Tsarist Government Research Articles

THE HISTORY OF CREATION OF MINING AND INDUSTRIAL SUPERVISION IN RUSSIA: WAY FROM BERG COLLEGIUM TO ROSTEKHNADZOR

The history of creation of mining and industrial supervision in Russia raises main stages of its formation: Russian Tsardom (1547–1721), Russian Empire (1721–1917), Soviet period (1922–1991) and post-Soviet period (1991 – present day). The article describes а timeline of mining and industrial supervision in each of indicated stages: description of key regulatory documents, functions of organs, responsible for managing in field a safe conduct of work, associated with use of subsoil.

ETHNOGRAPHY OF WESTERN KAZAKHSTAN IN RUSSIAN SOURCES

The article deals with ethnographic research, which is the direction of Russian expeditions aimed at exploring the kazakh land. Analytical studies of the ethnography of the kazakhs who inhabited the Volga and the Urals have been carried out. A voluminous material on the life and culture of the kazakhs of the Small zhuz is presented. The characteristics of the economy and profession of the West Kazakhstan people of the XVIII-XIX centuries have been developed. The analysis of the importance of trade in the Small zhuz and animal husbandry in everyday life is carried out. The main goals and objectives of travelers and their achievements are considered. The scientists' assessment of the place of nomadism in the lifestyle of the Kazakhs of the XVIII-XIX centuries between the Volga and the Urals will be worked out. The analysis of researchers' views on how the colonial policy of the tsarist government changed Kazakh life will be carried out. As a result of the study, it was found that travelers evaluated the Kazakhs of the Maly Zhuz in comparison with neighboring peoples (Tatar, Bashkir). The Kazakhs of the Maly Zhuz differ from the Kazakhs of the Older and Middle Zhuz, as shown in the works of scientists.It tells about the nature of traditional rituals in Maly Zhuz. In the final part, the importance of ethnographic exploration of the West Kazakhstan steppes at the historiographical level is determined and the influence of Russian scientists and travelers on the presentation of Kazakh history to the world is assessed.

Польский дворянин армянского происхождения из Бессарабии во главе Ставропольской гу-бернии

The article is dedicated to the social and political activities of a Polish nobleman of Armenian de-scent from Bessarabia, namely the actual privy counselor Bronislav Mechislavovich Yanush-kevich. The authors of the article examine his work in three provinces of the Russian Empire: Bessarabia, Tambov, and Stavropol. The primary focus is placed on his role as the governor of the Stavropol province. The authors contend that the personnel policy of the Tsarist government took into consideration not only the class, confessional, but also the ethnic background of applicants for leadership positions within the regions. At the same time, the leader needed to be competent and loyal. When choosing governors and heads of regions, the authorities aimed to avoid the head’s kinship with the local populace, allowing them to follow their own policies in the governed territory. In this regard, in the Caucasus, a significant number of territorial leaders had non-national (German, Polish, etc.) origin. At the head of the Stavropol province, B.M. Yanushevich proved himself to be a «correct administrator». During the ten-year period of his governorship (1906-1915), the central territory of the North Caucasus became an economically prosperous and politically stable province in Southern Russia.

Political and cultural situation in Kazakhstan in the XVIII–XIX centuries (historical aspect)

The article describes the political situation and cultural situation of the Kazakh land in the period of the Russian Empire and describes the fact that in the XVIII–XIX centuries, the Tsarist authorities carried out various reforms for the final rule of the Kazakh steppe, expanding the countryethnic basis of the Kazakh people, dividing the ethnic groups, dividing them into provinces and districts, depriving the country of integrity. Our article reflects the colonial policy of the Tsarist government towards the Kazakh Steppe, which in some cases was tactically different from the open robbery attacks of the Khiva and Kokand khanates. It is indicated that the Tsarist government began to use an underground policy that led to the exposure of the Kazakh people to the influence of the Russian state and constant subordination to that state. The article also analyzes the policy of the Tsarist government, how the rulers of the Kazakh steppes work for them, buy them with a large reward.

