Scholars Of Early Christianity Research Articles

New Testament Apocrypha: More Noncanonical Scriptures, volume 2: A panel review

The canonical texts of the New Testament are well known and studied, but the variety and number of extant early Christian noncanonical texts, also known as New Testament Apocrypha, have not been as widely recognized. Thanks to the stellar work of numerous translators and the editorial work of Tony Burke, many more of these texts are now available with introductions in English translation through two volumes (soon to be three) of New Testament Apocrypha: More Noncanonical Scriptures. In the series of articles in this special section of Studies in Religion, three early Christian scholars (Ronald Charles, Sean Hannan and Mona Tokarek LaFosse) review the second volume of the series, published by Eerdmans in 2020, which is followed by a detailed response by Tony Burke. The reviews and response were originally presented at a joint session at the annual meeting of the Canadian Society of Biblical Studies and Canadian Society of Patristic Studies/Association canadienne des études patristiques in May 2022. The reviews and response encourage scholars of religion to consider how these ancient texts might contribute to larger contemporary conversations around coloniality, diversity, pedagogy and storytelling, demonstrating the value of collaborative scholarship.

“Is a Cushite Made in the Image of God?”: Christian Visions of Race in Late Antiquity

There has been an increasing interest in classical and late antique studies on the existence of something approximating the modern concept of race in the ancient Greco-Roman world. Scholars of early Christianity have also debated the presence of prejudice based on skin color. The following study seeks to broaden this conversation by including late antique contexts outside of the Roman Empire as well as marginal language communities within the Roman Empire. This paper will demonstrate that anti-Black prejudice—or racism—did indeed exist in the late antique Roman world and that such racism was more pronounced in Roman literature written in Greek and Latin.

Review: Bible and Poetry in Late Antique Mesopotamia: Ephrem’s Hymns on Faith, by Jeffrey Wickes

Review: <i>Bible and Poetry in Late Antique Mesopotamia: Ephrem’s Hymns on Faith</i>, by Jeffrey Wickes

Douglas Estes, ed. The Tree of Life. Themes in Biblical Narrative: Jewish and Christian Traditions Series 27.

Douglas Estes, ed. <i>The Tree of Life</i>. Themes in Biblical Narrative: Jewish and Christian Traditions Series 27.

The Second Gift of the Nile: Monks and Monasteries in Late Antique Egypt by Ewa Wipszycka

Reviewed by: The Second Gift of the Nile: Monks and Monasteries in Late Antique Egypt by Ewa Wipszycka Jennifer Cromwell Ewa Wipszycka The Second Gift of the Nile: Monks and Monasteries in Late Antique Egypt The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement XXXIII Warsaw: The Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation, 2018 Pp. xviii + 565. $85.00. The Second Gift of the Nile is Wipszycka's third substantial volume on Egyptian monasticism, and her first in English, being a revised and reworked version of her 2009 French and 2014 Polish books, incorporating new material and reflecting the evolution of the author's own understanding of the topic. The volume's broad structure comprises two principal parts, one focusing on the textual sources and the second introducing archaeology and looking at various aspects of daily life on the basis of all available material. The breadth of the material and subject matter covered is testament to the author's vast experience. One common theme throughout is the need to interrogate and challenge sources and scholarship, and the same point also holds true for the observations and arguments that Wipszycka herself makes. Part One provides an overview of the literary sources, especially concerning the three most famous figures of Egyptian monasticism—Antony (who receives the longest chapter in the book), Pachomius, and Shenoute. The Historia Monachorum and Palladius's Historia Lausiaca also receive robust introductions. Cassian is dealt with briefly, as his usefulness for Egypt is rejected, based on his distorting of Egyptian monks to present an ideal for his target audience. The Apophthegmata Patrum is also summarily discussed, although why it deserves such minimal attention here is unclear given how often the sayings are drawn upon throughout the volume. A later text, the History of the Patriarchs, also relevant for the study of monasticism, is not introduced in this section but in the book's epilogue, which turns to monastic communities under Arab rule (from 642 c.e.). Part One ends with the non-literary evidence. For many early Christian scholars, much of this material may be unfamiliar and so Chapter Eight may be one that is regularly consulted. Wipszycka covers significant monastic dossiers; note that much of this is not contemporary with the literary sources, dealing with monasticism after its initial blossoming. A point returned to on several occasions is whether discrepancies between literary and non-literary sources is a result of the clash [End Page 637] between ideal and reality, or if the documents reflect the increased maturity of monastic communities that can no longer—for pragmatic purposes—adhere to original ideals. One notable omission from the dossiers is the texts from Deir el-Bachit, despite their being a rare example of both securely provenanced and freely available texts, having been published entirely online between 2011 and 2014 (https://www.koptolys.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/splash.php). Part Two turns to the built environment and largely deals with lived reality and economics, addressing not only monks but also nuns and clergymen present in these communities. Again, this section may represent new territory for many readers, based as it is largely on archaeological and non-literary sources, albeit supported by the literary record. A range of sites are selected according to broad settlement type, increasing in size and social complexity: hermitages, laurae, and cenoebia. Wipszycka stresses the importance of assessing the physical remains to appreciate living conditions and other pragmatic concerns, including start-up and maintenance costs, whether for buildings or the high quality paintings that adorned the walls of many monasteries (and which attest to the wealth and aesthetic preferences of at least some monks). As such, the author is adamant that a knowledge of geography and local conditions is key to appreciate the choices that monastics had to make. In terms of appreciating the importance of setting to the development of these communities, it is a pity that a site such as Deir Abu Hinnis (in central Egypt), built within the confines of an ancient quarry, is not included. Furthermore, new work at the site of Deir Anba Hadra near Aswan (previously known erroneously as the monastery of St. Simeon) will also be an important case to add to such overviews in the...

