Eastern German States Research Articles

Continuing vocational training in times of economic uncertainty: an event-study analysis in real time

Continuing vocational training (CVT) is a key channel for employees to adapt their skills to changing requirements in the labor market due to structural changes and digitization. The COVID-19 pandemic and the energy crisis as a consequence of the war in Ukraine may have accelerated these developments. Yet, it is unclear how the economic impact of these crises affects individuals’ occupational preferences. In this study, we want to investigate how interest in CVT changes in times of economic uncertainty. We use Google Trends data for Germany and apply an event study analysis to examine how interest in CVT developed with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian attack on Ukraine. We find that the interest in CVT strongly declined during the first wave of the pandemic regardless of how severely a region was affected. During the second lockdown, the decline in CVT interest was more pronounced in the eastern German states where we find a general decline in search intensity since March 2020. We also consider different channels that may have influenced the demand for CVT during the pandemic. Overall, we show that during the first 2.5 years of the pandemic, the search intensity for CVT decreased on average by 12 to 19 percent, while the search intensity for online CVT increased by 39 to 45 percent. We also see a decrease in the search intensity for CVT at the beginning of the energy crisis.

Predictors of long-term mortality in older patients with hip fractures managed by hemiarthroplasty: a 10-year study based on a population registry in Saxony, Germany.

Mortality of patients with a femoral neck fracture is high, especially within the first year after surgery, but also remains elevated thereafter. The aim of this study was to identify factors potentially associated with long-term mortality in patients homogeneously treated with hemiarthroplasty for femoral neck fracture. This retrospective cohort study was performed at a single level 1 national trauma center at the university hospital of Leipzig (Saxony, Germany). The study time-window was January 1, 2010 to December 31, 2020. Primary outcome measure was mortality depending on individual patient-related characteristics and perioperative risk factors. Inclusion criteria was a low-energy femoral neck fracture (Garden I-IV) in geriatric patients 60 years of age or older that were primarily treated with bipolar hemiarthroplasty. Date of death or actual residence of patients alive was obtained from the population register of the eastern German state of Saxony, Germany. The outcome was tested using the log-rank test and plotted using Kaplan-Meier curves. Unadjusted and adjusted for other risk factors such as sex and age, hazard ratios were calculated using Cox proportional hazards models and presented with 95% confidence intervals (CI). The 458 included patients had a median age of 83 (IQR 77-89) years, 346 (75%) were female and 113 (25%) male patients. Mortality rates after 30 days, 1, 5 and 10 years were 13%, 25%, 60% and 80%, respectively. Multivariate regression analysis revealed age (HR = 1.1; p < 0.001), male gender (HR = 1.6; p < 0.001), ASA-Score 3-4 vs. 1-2 (HR = 1.3; p < 0.001), dementia (HR = 1.9; p < 0.001) and a history of malignancy (HR = 1.6; p = 0.002) as independent predictors for a higher long-term mortality risk. Perioperative factors such as preoperative waiting time, early surgical complications, or experience of the surgeon were not associated with a higher overall mortality. In the present study based on data from the population registry from Saxony, Germany the 10-year mortality of older patients above 60 years of age managed with hemiarthroplasty for femoral neck fracture was 80%. Independent risk factors for increased long-term mortality were higher patient age, male gender, severe comorbidity, a history of cancer and in particular dementia. Perioperative factors did not affect long-term mortality.

Elections in Saxony and Thuringia: A Test of Stability of Germany's Party-Political System

On September 1, 2024, elections were held to the state parliaments (Landtage) in two Eastern German states: Saxony and Thuringia. As expected, the “protest” parties "Alternative for Germany" (AfD) and "Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance for Reason and Justice" achieved significant results. Meanwhile, the parties that make up the federal government received historically low support. The author analyzes implications of these outcomes for the party-political system of the Federal Republic of Germany and assesses prospects of governments’ configurations in Saxony and Thuringia.