The image of Yemelyan Pugachev in Tatar historical folklore

This article examines samples of the Tatars’ non-fairy tale prose, which reflects the historical figure of the popular uprising leader in the Urals and the Volga Region, Yemelyan Pugachev. The author summarizes the popular assessment of the Peasant War leader’s actions, found in the historical tales of the Tatars from the republics of Bashkortostan, Tatarstan and other regions of Russia. Based on the analyzed sources, it is possible to obtain valuable information about those socio-political clashes that have left deep traces in the worldview and psychology of the local population. The relevance of the research topic is due to the need to understand the role of one of the key personalities for the Bashkortostan Tatars, Yemelyan Pugachev, as well as the need to replenish the knowledge about the local history specifics and the national policy of the tsarist government. The object of the study is the Tatar people’s historical tales about uprisings and riots. The subject of the study is the image of Yemelyan Pugachev in Tatar historical tales. The purpose of the work is to identify the features reflecting the image of Yemelyan Pugachev in Tatar tales and the prerequisites that form the basis of the popular assessment of this hero’s deeds. The objectives of the article are to review historical tales about popular uprisings, unrest and riots and their leader, to identify the specifics, reflecting people’s indignation based on the transformation of the dissenter’s image, an opponent of state power in the oral folk art of the Tatars living in various regions of Russia, in particular in the Volga Region and the Urals. The article concludes that despite the strengths and weaknesses of Yemelyan Pugachev’s personality, the people portray him with respect, recognizing his strength and charisma, but they are in no hurry to take the “oath of allegiance”; at the same time, through the description of everyday events, he reveals himself, first of all, as a Person.

Poljsko-hrvatski odnosi u kontekstu djelovanja Krakovskog slavističkog društva početkom XX. stoljeća

The article explores the activities of Krakow Slavists at the turn of the 19th to the 20th century, focusing on their stance toward the Croats, particularly their culture, history, and mutual relations. The aim of the article is to illustrate how Slavic enthusiasts from Galicia perceived the role of Poles in the broader Pan-Slavist movement. This is a crucial topic because South Slavic historiography often propagated the claim that Poles were opposed to the idea of Slavic cooperation. Figures such as Marian Zdziechowski, Tadeusz Stanisław Grabowski, and Jan Magiera contradict this assertion. Opposing Pan-Slavism or Neo-Slavism did not imply that Poles rejected Slavic collaboration, but rather the role of Russia. In their opinion, Russia did not act in the Slavs’ interest but against them, pursuing the Greater Russian goals of the Tsarist regime. Consequently, they proposed alternative solutions, emphasising the central role of Polish culture and advocating for collaboration among Slavic nations on equal terms. Thanks to their knowledge of Slavic languages and cultures, Krakow Slavists maintained numerous contacts with individuals from various Slavic countries, including Croatia. After World War I, some Poles and South Slavs continued this line of thought, believing that Poland should become the cultural centre of Slavic heritage. A section of the article is dedicated to demonstrating the stance of key representatives of the Krakow Slavophile community towards Croats, supported by a detailed analysis of texts concerning Croats published in the monthly journal Świat Słowiański. This publication served as the press organ for this community, featuring contributions from foreign authors. The journal aimed to promote the Polish concept of Slavic unity and familiarise the Galician public with the issues of Slavs within and outside the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

ОЧЕРК О «КОРЕННЫХ ПРЕОБРАЗОВАНИЯХ» В ФИНАНСОВОЙ ПОЛИТИКЕ ЦАРСКОГО ПРАВИТЕЛЬСТВА И ПОПЫТКЕ СОЗДАНИЯ В РОССИИ ЦЕНТРОБАНКА В ГОДЫ ПЕРВОЙ МИРОВОЙ ВОЙНЫ

