarian sphere. Brussels seeks to exert systemic influence upon the humanitarian sphere of the periphery countries to bolster its political and economic position.

Political Identities of Ukrainian Society in the Context of the EU Eastern Partnership Policy

The dynamics of European integration in Ukraine, defined by the Eastern Partnership Programme over the last decade, has attained many undeniable successes. Still, the current geopolitical situation leaves room for risks for both Ukraine and the entire community of European states. Faced with Russia’s armed aggression, Ukraine is especially intent upon tackling the barriers of volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity, which for years have been inherent in its foreign policy, and its choice of European identity. That having been said, the issue of political identity remains as urgent as ever, since taking account of the identifying features, and the study of the evolution and trends of the political identity of Ukrainian society paves the way for Ukraine’s integration into the European political system.
 Now, the identity of Ukrainians, which is still at the formative stage, can be described as partially ambivalent. In the meanwhile, a tendency towards acquiring the European system of values, in contrast to the Russian and Soviet ones, is being observed as well.
 Among the prevalent political identities that have emerged in Ukrainian societies under various historical, geopolitical, and cultural circumstances, two incompatibles yet competing groups—Western, represented by Ukrainian and European identities, and Eastern, represented by Russian and Soviet identities—can be discerned. In this regard, identities are not interpreted in terms of ethnicity but as politically constructible.
 The article analyses Ukraine’s European integration successes over the last years, which not only contributes to the upstream dynamics of European and Ukrainian identities but also prevents competitive identities from going forward. Today, the European foreign policy course indisputably unites the Ukrainian nation, having a positive impact on its cooperation with the European Union in terms of politics, economy, and culture.