Differences in breast and cervical cancer screening between West and East Germany: a secondary analysis of a german nationwide health survey

BackgroundBreast cancer and cervical cancer are among the most common cancers in women in Germany. Early detection examinations such as mammography and the cervical smear test (Pap-test) have been shown to contribute to the reduction in the mortality and/or incidence of these cancers and can be utilised free of charge by women in certain age groups as part of national screening programmes. Analyses show that the use of health services varies regionally, especially when comparing the federal states of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR, Eastern Germany) and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG, Western Germany). This study investigated to what extent the utilisation of mammography examinations and Pap-tests by women differs in federal states of former GDR and FRG.MethodsFor this purpose, we analysed data from the nationwide health survey GEDA14/15 conducted by the Robert Koch Institute (RKI) in 2014 and 2015. We calculated weighted proportions and compared attendance between eastern and western German states by a Chi-Square-test. Additionally, we conducted regression analysis to adjust for socio-economic status, living environment and place of birth.Results2,772 female participants aged 20–34 years were analysed for Pap-test attendance in the last two years and 4,323 female participants aged 50–69 years old were analysed for mammography screening attendance in the last two years. 50–69-year-old women in eastern German states were with 78.3% (95%-CI 75.3%, 81.2%) more likely to attend mammography screening than in western Germany with 73.4% (95%-CI 71.8%, 74.9%). Pap-test uptake was statistically significantly higher in the East of Germany with 83.3% (95%-CI 79.6%, 87.1%) compared to 77.5% (95%-CI 75.8%, 79.3%) in the West of Germany. This relationship was robust to adjusting for socio-economic status, living environment and place of birth.ConclusionsCultural influences and socialization in the GDR might explain the higher utilisation of these cancer screening examinations at least to some extent. This could have many reasons, for example a higher health awareness through education or a possible greater trust in medical structures and the associated higher compliance of women. These hypotheses should be further explored to increase the uptake of screening examinations by women in Germany.

Immunity Against SARS-CoV-2 in the German Population.

Early during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, national population-based seroprevalence surveys were conducted in some countries; however, this was not done in Germany. In particular, no seroprevalence surveys were planned for the summer of 2022. In the context of the IMMUNEBRIDGE project, the GUIDE study was carried out to estimate seroprevalence on the national and regional levels. To obtain an overview of the population-wide immunity against SARS-CoV-2 among adults in Germany that would be as statistically robust as possible, serological tests were carried out using self-sampling dried blood spot cards in conjunction with surveys, one by telephone and one online. Blood samples were analyzed for the presence of antibodies to the S and N antigens of SARS-CoV-2. Among the 15 932 participants, antibodies to the S antigen were detected in 95.7%, and to the N antigen in 44.4%. In the higher-risk age groups of persons aged 65 and above and persons aged 80 and above, anti-S antibodies were found in 97,4% and 98.8%, respectively. Distinct regional differences in the distribution of anti-S and anti-N antibodies emerged. Immunity gaps were found both regionally and in particular subgroups of the population. High anti-N antibody levels were especially common in eastern German states, and high anti-S antibody levels in western German states. These findings indicate that a large percentage of the adult German population has formed antibodies against the SARS-CoV-2 virus. This will markedly lower the probability of an overburdening of the health care system by hospitalization and high occupancy of intensive care units due to future SARS-CoV-2 waves, depending on the viral characteristics of then prevailing variants.

Role models versus modes of rule: the foundation of GfZK, a public-private museum in Leipzig

ABSTRACT The history of founding GfZK – Museum of Contemporary Art in Leipzig reflects both immediate post-1989 euphoria and the conflicting interests and social fears of that time. In the summer of 1989, a group of West German art enthusiasts (patrons, collectors, and entrepreneurs) travelled to Leipzig to meet the East German art historian Klaus Werner. The latter put forth the idea of establishing a new museum in his town, which the West German colleagues accepted and a plan was set in motion. Still, without its own building, the GfZK organized remarkable exhibitions and projects in public spaces throughout the 1990s. At the same time, concerns evoked that the “imported” novel artistic positions would devalue local art production and that, through their money, the private patrons were gaining disproportionate influence to shape public taste and the concept of art. From today’s perspective, both assumptions can be debunked. Through its financing in a public–private partnership, GfZK has embodied a unique museum model in the eastern German states, and the model has proved to be exceptionally productive even beyond the founding years.