The paper, in the context of the Stolypin agrarian reform, examines the issue of appointing P.L. Bark Minister of Finance. The most important reason for the influential statesman, president of land management and agriculture A.V. Krivoshein, who was directly responsible for the implementation of agrarian policy, to promote P.L. Bark in every possible way was his desire to expand lending to the agricultural sector of the economy. At the same time, it is seen that the relationship between these state dignitaries could have hidden personal selfish motives. It is shown that the leaders of the world banking community of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, represented primarily by the Rothschild clan, paid commissions to representatives of the tsarist government when issuing loans to Russia. The authors do not exclude that similar practices took place during the First World War. The country's debt dependence on world bankers increased significantly, thanks to the “radical changes” of financial policy undertaken by P.L. Bark as Minister of Finance and supported by Nicholas II. Prohibition, which was implemented by P.L. Bark became one of the reasons for the emergence and significant increase in the state budget deficit. At the beginning of the 20th century Russia was the only one of the most developed countries in the world where there was no full-fledged Central Bank, as a formally national institution, but actually acting as a “bank of banks”, a conductor of the interests of bankers in monetary policy. This was one of the reasons for the emergence of the P.L. Bark’s project to transform the State Bank into the Central Bank. The revolution of 1917 prevented the implementation of this plan and the inclusion of Russia in the system of central banks of the world.

Uprisings in Kazakhstan Against the Tsarist Government in 1916 and Soviet Policy in 1921-1922. Similarities and Differences (Based on the Materials of Akmola and Atbasar Districts)

Relevance. The study of Kazakhstan's national liberation movements in the early XX century, particularly the uprisings against tsarist rule in 1916 and Soviet rule in 1921-1922, is highly relevant for understanding the country's path to independence. Purpose. The research aimed to examine the causes, conditions, and driving forces behind these uprisings in the Akmola and Atbasar districts, as well as identify similarities and differences between them. Methodology. Materials from the archives of the Central State Museum of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Regional Museum of the Akmola Region, the Regional Museum of the Kostanay Region, the museums of the cities of Astana, Zhezkazgan, Kyzylorda, Arkalyk were used, including information that was used for the first time during the writing of the article. The historical-systemic, historical-comparative, chronological and observational methods were used; as well as historical, historical-social, and other research methods. Results. The study found that both uprisings were driven by oppressive policies, excessive taxation, and land seizures by the ruling powers. Local leaders emerged to organize resistance in both cases. The 1916 uprising was sparked by forced conscription, while the 1921-22 uprising responded to Soviet food requisition policies. Both were violently suppressed by authorities. Conclusions. The researchers conclude that these uprisings were important links in Kazakhstan's centuries-long struggle for independence. They argue for a reassessment of these events and their leaders in Kazakhstan's national history. Keywords: Kazakhstan history; Soviet Government; Tsarism; USSR

Донской / Донецкий казачий городок: одно или два поселения?

Introduction. In the presented article, based on a comprehensive analysis of historical sources and historiographical material, an attempt was made to understand the problem regarding the existence of a specific Cossack town. In the historical literature, there is an opinion about the existence of two Cossack towns in the Middle Don region, within the modern Voronezh region, with the names “Donskoy” and “Donetsk.” However, not all researchers agree with this. They are talking about a town known by two names. Methods and materials. The study used historical-comparative, historical-genetic, and synchronous and diachronic methods of analysis. The source base of the research was the “skaski” of the Don Cossacks and atamans, the letters of the tsarist government to the Don, the diaries of P. Gordon and Ya. Markovich, cartographic material, lists of Don Cossack towns, replies of voivodes, as well as embassy books. Analysis. In 1676, on the left bank of the Don, between its left tributaries Tolucheyevka and Kazanka, near the mouth of the latter, a Donetsk town was founded, so named after the Sukhoi Donets River. After its destruction in 1708, the Donskoy Monastery was founded on the right bank of the Don, which, with the light hand of V.N. Tatishchev, began to be identified with the Don Cossack town that allegedly existed at this place. Yet, there is no mention of any Donskoy town in the first of the surviving paintings of Cossack towns for 1593. However, Donetsk town is well known not only from written sources but also from historical maps from the end of the 17th century. Results. It is safe to say that the mounted Don Cossacks had one town called “Donetsk.” The historical sources at our disposal do not report anything about the existence of the “Donskoy” town.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE POPULATION OF SMOLENSK IN THE 16TH-17TH CENTURIES BASED ON THE MATERIALS FROM THE EXCAVATIONS AT PYATNITSKY DISTRICT

