Eastern Economic Review Research Articles

Indonesian Transmigration and the Crisis of Development, 1968–1985

In 1983 a reporter from the Far Eastern Economic Review visited a Balinese headman, inspecting a long row of tiny new homes recently built for himself and one hundred other families from his village. This was not Bali, however, but a new town carved out of the forest in the sparsely populated Luwu district of South Sulawesi, Indonesia, where nearly 43,000 people had moved from Java and Bali since 1970. These villagers were participants in Indonesia’s transmigration program, which between 1972 and 1990 resettled nearly five million people, mostly poor, landless farmers, from the densely populated islands of Java and Bali to more than 3,000 new settlements in Southern Sumatra, Aceh, Kalimantan, West Papua, Sulawesi, East Timor, and other parts of Indonesia. Jakarta spent nearly $10 billion in the process, reshaping the lives of millions of ordinary Indonesians on both ends of the migration chain and changing the fabric of...

Great game East: India, China, and the struggle for Asia's most volatile frontier

Since the 1950s, China and India have been locked in a monumental battle for geopolitical supremacy. Chinese interest in the ethnic insurgencies in northeastern India, the still unresolved issue of the McMahon Line, the border established by the British imperial government, and competition for strategic access to the Indian Ocean have given rise to tense gamesmanship, political intrigue, and rivalry between the two Asian giants. Former Far Eastern Economic Review correspondent Bertil Lintner has drawn from his extensive personal interviews with insurgency leaders and civilians in remote tribal areas in northeastern India, newly declassified intelligence reports, and his many years of firsthand experience in Asia to chronicle this ongoing struggle. His history of the Great Game East is the first significant account of a regional conflict which has led to open warfare on several occasions, most notably the Sino-India border war of 1962, and will have a major impact on global affairs in the decades ahead.

Nayan Chanda

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsNayan Chanda is the Director of Publications and the Editor of YaleGlobal Online Magazine at the Yale University's Center for the Study of Globalization. Nearly 30 years before he joined Yale University, Chanda was with the Hong Kong-based magazine the Far Eastern Economic Review as its editor, editor-at-large, and correspondent. From 1989 to 1990, Chanda was a Senior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. From 1990 to 1992, he was editor of the Asian Wall Street Journal Weekly, published from New York. He is the author of the bestselling Bound together: How traders, preachers, adventurers, and warriors shaped globalization (2007), and author or co-author of over a dozen books on Asian politics, security, and foreign policy. Nayan Chanda is also a co-editor of the journal New Global Studies, which is the flagship publication of New Global History, a transdisciplinary academic initiative launched and directed by Bruce Mazlish (MIT). New Global History focuses on the latest wave of globalization that has manifested itself so vigorously in the period starting sometime after World War II.

Working with China to Promote Democracy

China represents an uncomfortable thorn in U.S. efforts to promote democracy around the world. While some projects have been successful, a large gap exists between the increasing U.S. funding in China and its “limited impact.” Moreover, U.S. democracy promotion in China has contributed to strategic distrust between China and the United States; Beijing perceives it as a strategic move to destabilize the rise of China and sabotage the Communist Party's leadership. At the same time, China's growing power while maintaining one-party rule and rejecting democratic change generates fear and distrust among many Americans. The scholarship on U.S. democracy promotion is largely and understandably dominated by U.S. scholars with U.S. perspectives. Chinese officials’ and scholars’ responses and perspectives are, however, often overlooked, particularly by democracy-promotion professionals, and are largely omitted from literature on the subject. This paper attempts to understand how the complex and multilayered U.S. democracy-promotion program in China has contributed to this strategic distrust. It examines China's responses to U.S. democracy promotion and explains the confrontational dynamic between Washington and Beijing. The paper also explores whether and how Beijing and Washington can create mutual trust rather than suspicions. Some skeptics may consider this naive, but on historical and political grounds it is actually a realistic possibility