Unpacking action repertoire of right-wing political parties: Findings from Germany

ABSTRACT Recent studies of right-wing political parties have stressed importance of ‘internal supply side’ of these parties leading to more party-centric explanations. Following this lead, the present paper uses an ethnographic approach to empirically explore micro-mobilisation endeavours of a German right-wing party called Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). The paper draws upon social movement studies to highlight the constitutive role of grass root AfD members in creating a position of strength for their party in Saxony. Based on original, extensive fieldwork, I argue that one of the important reasons AfD has emerged as a significant player in the eastern German state of Saxony lies in party’s skilful appropriation of standard political action repertoire. Party members not only draw upon resources embedded in their social surroundings, but by using organisational forms as frame, they are also able to shape and create favourable political opportunities for their party.

Labour unions and right-wing populism in Germany

10 | International Union Rights | 27/1-27/2 FOCUS | RIGHT-WING POPULISM, TRADE UNIONS, AND FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS Labour unions and right-wing populism in Germany The first step in dealing with right-wing populism in the world of work is to acknowledge that even workers are not immune to right-wing social populist demagogy. Workers also adopt right-wing thinking and vote for right-wing parties in elections. In Germany, 15 percent of labour union members voted for Alternative für Deutschland (AfD, English: Alternative for Germany) in the federal elections (2017), while in the eastern German states the figure was 22 percent. Right-wing parties are trying to get influence in all parts of society, and accordingly are also focusing on the world of work. In doing so, they are attacking labour union work: they accuse the unions of cooperating too closely with employers at the expense of workers. The increase in votes and power of right-wing parties is a problem for labour unions. However, if other associations, organisations, companies and parties had taken the same consistent stance and commitment against right-wing extremism as the labour unions, right-wing extremism would not have disappeared, but it would certainly not have been as strong. Shop stewards, works councils and labour unions make a decisive contribution to balancing interests in companies and keeping a culture of respect and recognition alive. The labour union confrontation with right-wing extremism is a conflict of interpretation and meaning, and it is a communicative confrontation how to reach people and persuasiveness are at stake. Social Populist Ideology of the AfD Within the AfD, it is above all the openly völkisch (fascist) wing around Björn Höcke that is pushing a social-populist demagogy to attract workers for the AfD. Real social grievances are being addressed and workers should believe that ‘social patriotism’ (Björn Höcke) from the right might help against social inequality. The originally dominant ‘neo (national) liberal’ orientation of AfD is thus called into question by an openly nationalist tendency within the party. In the course of this reorientation, the social question has become more important within AfD in recent years. Other ‘new-right’ actors around the ethnicauthoritarian network One Percent for Our Country are also trying to gain a foothold at the company level. In the works council elections in 2018, they tried to create a social basis in the companies by winning seats on works council committees. Even though this campaign was only modestly successful, as expected, the number of extreme right-wing works councils increased. In almost all state elections in recent years and in the 2017 federal elections, AfD was able to achieve above-average electoral success among labour union members and especially among workers. The party wants to consolidate and expand this success in cooperation with other extreme right actors presenting themselves as ‘advocates of the workers and the socially weak’. The agitation is carried out with right-wing social-populist demagogy and national ‘anti-capitalism’ directed against labour unions, capital and globalisation. The labour unions of the DGB are the central opponents. Although the successes of the extreme right so far have remained very manageable, the right-wing works councils and the development of a specific right-wing approach to workers are a new challenge for the DGB and its affiliated unions. The AfD: From neo (national) liberal welfare cuts to national social policy? The AfD began as a party with a neo (national) liberal core in the spirit of German ordo-liberalism in terms of economic and social policy. Its implementation would have called into question central achievements of the labour movement, would have sharpened essential areas of the welfare state and would have considerably worsened the initial situation of dependent employees in the struggle between capital and labour over the distribution of produced values. However, the changes in the 2017 federal election platform compared to 2016 already showed the party’s search for a combination of neo(national)liberal / ordoliberal welfare state cuts with the social-populist support necessary for parts of its electorate. In particular, the inner-party current of the openly völkisch-nationalist wing tends towards...