Introduction. The article analyzes materials dated to the 16th-17th centuries came from Smolensk. This period turned out to be one of the most complex and eventful in the history of the region, that's why every new detail is significant for the study. For a long time, Smolensk functioned as a boundary city and also as an important trade hub between the Muscovite Tsardom and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth; so, the composition of its population may reflect the influence of the western neighbors. Materials and methods. There were examined the craniological materials discovered during the excavations at the Pyatnitsky district of the city in 2012. The necropolis dates back to the turn of the 16th-17th centuries, it is located on the high bank of the Dnieper near the fortress wall of the Smolensk Kremlin. The materials include 17 male and 19 female skulls. Classical and multidimensional biometric methods were used as statistical approaches. Results. The comparison beetween the studied sample and the other sample of the 12th century city population known from the literature has showed their high similarity, although the later sample tends to be slenderer. Statistically significant differences were recorded only for certain parameters of the skull. The comparison with the aggregated sample of the rural Smolensk region population dated to the 18th-19th centuries also revealed a significant difference for the cranial length and height and some parameters of the facial skeleton. Discriminant analysis showed a quite unique status of the studied sample, which differs from both synchronous urban groups and later samples of the rural population of the central region. There are also no processes of macrosomization observed for it. Conclusion. The absence of significant differences for most characteristics between the studied sample and the urban population of the 12th century can indicate the continuity of the morphological type of the Smolensk urban population. On the other hand, the intermediate position of the studied sample in relation to early and late comparative materials can indicate that the studied sample represents recent settlers from the rural area.

Боевое снаряжение Южнорусской организации «Народной воли» в 1885–1886 годы

During 1885, the South Russian organization of “People’s Will” by the leadership of B. D. Orzhikh created its own bombs set and provided their storage. These bombs were create for demoralization of the tsarist government. Because of objective reasons caused by recovery of weakened party, the southern revolutionaries did not have time to start the full realization of their plans about bombs using. In reality, the main work focused on the consolidation of revolutionary forces and propaganda activities until the liquidation of the group during 1886–1887. The group of B. D. Orzhikh really had only programs, plans and bombs, but not a terror as such; as a result, it is appropriate to study these components separately. This article will examine the history of the creation, storage and destruction of bombs of the South Russian organization in the period 1885–1886.

Democracy for the Democrats? Historical Origins of Soviet and Post-Soviet Intelligentsia

Tomila Lankina’s The Estate Origins of Democracy in Russia, published by Cambridge University Press in 2021, is a very powerful and thought-provoking book. It contains a bold argument, exhibiting the author’s erudition across several disciplines, as well as an unusual richness of empirical evidence and an exquisite prose style. The book delves into the intricacies of social resilience in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution. Contrary to the notion that the Bolshevik Revolution served as “the great leveler,” Lankina demonstrates the enduring presence of Tsarist-era estates within the social fabric throughout the Soviet era and even into the post-Soviet period. The estates encompassed a system of legal classifications that stratified Russian imperial society into distinct categories: aristocracy, clergy, merchants, and meshchane (petty bourgeoisie), as well as peasants. Lankina’s primary focus lies upon the meshchane, an estate that, by the twilight of the tsarist regime, accounted for approximately 10 percent of the empire’s total population.1 Within Lankina’s narrative, the meshchane emerged as an imperial middle class – comprising individuals such as small shopkeepers, rentiers, doctors, teachers, engineers – who mostly resided in urban centers and towns. Many among this group hailed from ethnic and religious minority backgrounds, including Jewish, Polish, German, Old Believers, and others.

