Eastern Partnership Initiative Research Articles

The Compliance of the Georgian Government’s Legal and Political Activities with the Good Governance Principle: Eastern Partnership Initiative

The Compliance of the Georgian Government’s Legal and Political Activities with the Good Governance Principle: Eastern Partnership Initiative

Challenges and prospects of cooperation between the countries of the South Caucasus: the context of the Eastern Partnership Initiative

Challenges and prospects of cooperation between the countries of the South Caucasus: the context of the Eastern Partnership Initiative

Issues of national minorities in the policy of the Eastern Partnership

The peculiarities of implementing the policy of the EU’s Eastern Partnership Initiative in regards to protecting the rights of national minorities have been studied. The issue of national minorities in the EU is considered from the perspectives of security, democracy, and regional integration. Despite contemporary criticism of the EU’s Eastern Partnership Initiative, many initiatives aimed at protecting the rights of national minorities in the region have been implemented, thereby fostering intergovernmental cooperation. It is evident that Ukraine and Moldova are the most proactive in protecting the rights of national minorities amongst the Eastern Partnership countries. These countries have been granted the status of candidate for EU accession. Despite the Russian-Ukrainian war, Ukraine actively works on improving legislation in the field of ethno-policy. Particular emphasis is placed on analysis of the institutional structure of national minorities, communication pathways, and non-discriminatory policies in Eastern Partnership countries. Member states of the Eastern Partnership actively utilize “soft power” techniques through a network of minority organizations. It has been suggested that European integration of Ukraine and Moldova has generated considerable opportunities for the development of national minorities. Loosening of state borders has enabled national minorities to connect more deeply with their ethnic homelands, thereby transforming them into engaged participants of transborder cooperation and significant figures of regional policy. The Eastern Partnership furnishes a platform for minorities to assert themselves in decisions which pertain to their lives, execute grant initiatives, and take part in regional associations of minorities. Nevertheless, certain risks are highlighted, such as particular nations exploiting EU enlargement to tackle minority matters or manipulate minority rights. The EU has analyzed programs supporting national minorities, especially those implemented in the Eastern Partnership countries. While Eastern Partnership countries have developed their policies regarding national minorities, there are common problems faced by minorities in the region. Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, Azerbaijan, and Armenia are involved in conflicts, being former Soviet Union countries, and face numerous challenges concerning the functioning of the Russian minority, which is numerically significant in this region. It is stated that the EU cooperates with the Eastern Partnership countries on matters regarding national minorities, and it is crucial to develop innovative models for managing ethnic diversity, promoting the involvement of national minorities in making socio-political decisions and integrating them into society.

The Eastern Partnership initiative: challenges of assessing performance and new geopolitical realities

The Eastern Partnership initiative: challenges of assessing performance and new geopolitical realities

The Ukraine war and the future of the Eastern Partnership

Russia’s unprovoked war against Ukraine calls into question the future of the EU’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative on two levels. First, the war challenges the very geopolitical premise that underpins the Partnership. Second, the EU’s granting of candidate status for Ukraine and Moldova in June 2022, while postponing its decision on Georgia’s membership application, undermines the main rationale of the EaP: to keep the door to EU membership closed. This article argues that while the war in Ukraine may lead to a reshaping of the EaP, its fundamental features will remain for some time.

The European Union’s Eastern partnership initiative under the polyhybrid aggression of the Russian Federation

The aim of the article is to reveal the essence and to determine the levels of the polyhybrid aggression of the Russian Federation to the EU’s Eastern Partnership initiative and to develop recommendations for its improvement in terms of the geopolitical influences of Russia. To achieve its goals in the Eastern European region, the Russian Federation uses a multidimensional hybrid aggression, namely a polyhybrid aggression, when non-military crises are provoked and maintained in order to weaken the adversary, as a preparatory stage for a direct military invasion. In the case of the Eastern Partnership initiative, it is introduced by attempts to prove its inexpediency and ineffectiveness. The study shows that the Russian polyhybrid aggression has been extended not only to the countries of the Eastern Partnership, but also to the EU – aimed at weakening its transformative power in Eastern Europe, and to the Russian society – aimed at shaping negative stereotypes about the EU and legitimizing the actions of the Russian government. Achieving the Eastern Partnership goals depends on Russia’s democratization and its compliance with international law. The following methods were used to solve the research problem: descriptive and historical method, sociological data analysis, forecasting method and structural-functional method.