EXPLAINING GERMANY’S ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY

Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlying cleavage structures. Additionally, we identify reliable effects of the historical immigrant population on contemporary voting. We also see weak evidence of lock-in political effects associated with German reunification, limited only to the CDU. Most interestingly, we observe powerful and robust effects of spatial dependence for three of the four parties we examine. We conclude that the effects presented here should signal to scholars of parties and electoral politics the need to incorporate history and geography into their analytical frameworks alongside more traditional approaches, since eastern Germany may in fact be less spatialized than western Germany or other country cases because of the homogenizing efforts of the SED regime.

Explaining Germany's Electoral Geography

Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlying cleavage structures. Additionally, we identify reliable effects of the historical immigrant population on contemporary voting. We also see weak evidence of lock-in political effects associated with German reunification, limited only to the CDU. Most interestingly, we observe powerful and robust effects of spatial dependence for three of the four parties we examine. We conclude that the effects presented here should signal to scholars of parties and electoral politics the need to incorporate history and geography into their analytical frameworks alongside more traditional approaches, since eastern Germany may in fact be less spatialized than western Germany or other country cases because of the homogenizing efforts of the SED regime.

Mumps in the Vaccination Age: Global Epidemiology and the Situation in Germany.

Vaccination against mumps virus (MuV) (mostly measles-mumps-rubella) is routinely performed in more than 120 countries and has resulted in a distinct decrease of mumps incidence. However, alteration of mumps epidemiology has been observed in several countries after implementation of the vaccine but is sparsely documented. Moreover, outbreaks have occurred after starting vaccination, even in highly vaccinated populations. In the former German Democratic Republic (DDR) mumps was a notifiable disease but vaccination against mumps was not implemented. In the five eastern German states forming the DDR until 1990, mumps was not notifiable until 2001. Except for the lack of reporting between 1990–2000, data from Eastern Germany allow analysis of mumps epidemiology after initiating the vaccination campaign. For the period from 2001 to 2016 the data show that the incidence of mumps dropped notably after initiating vaccines, and was accompanied by an increase of the median age of patients with mumps. In Eastern Germany, no outbreaks were noted, while several outbreaks occurred in Western Germany, possibly due to a lower vaccination rate. Further literature analysis revealed that outbreaks were facilitated by waning immunity and crowding. Nevertheless, although vaccination prevented infection, the course of illness, once infected, was sometimes more complicated. In comparison to non-vaccinated populations, high rates of complicated courses occurred and were marked by orchitis, due to higher age of mumps patients. Therefore, refusing vaccination against mumps increases the risk of severe courses when living in a vaccinated population.

“It's Like Fighting for Survival”: How Rejected Black African Asylum Seekers Experience Living Conditions in an Eastern German State

ABSTRACTThis article explores how Black African asylum seekers in an eastern German state experienced living conditions and the forms of agency they exhibited to redress the stressful circumstances of everyday life. The article draws on 12 in-depth interviews with rejected Black African asylum seekers and ethnographic research. Participants experienced various socio-environmental stressors and the absence of resources that affected their well-being and were injurious to their human rights. Their responses were embedded in different practices tied to the accumulation of capital that buffered stress and contested repressive asylum laws. The implications of the study for policy and advocacy are discussed.

Do (German) State Bond Markets Discount Politics?

To what extent do bond market reactions to an unexpected deficit shock depend on state-specific politics? To answer this question, we calculate German state bond spreads over government benchmark paper using information from Datastream for the period 2006-2010. We test for a variety of institutional and political factors. We find evidence that investors base risk perceptions on state specific economic and institutional characteristics. Further, in left-leaning Eastern German states, an increase in unexpected deficit shock had a greater negative effect on a state's risk. JEL Codes: E62, G18, G24, H71, H72, H74, H76, H77, N24, and P43

The ‘Alternative für Deutschland in the Electorate’: Between Single-Issue and Right-Wing Populist Party

The good result of the recently formed Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) was a striking outcome of the 2013 Federal Election. This article explores why AfD supporters chose this party at the 2013 Federal Election and at the 2014 European and eastern German State (Land) Elections. At the Federal Election the AfD's electorate was composed of two groups: a minority of instrumental issue-voters that were drawn to the AfD by its emphasis and positioning on the Euro crisis, and a majority of ‘late supporters’ that decided close to Election Day and were moved more by expressive motives, most notably xenophobic sentiments like those identified in other European countries as a main source of support for right-wing populist parties. The analysis of the subsequent elections shows that, paralleling developments in the AfD's public rhetoric, the Euro crisis ceased to be important for AfD support whereas xenophobic motives became more central.