Al‐Qaeda to Arab Spring: Islamist Terrorism and Democracy

Public Administration ReviewVolume 72, Issue 2 p. 314-316 Al-Qaeda to Arab Spring: Islamist Terrorism and Democracy Margaret Scott, Corresponding Author Margaret Scott New York UniversityMargaret Scott is adjunct associate professor in the Wagner School of Public Service at New York University. She also is a journalist, currently focusing on the role of Islam in Indonesian politics. She has written for the New York Review of Books, Times Literary Supplement, and the New York Times Magazine. Previously, she was cultural editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review, based in Hong Kong.E-mail:[email protected]Search for more papers by this author Margaret Scott, Corresponding Author Margaret Scott New York UniversityMargaret Scott is adjunct associate professor in the Wagner School of Public Service at New York University. She also is a journalist, currently focusing on the role of Islam in Indonesian politics. She has written for the New York Review of Books, Times Literary Supplement, and the New York Times Magazine. Previously, she was cultural editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review, based in Hong Kong.E-mail:[email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 25 January 2012 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6210.2011.02556.xCitations: 1Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Citing Literature Volume72, Issue2March/April 2012Pages 314-316 RelatedInformation

Is China Playing a Dual Game in Iran?

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. “The Iran Nuclear Issue: The View from Beijing,” International Crisis Group Asia Briefing, no. 100, February 17, 2010, http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/north-east-asia/china/B100-the-iran-nuclear-issue-the-view-from-beijing.aspx. 2. See Evan S. Medeiros, Reluctant Restraint: The Evolution of China's Nonproliferation Policies and Practices, 1980–2004 (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007); and John Garver, China and Iran: Ancient Partners in a Post-Imperial World (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2007), pp. 153–155. 3. See Kenneth Katzman, “The Iran Sanctions Act,” CRS Report for Congress, renowned RS20871, October 12, 2007, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RS20871.pdf; and American Enterprise Institute, “Global Business in Iran Database,” http://www.irantracker.org/global-business-in-Iran. 4. Zhongguo waijiao [China's diplomacy] (Beijing: Shijie zhishi chubanshe [World Knowledge Publishing Company]). Annual volumes contain a listing of high-level interactions. 5. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, “Arms Tranfer Database,” http://www.sipri.org/databases/armstransfers. 6. John Pomfret, “Chinese firms bypass sanctions on Iran, U.S. says,” Washington Post, October 18, 2010, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/10/17/AR2010101703723.html. 7. See Erica Strecker Downs, China's Quest for Energy Security (Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2000), http://www.rand.org/pubs/monograph_reports/MR1244/index.html. 8. See, for example, John Garver, Flynt Leverett, and Hillary Mann Leverett, “Moving (Slightly) Closer to Iran: China's Shifting Calculus for Managing Its ‘Persian Gulf Dilemma’,” Asia-Pacific Policy Papers Series, The Edwin O. Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies, John Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, October 2009, http://www.sais-jhu.edu/bin/y/v/moving_slightly_closer.pdf. 9. See Jon B. Alterman and John Garver, The Vital Triangle: China, the United States, and the Middle East (Washington, D.C.: CSIS Press, 2008), pp. 12–16. 10. Zhou Yihuang, “U.S. Attack on Iraq: Killing Three Birds with One Stone,” Jiefangjun bao, September 16, 2002. 11. Tian Wenlin, “Meiguo de zhongdong zhanlue ji qi lishi mingyun” [U.S. Middle East Strategy and its Historic Destiny], Xiandai guoji guanxi [Contemporary International Relations], no. 8 (2006): pp. 1–7. 12. Thomas J. Christensen, “Chinese Realpolitik: Reading Beijing's World View,” Foreign Affairs 75, no. 5 (September/October 1996), http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/52434/thomas-j-christensen/chinese-realpolitik-reading-beijings-world-view. 13. Regarding China's assistance to Pakistan's nuclear programs, see John Garver, Protracted Contest: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Twentieth Century (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2001), pp. 324–331. 14. John Garver, “The Restoration of Sino-Indian Comity following India's Nuclear Tests,” The China Quarterly 168 (December 2001), pp. 865–889. 15. Adrian Levy and Catherine Scott-Clark, Deception: Pakistan, the United States, and the Secret Trade in Nuclear Weapons (New York: Walker and Company, 2007). 16. “Fiendish Plot,” Far Eastern Economic Review 151, no. 5 (January 31, 1991): p. 6. 17. The Foreign Affairs Small Leadership Group likely includes President Hu Jintao, Premier Wen Jiabao, National Security Adviser Dai Bingguo, and Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi. On a security-heavy issue such as the Iranian nuclear issue, Defense Minister General Liang Guanglie and Central Military Commission vice chairs General Guo Boxiong and General Xu Caihou would probably be included. 18. Dai Xu, C-xing baowei: neiyou waihuan xia de zhongguo tuwei [C-shaped Encirclement: China's Breakout of Encirclement under Internal and External Threats] (Shanghai: Wenhui Press, 2010). 19. David Shambaugh, Modernizing China's Military: Progress, Problems, and Prospects (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 2002), pp. 22–31. Additional informationNotes on contributorsJohn W. GarverJohn W. Garver is a professor at the Sam Nunn School of International Affairs at the Georgia Institute of Technology. He is the author of China and Iran: Ancient Partners in a Post-Imperial World (University of Washington Press, 2006) and, with Jon Alterman, Vital Triangle: China, the United States, and the Middle East (Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2008)