Methods of interaction of Russian conservatives with society and government. The question of the status of the Grand Duchy of Finland at the beginning of the XX century

The subject of the study is the change in the methods of interaction of the Russian conservative trend with society and government structures within the framework of the anti-Finnish discourse in the early twentieth century. The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the return of the "Finnish question" to Russian journalism after the assassination of Alexander II by the People's Deputies and a sharp change in the internal political course of the government; the influence of right-wing monarchical organizations (especially the "Russian Assembly") on the spread of anti-Finnish sentiments in Russian society and senior government circles; the actualization of the "Finnish question" in the context of the actions of the tsarist government by incorporation of the outskirts. Special attention is paid to the transition of anti-Finlandic sentiments from the plane of public controversy on the pages of Russian magazines into the practical activities of Russian officials to limit the autonomous rights of the Grand Duchy of Finland. The main content of the research methodology is the study from the point of view of objectivity and historicism of materials giving an idea that the strengthening of anti-Finlandic sentiments among representatives of the right-wing radical spectrum of the Russian social movement, which was caused by revolutionary shifts in the life of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century. The main conclusions of the study are: 1) disagreements over the status of the Grand Duchy of Finland became part of the ideological and practical confrontation between different social groups in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century; 2) the vector of Russian policy regarding the autonomous rights of Finland is changing, and this problem is again becoming part of the information agenda, mainly in conservative publications. The author's special contribution to the research of the topic is to identify the reasons for the change in the nature of the discussion of the status of Finland in the context of serious changes in the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century. The novelty of the research lies in the analysis of the events of a crucial historical stage, when the activation of the revolutionary and national liberation movement caused a tendency to strengthen pro-monarchist groups seeking to counter the destructive anti-state challenges in the national issue of the idea of preserving the state.

The resettlement policy of Tsarist Russia on the Kazakh steppes of the late XIX � early XX centuries (based on the materials of periodicals and scientific articles)

Relevance. After the conquest of Turkestan in the second half of the XIX century, the tsarist government began to take concrete action. The tsarist government sent special research expeditions to the Kazakh steppes and began to collect a lot of information about the geographical, economic and social situation. The Myrzashol and Kyzylkum districts in the south, notable for their proximity to the fertile and bird-rich banks of the Syrdarya River, offer convenient water access and deserve special attention. The materials collected by the researchers were processed, summarised and published in the Russian periodical �Turkestan Collection�.Purpose. The aim was to show the results of research expeditions and to introduce rulers, military personnel, peasants and peasants of vast Russia in search of work and land in the virgin steppe, where they have not yet plowed.Methodology. This research utilizes a historical review methodology, examining archival materials, periodicals, and previously published scientific articles.Results. The findings suggest that the resettlement was extensively facilitated by the division of Kazakh lands into administrative territories and the systematic imposition of state property laws. The analysis shows that this not only disrupted the traditional nomadic lifestyle of the Kazakhs but also paved the way for significant Russian migration and agricultural development, particularly in cotton cultivation.Conclusions. The study concludes that the resettlement policy was a form of imperial strategy that had lasting impacts on the region's demographic and economic landscapes. It underscores the dual role of economic exploitation and cultural domination in Tsarist colonization efforts, reflecting broader patterns of European imperial practices in Asia. The research highlights the need for a nuanced understanding of these historical dynamics to appreciate the complex legacy of colonial policies in Central Asia.