The energy dimension of the EU Eastern Partnership initiative in restructuring Europe’s security architecture

This article analyses the energy dimension of relationships which have been developed between the ‘Eastern Partnership’ (EaP) partner countries within the context of European security. The essence of the EaP and the main priorities of the initiative’s energy platform will be determined. The peculiarities of their relations with the European Union and the Russian federation will be analysed. One discovery which has been made is the fact that the involvement of the addressee countries within the EaP grants them significant advantages in the implementation of the overall energy policy, and the EU is understood by them as being a guarantor of energy security. Emphasis is placed on the fact that Russia seeks to establish the fullest possible levels of control over energy supplies which are sent to Europe, and to the EU, and indeed even to reduce the dependence of the EaP partner countries on energy imports from Russia. Something which became obvious was the fact that while Georgia, Armenia, Moldova, and Ukraine were forming closer ties with the EU, Azerbaijan and Belarus on the contrary continued (and continue) to adhere to the authoritarian status quo. From this it can be concluded that the EaP partner countries face new challenges and threats, both in terms of domestic and foreign policy, which will determine the transformation of energy relations, in particular within the dimension of security.

European solutions for shadow oligarchic rule in Europe’s East: Do they work? The case of Georgia

This article looks at the EU’s intervention as the mediator in a domestic political stand-off in Georgia, triggered by the parliamentary elections of 2020. Believing the results of the elections to be fraudulent, the parliamentary opposition rejected them. European Council President Charles Michel then stepped in, initiating a mediation process between the government and the opposition in 2021 and securing a political agreement intended to end the crisis. Analysing the relevant geopolitical and policy framework for this intervention, and its successes and failures, presents fertile ground for understanding the EU as the foreign-policy actor in its neighbourhood and the implications of such a role for the Eastern Partnership initiative. This article argues that while the EU’s active leverage model for supporting democracy was applied in the case of Georgia, the shortcomings and miscalculations of the premises on which the policy model was built limited its success.

Підвищення ефективності реалізації ініціативи Східного партнерства в Україні

The article examines the effectiveness of implementing the Eastern Partnership (EP) initiative in Ukraine using the SWOT analysis methodology. It is noted that from the EP the participating countries expect new opportunities for economic development, reforming the internal political sphere, attracting investment, resolving regional conflicts, and so on. The strengths and weaknesses of the implementation of reforms in Ukraine in the context of the implementation of the European integration course and the implementation of the association agreement with the EU are highlighted. It is determined that the strengths of Ukraine as the addressee of the EP are an extensive system of coordination of efforts in implementing reforms and their support by the European Union. Attention is focused on the weak (systemic, institutional and situational) aspects of the implementation of this initiative. Based on the EP Index data, the state of implementation of reforms in Ukraine is assessed. It is concluded that the effectiveness of the implementation of the EP initiative in Ukraine is insufficient, because it is taking place in the conditions of: first, Russia’s opposition to this process; second, the growth of political and economic instability, slow reforms and democratic backwardness, corruption, etc.; third, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in eastern Ukraine. Recommendations were developed to improve the effectiveness of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU within the framework of EP. Contradictory conflicts between these factors, their interrelation and interdependence slow down the implementation of Ukraine’s declared European integration aspirations. Consequently, the prospects for further scientific research will be to find out the specifics of promoting reforms in the “Associated trio” format, as the countries that are the recipients of EP initiative, which today demonstrate the most progressive dynamics in terms of ongoing reforms and relations with the EU.