The Party: the secret world of China's communist rulers

Richard McGregor's has been established as the book on China and its political leadership. It is indispensable to understanding what may soon become the most powerful country on earth, and here is it is newly updated to include material on the once-in-a-decade leadership changes taking place in November 2012. Newly updated version including analysis of the once-in-a-decade leadership changes taking place in November 2012 China's Communist Party is the largest, most powerful political machine in the world. Here, Richard McGregor delves deeply into its inner sanctum, revealing how this secretive cabal keeps control of every aspect of the country - its military and media, legal system and businesses, even its religious organizations. How has the Party merged Marx, Mao and the market to create a global superpower? And what does this mean for the world? Extraordinary. (Sunday Times). Masterful...entertaining and insightful. (Economist). Superb...an essential, riveting guide to how the rising power really works. (Jonathan Fenby). If you read only one book about China this year, it should be this one. And if you do not read this book, you probably do not understand China today. (Arthur Kroeber, China Economic Quarterly). A compelling exploration of the world's largest and most successful political machine. (New Statesman). A book that is as informative as it is entertaining...China has been transformed. The system that takes the credit is brilliantly described by McGregor. (Chris Patten, Financial Times). Having joined the Financial Times in 2000 in Shanghai and being appointed China bureau chief in 2005, Richard McGregor is now Washington Bureau Chief for the FT. McGregor has won numerous awards throughout his nearly two decades of reporting from north Asia, including a 2010 Society of Publishers in Asia Editorial Excellence Award for his coverage on the Xinjiang Riots and 2008 SOPA Awards for Editorial Intelligence. He has spent twenty years in north Asia, starting in Taiwan, and then in Tokyo, Hong Kong and Beijing, where he established offices for Australian newspaper. He has also contributed articles and reports to the BBC, the International Herald Tribune and the Far Eastern Economic Review.

Burying Culpability: The Killing Fields (1984), Us Foreign Policy, and the Political Limits of Film-Making in Reagan-Era America

Burying Culpability: The Killing Fields (1984), Us Foreign Policy, and the Political Limits of Film-Making in Reagan-Era America

Taxation and Economic Modernization in Contemporary China

Development and ChangeVolume 10, Issue 3 p. 403-421 Taxation and Economic Modernization in Contemporary China Leo Goodstadt, Leo Goodstadt Leo Goodstadt is currently Associate-in-Research and Honorary Research Fellow, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong. Former Deputy Editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review for which he provided regular coverage of Chinese affairs. Author of Mao Tse-tung: The Search for Plenty (1972) and China's Watergate: Political and Economic Conflicts, 1969- 77 (1979). Now engaged in a study of the interplay of ideological and legal conflicts in Chinese economic development.Search for more papers by this author Leo Goodstadt, Leo Goodstadt Leo Goodstadt is currently Associate-in-Research and Honorary Research Fellow, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong. Former Deputy Editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review for which he provided regular coverage of Chinese affairs. Author of Mao Tse-tung: The Search for Plenty (1972) and China's Watergate: Political and Economic Conflicts, 1969- 77 (1979). Now engaged in a study of the interplay of ideological and legal conflicts in Chinese economic development.Search for more papers by this author First published: July 1979 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.1979.tb00004.x AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume10, Issue3July 1979Pages 403-421 RelatedInformation

Hunger and Containment: How India Became “Important” in US Cold War Strategy

Hunger and Containment: How India Became “Important” in US Cold War Strategy

How Japan Imagines China and Sees Itself

Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations are at their worst since the 1970s. The cabinet that Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi assembled this past November confirms the continued rise of foreign policy hawks, boding ill for any swift improvement in Japan's relations with China. Yet, what evolves between Tokyo and Beijing will certainly affect the global balance of capitalism and geopolitics, of integration and conflict. Japan alienates Asia, writes Hugo Restall, editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review.