Developing Eastern Germany: The Effects of Economics Promotion in the Eastern German States after Reunification

Abstract This study investigates the impact of public funding on the performance of establishments in Eastern Germany. Using data from the German Institute for Employment Research (IAB) Establishment Panel from 1996 through 2012, the effect of economic promotion in the eastern part of Germany is studied on a number of indicators that provide insight into the topic. For this purpose, conditional difference-in-differences estimators were derived using a propensity score matching approach. Treated establishments in the area of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) invested more, had a higher value added and requested more labour than untreated firms when the amount of public funding is considered. However, on average, establishments with a history of previous investments also receive more funding than establishments that do not receive promotion. Also, some of the results are not permanent, such as the share of investment. Other effects of economic promotion in Germany include increases in wages, but these effects are rather small when compared to the size of the economic promotion. In addition, outcome for firms’ productivity is always insignificant and close to zero.

Presidential Politics and Higher Education Reforms in Mexico

state, the higher education institution, and possibly the subject. However, eastern German states following a tuition-free policy will profit from some student migration from states that will demand tuition fees. The establishment of an elite sector within the German higher education system on the basis of the “initiative for excellence” as well as other complications may lead to a further differentiation of institutions and tuition fees, as well as reducing intra-German mobility. It is expected that universities succeeding in the initiative will eventually ask for considerably higher fees than other universities. Universities counting themselves as part of the elite group will restrict access and heighten selectivity. Other institutions will follow this approach, because they fear being left with students rejected as unqualified by the elite universities. The principles of free access and students choosing their higher education institutions will be reversed. —————— This is a slightly revised version of an article originally published (in English and French) in IAU Horizons 2, May 2006. The author thanks the Association of International Universities for the permission to publish this revised version.

Tuition Fee Reform in Germany

The introduction of tuition fees has brought about a longterm debate in Germany. While the majority of political actors and institutional decision makers wanted tuition fees in the higher education sector, the various stakeholder groups failed to agree on who should gain access to the extra revenue and thus blocked the policy decision. The responsible state government ministries wanted to save money by reducing the budget allocations to higher education institutions based on the income provided by tuition fees. The rectors and presidents rejected this idea and voted against tuition fees as long as state governments did not offer guarantees that institutions could invest this extra income, in particular for the improvement of teaching quality. Politically, the Social Democrats opposed and the Christian Democrats favored the introduction of tuition fees. Gradually, tuition fees have been introduced on the margins of the German higher education system. First, tuition fees were charged for continuing academic education and lifelonglearning provisions. Then the German states started to demand tuition fees from students who were enrolled more than four semesters beyond the standard period. The administrative fees for student reenrollments each semester increased as well. The last amendment to the German Higher Education Framework Law under the Social Democratic coalition government in 2002 included an explicit prohibition of tuition fees for undergraduate programs. Six of the German states—all of them governed by the Christian Democrats or a conservative coalition—brought action to the Constitutional Court, calling the federal government’s prohibition of fees an unconstitutional interference into the budgetary autonomy of the states with regard to higher education. In January 2005 the Constitutional Court ruled in favor of the German states—declaring the prohibition of tuition fees under the Higher Education Framework Law to be unconstitutional and allowing the states to levy tuition fees. The controversial debate intensified. The court’s decision seemed not only to be the beginning of the end of any higher education framework law guaranteeing a certain amount of systemic uniformity but also evidence of a change from the idea of education as a public good to the idea of education as a private good. The Present Reform Soon after the decision, the first German states announced their intent to introduce tuition fees. The general idea was to ask for 500 euros per semester in all subjects. Most of the states kept their previous regulations regarding administration fees for reenrollment and tuition fees for long-term students and continuing academic education provisions. In addition, the majority of states are about to introduce fees for undergraduate and graduate education. But there are considerable policy differences among the 16 German states. All the eastern German states as well as Berlin, regardless which political party is in power, are currently not planning to introduce tuition fees. They hope to have a competitive advantage and thus be able attract those German students into their higher education institutions who want to avoid paying tuition fees. In addition, Rhineland-Palatinate is also not planning to introduce tuition fees. The remaining nine German states plan

Analysis of Infants Based on Data from the German Perinatal Survey of the Years 1994-2011 in Mecklenburg-Pomerania, Germany. Classification of Infants with regard to their Gestation Duration and Birth Weight.