GEORGIA, UKRAINE AND MOLDOVA, THE EU EASTERN PARTNERSHIP MEMBER STATES: MODERN CHALLENGES

The study of various initiatives of the European Union is highly pressing in terms of current globalization and regional integration processes. The Eastern Partnership is an EU initiative aimed at deepening and strengthening relations between the EU, its member states and the six countries of its Eastern neighborhood. The study of the issues concerning the economic development of the three associated countries (Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova) of Eastern Partnership is very important. Therefore, if these countries carry out significant reforms and the EU supports the development of the initiative, the integration of all three countries with the EU will possibly deepen. The paper discusses the indicators and peculiarities of socio-economic development of the EU Eastern Partnership Associated Countries. These countries are actively seeking for further integration into the global economy. Trade relations between Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and the European Union have significant prospects. The share of Georgian exports to the EU in total exports amounted to 22%. EU plays an important role in Moldova’s exports; in 2019 the share of the EU in Moldova’s exports was 64%, which is the highest among the associated countries. Ukraine's trade with the EU is also high among these countries. In 2019, Georgia's foreign trade turnover (%) accounted for 75% of GDP, which is quite high. Negative trade balance is a very important problem for the country; trade deficit (%) accounted for 32% of GDP. In 2019, the share of trade turnover (%) of Moldova and Ukraine reached 72-72% of GDP. It should be noted that territorial integrity of all these countries within internationally recognized borders is violated which significantly hinders the economic development of the country; in addition, it also poses a serious threat to maintaining security and stability; and hinders their striving towards the EU. The Eastern Partnership allows its member countries, including Georgia, to accelerate the process of trade and economic integration with the European Union through bilateral and multilateral cooperation. The EU Eastern Partnership initiative promotes further integration of the member states into the EU, as well as the socioeconomic development of its member states. The Eastern partner countries have a common communist past. Georgia has the highest negative trade balance in foreign trade in goods among Eastern Partner countries. In addition, Georgia has the highest negative trade balance and negative import-export ratio. In case successful economic reforms are carried out Georgia might be the first Eastern Partner country to be awarded the status of an EU candidate country. None of the Eastern Partner countries is a member of NATO. There is no direct link between the EU and NATO; however, the recent enlargements have shown that before joining the EU the country first becomes a member of NATO. Georgia should continue further integration with the European Union and increase trade and economic cooperation with the EU and its member states. Increasing Georgia's exports to the EU remains a major challenge for the country. The Eastern Partner countries have to continue their effort to develop their economies and further integrate with the EU and the international community. Thus, Georgia has a good opportunity to get closer to the EU, develop the national economy, make it competitive and increase trade and economic cooperation with the EU. The Eastern Partnership allows its member countries, including Georgia, to accelerate the process of trade and economic integration with the European Union through bilateral and multilateral cooperation.

The Evolution of Armenia and Azerbaijan’s Cooperation with the EU in the Framework of the Eastern Partnership

"Since 2009, Armenia and Azerbaijan have been part of the Eastern Partnership Initiative, launched by the European Union. Armenia, with its interest and desire to cooperate with the EU in the Eastern Partnership, has also maintained its openness to Russia. The Eastern Partnership seems appealing as an opportunity for Azerbaijan. Economic openness, the prospect of securing and diversifying export routes for rich energy resources proves to be arguments in favor of fostering relations with the EU. Keywords: European Union, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Eastern Partnership, cooperation. "

ПІДХОДИ ЄС ЩОДО ВРЕГУЛЮВАННЯ КОНФЛІКТІВ: НАСЛІДКИ ДЛЯ КРАЇН СХІДНОГО ПАРТНЕРСТВА

The article deals with examining the EU main approaches on crisis management and conflict prevention on the example of the Eastern Partnership countries, internal and external factors that affect implementation of the EU activities in Eastern Europe and South Caucasus, implications for the EU and the region. The EU has a unique experience of activities in all crisis phases: early warning, mediation, deployment of EU missions and operations in conflict areas, post-conflict peacebuilding (stabilisation, reconstruction and reconciliation). The EU’s comprehensive and integrated approach towards crisis management includes a package of mixed political-military measures with focus on civilian component of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The strategic autonomy outlined as the guideline in the EU Global Strategy 2016 is an impetus for the EU more active and distinct role as a security actor, for enhancing its institutional and operational capabilities in the area of crisis regulation. Though there is a lack of EU capacity as a security provider in case of protracted conflicts in Eastern partner countries. The EU has sought to avoid direct involvement in conflict settlement: there aren’t any efficient mechanisms of it within the European Neighborhood Policy and Eastern Partnership initiative. The determining factors of the EU’s approach to conflict resolution in Easter Europe are: absence of direct military threats and less challenges comparing to Southern and Eastern Mediterranean region; lack of political will and unity, multi-vector member-states’ policy; external influence of other actors, mainly Russia, unwillingness of the EU member-states to be engaged in geopolitical tensions with it. The regional security deficit requires more active and efficient EU engagement as a security provider in settling the protracted conflicts. The relevant measures should be: establishment of security compact within the Eastern Partnership initiative, deployment of additional missions in the region, coordination of activities with the OSCE, US and NATO.

International Negotiations and Domestic Change in the EU’s Eastern Neighborhood: Deconstructing Antidiscrimination Reforms in Moldova

Democratic reforms, or lack thereof, in countries addressed by the European Union’s (EU’s) Eastern Partnership initiative (EaP) have attracted considerable scholarly attention. Yet many studies approach these countries’ political and policy developments through the lens of external actors’ (especially the EU and Russia’s) engagements. While accounting for international influences, this article lends agency to the domestic actors by scrutinizing the antidiscrimination reform process in Moldova, one of the EaP countries with closer relations to the EU, against the background of their negotiations. In doing so, the article explains the outcome of the reform and makes a case for applying Robert Putnam’s (1988) Two-Level-Game approach to an analysis of a controversial reform process surrounded by international and domestic pressures in a nonconsolidated democracy. In addition to its empirical contribution, the article seeks to advance the applicability boundaries of the Two-Level-Game theory beyond classical Foreign Policy Analysis in a democratic context and enhance the scholarly debate on the external–domestic interplay in policy change and norm adoption.