Language Standardization as a Form of Resistance in the Face of Russian Linguistic Colonialism (An Example of the Georgian Language of the 19th Century)

The article examines the anatomy of the Russian linguistic colonialism in 19th-century Georgia and the nature, scale, and consequences of its influence on the functioning of the Georgian language. It analyzes the measures taken by Georgian figures of this period to raise the social status of the native language in the face of the challenges of Russian colonialism. It shows how in the changed socio-political situation as a result of the annexation of Georgia, they turned the standardization and codification of the language into one of the strong forms of resistance, with which they opposed the at-tempts of linguistic assimilation coming from the Tsarist government. The article sheds light on the fact that a correct vision of the advanced intelligentsia on language poli-cy and an adequate assessment of the dangers of colonialism often save the colonized languages from being swept away by the dominant language and from extinction. Their consideration of language as one of the main markers of national identity, on the one hand, and the perception of linguistic colonialism as a manifestation of Rus-sian cultural hegemony, the real goal of which was to introduce the imperial cultural norms, values, and ideologies in the colonized country, played an important role in improving the ecological environment of the Georgian language, overcoming the difficulties of the linguistic hierarchy. and, finally, to preserve the national identity.

Crimean Tatars and Kazakhs: a Comparative Analysis of the Imperial Policy of Acculturation in the Management System, Social, Military and Educational Spheres

The article examines the acculturation policy pursued by the tsarist government and regional authorities in relation to nomadic, semi-nomadic and sedentary peoples living in the Black Sea and Central Asian regions. Crimean Tatars and Kazakhs were selected for comparative analysis. The study analyzes the main directions of state policy pursued to integrate the Crimean Tatars and Kazakhs into Russia. These areas of work define the management system, social, military and educational spheres. The article also raises the question of whether the tsarist government had a unified program according to which the integration of nomadic, semi-nomadic and sedentary peoples took place in the southern and south-eastern outskirts of Russia. The chronological framework of the work is determined by the end of the 18th — beginning of the 20th centuries, since it was during this period that the Russian authorities carried out the main activities aimed at integrating the Crimean Tatars and Kazakhs into the empire. Archival documents, legislative acts, statistical data and scientific publications were used to cover this topic. The article indicates that this topic has not previously been the subject of special study. The study showed that the tsarist government did not have a single program in accordance with which the integration of the newly annexed peoples living in the southern and southeastern outskirts of Russia took place. In each individual case there were regional peculiarities. It is noted that the acculturation of the Crimean Tatars and Kazakhs in the management system, social, military and educational spheres cannot be assessed unambiguously. Administrative acculturation led to the gradual replacement of traditional institutions of power and the introduction of a general imperial system of management. Legislative consolidation of the rights of new subjects representing different class groups contributed to their rapid incorporation into Russian society. Acculturation in the educational sphere cannot be viewed unambiguously. The main task of the tsarist government in creating Russian-foreign schools was the gradual Russification of new subjects. At the same time, Crimean Tatars and Kazakhs, studying the Russian language and Russian literature, became familiar with the achievements of European civilization.

Հայ-թաթարական բախումներն ու Բաքվի հայության ինքնապաշտպանության կազմակերպումը ըստ «Դրօշակ» պարբերականի / ARMENIAN-TATAR CLASHES AND THE ORGANIZATION OF SELF-DEFENSE OF BAKU ARMENIANS ACCORDING TO «DROSHAK» PUBLICATION

This article is intended to examine in a new light the deep causes of the ArmenianTatar conflicts of 1905, the circumstances and complications of organizing self-defense of the Armenians, according to the newspaper ‘’Droshak’’. The task of the article is to provide an expert analysis of the true causes of the Armenian-Tatar conflict of 1905, the efforts made by its main organizing force - the Tsarist authorities, as well as the brilliant self-defense organized by Dashnaktsutyun, based on the abundant information of "Droshak" publication and comparing it with the works of other authors. The work is outlined on the basis of a comprehensive study of the facts, using the principles of historical analysis. As a result of this study, it can be stated that the Armenian-Tatar clashes provoked by the Tsarist government in 1905-1906 had both political and economic motives and farsighted goals, but due to proper self-defense and decisive offensive actions organized by Dashnaktsutyun, these clashes stopped throughout the Caucasus. It is an undeniable fact that the Tsarist government, by fomenting interethnic conflicts in the Caucasus region, aimed to keep them away from the revolutionary movements pursuing the empire, and to extract from these clashes as many economic and political benefits as possible․ However, the Armenian people managed to emerge victorious in these clashes, as the organization of resistance was taken over by Dashnaktsutyun, which, with the opening of the "Caucasian Front" in 1904, also took over the Self-Defense Cause of Eastern Armenians․