Metropolitan regions: New challenges for an urbanizing China

The author is President of Chreod Ltd., a consulting firm he founded in 1985 in Canada. Since 1988 the firm has worked on over 80 urban and regional development consulting projects in over 70 cities across China. Mr Leman's work has largely been on strategic development planning and policy development for municipal governments in China, and for the World Bank and Asian Development Bank. He has worked in Shanghai,Tianjin, Beijing, Chongqing, and in Anhui, Hebei, Henan, Gansu, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Guangdong, Guangxi, Guizhou and Sichuan Provinces. Mr Leman has published articles on China urban issues in Ekistics, the Asian Wall Street Journal, the World Bank's Urban Age Journal, and the Far Eastern Economic Review's China Trade Report. Mr Leman is a member of the World Society for Ekistics and served as a member of its Executive Council from 1995-1998. This article is derived from his presentation at the international symposion on 'The Natural City," Toronto, 23-25 June, 2004, sponsored by the University of Toronto's Division of the Environment, Institute for Environmental Studies, and the World Society for Ekistics, and a subsequent paper that he delivered at the World Bank Urban Research Symposium held in April 2005 in Brasilia.

Worth an Agora? 2003 E-lection Party Sites and Public Discourse

Democracy started over 2,500 years ago in Athens. As the form of government was largely one of direct democracy, the focus of deliberation was the ‘agora’ – a forum in which Athens’ citizenry debated and decided on public policy and law. Modern democracy, on the other hand, is representative, so that policymaking and legislation by definition occurs within the parliament and executive branch. Nevertheless, the shift from public agora to governmental parliament need not in principle remove the populace from the deliberative process – certainly not when it is called upon tomake the only formal decision within the system: election of the representatives. The fact that this generally does not occur in the modern age is less a function of political philosophy than of logistics – how do millions find each other, not to mention carry on some sort of rational discourse? They normally cannot. As a result, election campaigns have also been removed from the purview of the citizenry and given over to the candidates and especially to the mass media. Consequently, almost all political communications researchers have focused on top-to-bottom election discourse: candidates (and parties)-topublic, as well as media-to-public. This traditional situation is now undergoing change for the first time in modern democratic history with the advent of a ‘mass’ medium – the internet – that renders bottom-to-bottom (‘peer-to-peer’) and bottom-totop (citizen-to-party) communication as effortless as its more traditional counterpart: ‘the media is [sic ] still monologic and one-way – the great and the good speak and everyone else listens or turns off. There is a way out of that tradition: a “civic commons” in cyberspace . . . intelligent spaces for public deliberation about policy issues online’. Of course, the internet not only empowers the citizenry, it can also be fruitfully exploited by the parties and the candidates for their own purposes – through top-to-bottom communication. However, as opposed to the public that has not had much opportunity to express itself during

China's Kashmir Policies

This article analyzes the policies of the People's Republic of China (PRC) toward the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan. “Policies” is a plural noun. There are at least six distinct Chines...

Mao: a reinterpretation

Mr. argues that the movements for which Mao is almost universally condemned today-the Great Leap Forward and especially the Cultural Revolution-were in many ways beneficial for the Chinese people. While not glossing over Mao's mistakes, he contends that the Chinese leader should be largely praised for many of his later efforts. In reevaluating Mao's contributions, this interpretive study reverses the curve of criticism. Feigon performs a service by reclaiming the historical context of Mao's crazed era. He has written a concise work that forces the reader to recall the circumstances that abetted Mao's reign.-Far Eastern Economic Review.

New Shanghai: The Rocky Rebirth of China's Legendary City. By Pamela Yatsko. [New York: John Wiley, 2001. viii+298pp. Hard cover ISBN 0-471-84352-0; paperback ISBN 0-471-47915-2.