The demographic change in -Germany describes an ongoing process of population development of which the eastern German states tend to be more affected. These ongoing changes have an influence on the reproductive behavior of the population. After twenty-three years of German reunification, the present study has investigated the question to what extent the somatic classification of newborns in Mecklenburg-Pomerania (M-P), Germany, is affected. Newborn singleton births (n=174,084) were classified from the existing data of the German Perinatal Survey between 1994 and 2011. The rate of premature birth, SGA, and LGA rate as well as the rate of low birth weight ≤2,499 g were determined both gender-dependently and independently. In addition, a combined analysis of the rates has been taken into account. The obtained data material from M-P made it possible for the first time to compare by values. National and international reference studies were considered in this comparison. In M-P, the premature birth rate is 5.2%; the rate of newborns with low birth weight ≤ 2,499 g is 4.4%. Among newborns of ≤2,499 g and SGA newborns, girls compose a higher percentage (4.7%, 12.5%) compared to boys (4.0%, 7.4%). The premature birth rate and LGA newborns appear conversely. For these, the percentage of boys (5.6%, 12.6%) is higher than that of girls (4.8%, 7.0%). 60.6% of the gender non-specific newborns ≤2,499 g are simultaneously premature newborn infants. Only a very small percentage of 0.5% of SGA newborns is at the same time premature infants and newborns with low birth weight. By getting nationwide country-specific figures, a detailed analysis of the newborns in M-P can be performed. The analysis supports the existing national values and is a helpful addition for practice-oriented advice.

Black African asylum seekers’ experiences of health care access in an eastern German state

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine how access to health care for (rejected) asylum seekers in an eastern German state is structured and experienced and to consider the implications for their human rights. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is based on 12 in-depth interviews with rejected black African asylum seekers and also draws on ethnographic research undertaken at a grassroots refugee organisation and asylum homes. The analysis of the interview data are framed by theorisations of “everyday practices” as “tactics” of resistance to an imposed order. Findings – Accomplishing health care access involved a range of structural barriers and humiliating interactions with administrative and health care staff, which had adverse consequences for their health status and were injurious to their human rights and dignity. The study participants used a range of oppositional and discursive tactics in an effort to secure certain (health) outcomes, mediate social relations and resist their domination as asylum seekers. Research limitations/implications – Further research should focus on the cumulative micro-level effects of asylum policies on health care access and how they create health inequities and violate asylum seekers’ rights and dignity. Practical implications – Policy priorities should include the provision of human rights education as well as training and support for administrative and health staff. Originality/value – There is limited qualitative research on the health care experiences of asylum seekers in Germany. This paper makes policy recommendations and identifies areas for further research and human rights advocacy.

Rahmenbedingungen von Zuwanderung und interkulturellem Zusammenleben in den ostdeutschen Bundesländern – eine Bestandsaufnahme

It is not only the case that new immigration and transit countries have emerged in recent years within Europe. Also within states with existing migration histories, target regions have become differentiated and migrants have reached places that previously have had but little experience of inter-cultural living. Discussion of the issues related to growing ethnic-cultural diversity in Germany focuses primarily on the western federal states, and particularly on large cities within them. Nonetheless, in recent years new clusters of international immigration have emerged in the eastern German states, even if they appear small in comparison to the traditional target regions. The majority of these clusters are established by the deliberate distribution throughout the country of new immigrants, particularly of asylum seekers and, especially in the past, of ethnic German immigrants from Eastern Europe and of Jewish quota refugees. The patterns of immigration, integration and social-spatial segregation differ not only from those in the western federal states but are also themselves extremely diverse. Against the background of the substantial neglect of East German states in migration research and political concepts about inter-cultural living, this paper aims to provide a summarising overview of the results of existing studies.