Encounter between Man and State: Crimes Caused by Emotions in 18th-Century Russia. Review of: Kamensky, A. B. (2022). Liubov’, strast’ i otchaianie — russkie prestupleniia XVIII veka [Love, Passion, and Despair — Russian Crimes of the 18th Century]. St Petersburg: Aletheia. 406 p.

This review analyses A. B. Kamensky’s book Love, Passion and Despair — Russian Crimes in the 18th Century. The author devotes his work to the struggle between the state and the church in early modern Russia, showing this through the changing legal norms that were used primarily to regulate the sphere of marriage and family relations. Each chapter analyses the process of criminalisation of such socially reprehensible deviations as extramarital sexual relations, rape, incest, violation of marriage regulations, suicide and others. One of the merits of the publication is the wealth of empirical material that perfectly illustrates the main trends in the development of Russian law. At the same time, the abundance of data seems to be one of the shortcomings of the study, as it sometimes tends to conceal from the reader the original intention of the book.

«Я выбрал для пробы главу о Протопопове... » (из истории очерка А. Блока «Последние дни императорской власти»)

This work is devoted to the fate of the chapter on A.D. Protopopov, chosen by A. Blok as a work, as part of his official activities in the Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry, for reporting to the Constituent Assembly. A wide range of source material (notebooks, diary, letters to his mother) demonstrates Blok’s attitude towards the last Minister of Internal Affairs. The research concerns the poet’s particular focus on the personality of the disgraced official. The article analyzes documents from Blok’s archive related to his work on the chapter and traces Blok’s parallel work on the chapters “The Last Days of the Tsarist Regime” and “Protopopov.” The article presents, among other things, unknown archival materials from the Manuscript Department of the Pushkin House.

The Martyrdom of Illness: Mariia Spiridonova in Siberian Imprisonment, 1906–17

Abstract: In the summer of 1906 at the age of twenty-one, Mariia Spiridonova, a Russian Socialist Revolutionary (SR) assassin was transported with five other convicted female SR terrorists by railway from Moscow to the Nerchinsk prison complex in eastern Siberia. Only Spiridonova was known as a martyr-heroine to opponents of tsarism across the empire, however, because national newspapers had published her story of physical abuse by police and Cossacks at the time of her arrest. Patterning themselves after an earlier generation of populist terrorists in the 1870s and 1880s, male and female SR terrorists in the revolution of 1905–07 attempted to kill government officials whom the SR party accused of oppressive actions against helpless civilians. Although SR terrorists expected to sacrifice their own lives as compensation for committing political murder, the tsarist government commuted the women’s death sentences to penal servitude for life. In Siberian imprisonment, Spiridonova and her five terrorist comrades followed the tradition of preceding generations of revolutionaries by joining a ‘socialist collective’ or ‘commune’ of political prisoners with a code of conduct and a shared economy. Male and female socialist prisoners lived by such compacts to prepare themselves for the future revolution and to deepen the political consciousness of their fellow inmates by personal example. Only Spiridonova among the women ‘politicals’ took no visible role in upholding the prison commune but rather lived in semi-isolation as an invalid throughout her eleven years in the Nerchinsk complex. Suffering from tuberculosis, Spiridonova, who had anticipated a martyr’s death on the scaffold, seemingly succumbed to the martyrdom of chronic illness. Yet the fall of the tsarist autocracy in February 1917 did not just liberate Spiridonova from penal servitude but simultaneously restored her health, her energy and her drive to engage in radical politics. Her pattern of revolutionary behaviour thus alternated between active and passive self-sacrifice, the tuberculosis that enhanced her legend of martyrdom apparently waxing and waning according to the degree of her personal freedom.