As an admitted Shanghai chauvinist, I look forward to reading books dealing with the city where I studied more than two decades ago, particularly ones such as this which promise a rather comprehensive overview of the Shanghai scene at the turn of the millennium. Pamela Yatsko served as Far Eastern Economic Review bureau chief there in the mid-to-late 1990s, and obviously knows the city and its people well. She shared, as I did, their frustration throughout the 1980s as they watched cities such as Hong Kong become world economic powers (spearheaded by Shanghainese refugees), and backwaters such as Shenzhen, which barely existed until the 1980s, attract global attention for their explosive growth. And she cannot avoid being struck by the rapidity with which Shanghai rebuilt itself once Beijing gave the green light after Deng Xiaoping's 1992 visit.

Nationalism and Religious Protest: The Case of the National Day Celebration Service Controversy in the Hong Kong Protestant Churches

The relationship between the government of the People's Republic of China and Hong Kong society since the return of the former British colony to the Mainland has become an important subject for sociological study. The Chinese government made a major effort to promote nationalism in Hong Kong during the transitional period before reunification, emphasising correct 'patriotic' ideas and attitudes. Most visibly, a variety of campaigns celebrating the reunification were organised by different sectors of Hong Kong society from late 1996 until mid-1997, which were endorsed or otherwise encouraged by the Chinese government. Even before the handover, while trying to foster a joyous mood in Hong Kong society, the Beijing government was also attempting to demonstrate its sovereignty over the territory. While most individuals and social groups in Hong Kong were largely indifferent to these celebrations, some social groups organised 'anti-celebration' activities to counteract the message the Chinese government was trying to convey. I In 1996 many Hong Kong Protestant churches were engaged in a debate over how to celebrate the reunification. A proposal was made by 47 church leaders to host a National Day Celebration Service on 1 October 1996 (hereafter referred to as the 'proposed service'). It sparked a heated debate among the Protestant communities that lasted for more than six months. Rather unusually, the controversy arising from the proposed service (hereafter referred to as the 'controversy') was widely reported in the Hong Kong media. Detailed coverage featured forums with articles contributed by both supporters and critics of the proposed service. Newspapers and journals that reported on the controversy include the Ming Pao Daily, the Hong Kong Economic Journal, the South China Morning Post, Sing Tao Daily, Newsweek, the Asian Wall Street Journal, the Far Eastern Economic Review, and The Nineties. 2 The Christian Times, a Protestant weekly newspaper in Hong Kong, provided updated reports on the controversy and became a battlefield for the debate. Given the scope of coverage by local and international media, the controversy could justifiably be regarded as a social incident rather than merely an internal religious dispute. Protestant church members in the former British colony expressed how they perceived and felt about reunification. These expressions were in fact an indication of their political positions in relation to and opinion of the Chinese government. The controversy was also a reflection on the interaction between politics and religion in Hong Kong.

The Medium Vanishes?

The Medium Vanishes?

The survival of ''Asian values'' as ''Zivilisationskritik''

Recent ¢nancial events in the Asia-Paci¢c area have not only brought havoc to political and economic structures but also changed the conditions for ideological discourse in the region. In this article, I explore the future of one of these discourses ^ ‘‘Asian Values,’’ which emphasize family and consensual governance over personal and political individualism. I ask whether this discourse, which blossomed during East and Southeast Asia’s long economic boom, will wither after a ¢nancial bust. 1 Most of these countries have gone through what can only be termed an economic depression, casting doubt on the claim that authoritarian-communitarianism is the key reason for the region’s rapid growth.We can question whether East and Southeast Asians will continue to accept developmental dictatorships that can no longer deliver development. As Frank Ching of the Far Eastern Economic Review has asked:‘‘Are Asian values ¢nished?’’ 2

Sri Lanka’s Civil War

Essay| December 01 1999 Sri Lanka’s Civil War Manik de Silva Manik de Silva Manik de Silva was the editor of the Daily News, Sri Lanka’s premier English-language daily, from 1981 to 1995. He is currently editor of The Island, Sunday edition, a contributing editor to Himal, and a contributor to the Far Eastern Economic Review. Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Current History (1999) 98 (632): 428–432. https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1999.98.632.428 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Manik de Silva; Sri Lanka’s Civil War. Current History 1 December 1999; 98 (632): 428–432. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1999.98.632.428 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentCurrent History Search This content is only available via PDF. © 1999 by The Regents of the University of California1999 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.