Eastern Partnership vis-à-vis challenges and doubts

Eastern Partnership initiative and program sparkled ongoing and intensive debates. It raised some concerns and doubts regarding the efficacy and effectiveness of EaP. Still, the only country, which perceived this initiative of the EU as a direct threat was and is Russia. War against Georgia, later annexation of Crimea and War on Donbas, a hybrid war against Ukraine and many western countries are key challenges for the EU also. European Union and NATO are in a search for more consolidated respond towards new reality up today. 
 EaP design and potential are too weak to be good enough for partners’ countries themselves. Despite many deficiencies, this policy is important to encourage horizontal cooperation of 6 partners’ countries and make their ties with the EU stronger and more productive. However, the overall goals and instruments of EaP do require thorough reconsideration and new incentives to move forward from a current, somehow hesitant and stagnated, position. 

The EU Eastern Partnership Initiative and Georgia

The article views the geographical area between the EU and Russian borders as a battle space of two, drastically different foreign policy and ideological approaches. The authors argue that in the years since the end of the Cold War, a unique surrogate of former clash of liberal and communist worlds emerged, leading to and underpinning current Hybrid Warfare, underway from Ukraine to Georgia. Its roots lay in the Russian interpretation of the Western attitude towards the East as Neo-colonialist. Relying on the income from its vast energy resources, Russia also tries to develop its version of so called “Soft Power”, used by the West in this region. Though in Russian hands, it is coupled with Moscow’s imperial experiences and resentments, and is becoming a mere element in Hybrid or “non-linear” war. Speaking retrospectively, the Eastern Partnership Initiative of the European Union can be seen as a response to Hybrid threats, posed by Russia against its Western and Southern neighbors. But the question is, whether EU foreign policy initiatives towards this area can and will be efficient and sufficient, if continued to be mostly defensive and limited within Soft Power mechanisms and philosophy, while Russia successfully combines those with traditional Hard Power know-how? The authors argue that in the long run, European or Euro-Atlantic Soft Power tool-kits, spreading Human Rightsbased culture farther in the East, will remain unmatched. But in order to prevail over the Russian revisionist policy here and now, the West, and, particularly, the EU need to re-evaluate traditional foreign policy options and come up with a more drastic combination of Soft/Hard Powers by itself. As the Georgian case shows, the European community should more efficiently use Conditionality and Coercive Diplomacy, combined with clearer messages about partners’ membership perspectives.

Ukraina w Partnerstwie Wschodnim: osiągnięcia i perspektywy

May 2019 marked the 10th anniversary of the launch of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership initiative, which encourages democratic reforms in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and the strengthening of the relations and cooperation between these countries and the EU. During this period, significant results were achieved in terms of political association, economic relations and regulatory convergence. Thanks to this initiative, Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine signed association and free trade area agreements (DCFTAs) and achieved visa-free travel. One of the main drawbacks of the programme at this stage is that it does not provide for a differentiated approach towards partner countries and deeper cooperation with those already signatory to Association Agreements. The anniversary of the Eastern Partnership encourages to take stock of the results of the initiative and identify perspectives for its further development. The aim of this article is to identify the main achievements of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of Ukraine’s priorities and interests, as well as to propose a new effective model of relations between Ukraine and other partner countries with the EU under this initiative. The text sets out and analyses the main stages of the cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the years 1991–2019, especially the participation of Ukraine in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. The article shows that the Eastern Partnership policy and its implementation mechanisms need a structural review and differentiated, individual approaches that would meet the needs, expectations and interests of all the parties. If the EU intends to continue building mutually beneficial relations with its eastern neighbours, it should not only maintain the existing initiative, but also adapt it effectively to the challenges of the present. The EU should therefore develop a sufficiently attractive and effective model of cooperation to support pro-European reforms in its partner countries.

ДЕСЯТИЛІТТЯ СХІДНОГО ПАРТНЕРСТВА: ПРОБЛЕМИ ТА ПЕРСПЕКТИВИ

The article is devoted to the state of implementation of the program «20 Expected Achievements of the Eastern Partnership till 2020» in 10 years after the implementation of the partnership between Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. The peculiarities of the current state of partnership are defined and the general structure of its future development is outlined. The attention is focused on the results and problems that exist during the implementation of the Eastern Partnership initiative in the new geopolitical realities. The results and case studies are presented on the basis of a comprehensive analysis of the main information sources on the research issues. The article characterizes the partnership areas where Ukraine is showing positive developments and also the article outlines some challenges along the way. The prospects for improving the partnership, as well as ways to overcome the crisis phenomena in the interstate relations of the members of the association in the new political realities are projected

Hungarian experience in the development of euro-regional cross-border cooperation

The article is devoted to the experience of Hungary in the development of Euro-regional cross-border cooperation. It is clear that the aim of the Euro-regions of Hungary was to achieve a high level of cooperation. These are European territorial dimensions, where there is rapid and branched communication, a competitive economy, where the role and importance of the periphery are diminished, there is an extensive network of social and cultural ties, and that the multiethnic population in these border regions is particularly important. without conflict. At the formation stage, the Hungarian Euro-regions sought to adapt as effectively as possible the specific Western European model of the Euro-region. Interestingly, this was done very quickly compared to the Western European regions where the euro-regions were subject to time-checks. Particular attention was paid to the dynamics of the development of the Hungarian Euro-region of Western Pannonia. The Western Pannonia Euro-region was created on the then-eastern border of the EU, so the experience of Euro-regional cooperation gained by Hungary's western border regions is of considerable interest to Ukraine. Hungary's accession to the EU is functionally gradually changing the Euro-region of Western Pannonia, that is, changing the territorial development plans of the Euro-region. Given the geographical location of the Western Pannonia Euro-region, this Euro-region served as a model for cooperation between EU and non-EU border regions. It should also be noted that funding for joint cross-border projects is important. From the point of view of economic development of the border areas, the high, dynamic development of the economy and the activity of economic ties were still characteristic of the whole Euro-region. The study focuses on the Eastern Partnership initiative. Particularly noteworthy is the Eastern Partnership initiative put forward in May 2008 by Poland and Sweden, which proposed a deepening of relations with eastern neighbors covered by the European Neighborhood Policy, including Ukraine. The Eastern Partnership is, in essence, a continuation of the Neighborhood Policy, ie it means that no EU member states are currently expected to enter.

10 Years of Eastern Partnership: The Scenarios for the Further Development of the Initiative and the EU Eastern Neighbourhood Policy

The article suggests that ten years after the Eastern Partnership initiative was founded, its format and structure do not allow to draw full potential of the states that seek European Union membership. The author emphasizes that the change in the EU’s approach to the Eastern Partnership countries will make it possible to ensure the accomplishment of the fundamental mission of the European Neighbourhood Policy, namely peace and prosperity in the region. The European Union has already done quite a lot in this regard. Expanding the EU’s social rights as part of the Europeanization process will provide a more stable and favourable environment in the Eastern Partnership countries and reduce migration flows therefrom. The main efforts of the European Union and Eastern Partnership countries in the near future will be focused on solving domestic political, social and economic problems. In this case, Ukraine and the region as a whole will appear on the European Union agenda in terms of security issues. The biggest success story of the European Union is its enlargement policy, which can force enemies to negotiate and find a compromise, as well as motivate political leaders to take risks for the implementation of European integration reforms. This policy does not apply to Eastern Partnership countries. The author concludes that the neighbourhood policy has already exhausted its potential, and in order for the dialogue within the Eastern partnership not to descend to the solution of technical issues of the European Union Association Agreements implementation, it is necessary to offer an attractive model of cooperation that would provide support for pro-European reforms in the Eastern Partnership countries. Keywords: European Union, Eastern Partnership, politics, bilateral dialogue.

The European Union as a Transformative Power, a Donor or a Security Provider?: The View from the Eastern Partnership Countries

Since the launch of the European Union’s (EU’s) Eastern Partnership initiative in 2009, it has attracted considerable scholarly attention. Yet, so far it has been largely analysed from a very EU-centred perspective, looking into how policies are developed by the EU and what are their effects in the ‘target countries’. Rarely has the table been turned around, asking how the EU and its initiatives are viewed in these countries. This article intends to fill this gap by examining perceptions of the EU among think tanks, i.e. civil society actors seeking influence on foreign policy formation in Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova. The study maps and evaluates discursive frames used by representatives of think tanks. Methodologically, the research employs content analysis of think tank publications, covering a period of two and a half years – between November 2013 and May 2016.