The Biblical Canon Lists from Early Christianity: A Textual Analysis

The Biblical Canon Lists from Early Christianity: A Textual Analysis

School Buildings in Mediterranean Antiquity: Notes on the Provenance of the Infancy Gospel of Thomas

The provenance of the Infancy Gospel of Thomas (IGT) remains an open question to scholars of early Christianity. Egypt, Palestine, Syria and Asia Minor have been proffered as the most likely settings of origin (with the latter two favored especially in recent years). The educational scenes in IGT may provide helpful hints of the text’s original setting. Paul Foster, however, in comparing the details of such scenes with depictions of education in literary sources, concludes that they offer no features suggestive of a particular setting of origin. However, comparison of such scenes with material depictions of ancient education may provide more geographical precision. A reexamination of the text’s educational scenes vis-à-vis material-cultural evidence suggests that Egypt should be reconsidered as a viable setting of origin for IGT.

Textual Criticism, Translation Studies, and Symmachus’s Version in the Book of Job

Abstract The late second century CE translator/reviser Symmachus took a very different approach to the versions of his predecessor Aquila. His renderings do not appear to have survived in Jewish circles but were much admired by early Christian scholars, thanks to their preservation in Origen’s Hexapla. However, for textual critics of the Hebrew Bible Symmachus’ free approach has limited his value since his readings cannot be easily retroverted, unlike those of Aquila or Theodotion. In the case of the book of Job, although Symmachus’ “transformations” (to use a term from Descriptive Translation Studies) differ in nature from the freedoms observed in OG Job, while rejecting the narrow isomorphism of Aquila and Theodotion he nevertheless adheres quite closely to his Hebrew Vorlage. This offers the possibility of identifying elements significant for textual criticism in his rendering, including variant reading traditions or a different consonantal text.

When Wisdom Calls: Philosophical Protreptic in Antiquity ed. by O. Alieva, A. Kotzé, S. Van der Meeren

Reviewed by: When Wisdom Calls: Philosophical Protreptic in Antiquity ed. by O. Alieva, A. Kotzé, S. Van der Meeren Diego De Brasi Alieva, O., Kotzé, A., and Van der Meeren, S. (edd.) 2018. When Wisdom Calls: Philosophical Protreptic in Antiquity. Turnhout: Brepols. Pp. 517. ISBN 978-2-503-56855-6. €100.00. At least since Paul Hartlich's dissertation De exhortationum a Graecis Romanisque scriptarum historia et indole (Leipzig: Hirzel 1889) the study of protreptic has been a significant aspect of research on classics, especially ancient philosophy and early Christianity. However, while scholarly attention in the last 130 years focused more on canonical authors like Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, and Paul of Tarsus, authors from the imperial era and late antiquity have been slightly neglected and a comprehensive, up-to-date overview of ancient protreptic literature is still missing. The book under review represents, thus, an extremely welcome addition to the analysis of ancient protreptic as it tries to fill this gap. Indeed, the volume offers a very good outline of protreptic and its interaction with other literary genres from the 'beginning' up to the 'end' of Antiquity. Of course, one cannot and should not expect from a collective volume a systematic approach to the subject matter, but the absence of methodological unity is not problematic in this case. As Olga Alieva in her inspiring opening essay shows ('Protreptic: a protean genre', pp. 29–45), scholars are far from reaching consensus on the criteria which define protreptic. Only the quite general claim that protreptic, as its etymology suggests, aims at the 'conversion' of the addressed audience seems to be widely accepted. Further, as Alieva also shows, and many contributors to the volume claim, even ancient authors – or at least some of them – use the term προτρέπειν and its cognates vaguely and do not distinguish clearly, for instance, between protreptic and παραίνεσις. In this regard, Alieva seems to side with those scholars of early Christianity who argue for different functions of protreptic and παραίνεσις (cf. also the contribution by Annemaré Kotzé, esp. p. 368). Although she recognizes the importance of questioning this dichotomy, Alieva explicitly challenges the analysis of Diana Swancutt, who systematically disputed the traditional interpretation. Swancutt argues that the difference between protreptic and παραίνεσις is explicable in socio-cultural [End Page 255] terms and is not an expression of different functions.1 Alieva is right in pointing out that we cannot find explicit mentions of socio-cultural aspects in the texts examined by Swancutt. However, it is questionable whether the absence of evidence in ancient texts is evidence of absence. We should not forget, indeed, that ancient philosophical texts are usually the expression of a 'closed' socio-cultural community, and philosophical authors perhaps did not feel the need to put the spotlight on such aspects in their arguments. After Alieva's contribution, which in some way represent a second, methodological introduction to the whole collection (while the actual 'Introduction', pp. 19–27, mainly epitomizes all contributions), the volume offers sixteen 'case studies' ranging from Hesiod to Marinus of Neapolis and dealing with more (e.g. Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Seneca, Galen, Augustine) and less (e.g. Philo of Alexandria, Lucian of Samosata, Marinus) 'canonical' authors. The last essay by Sophie van der Meeren ('Protreptique et isagogique: les vestibules de la philosophie', pp. 407–55) deals more generally with the protreptic implications of late antique isagogical literature. The essays are subdivided into two main sections ('Classical and Hellenistic World' pp. 47–227, 'Imperial Rome' pp. 229–455) and ordered mainly chronologically. There is only one easily explicable exception: Johan C. Thom's paper deals with Iamblichus' use of protreptic but is the second contribution in the section on 'Classical and Hellenistic World' since it also elaborates on Iamblichus' use of the so-called Pythagorean Sayings. A general bibliography and an index locorum complete the volume. All contributions are well written, of very high scientific standards and quite engaging, but since it would be impossible to assess every single one, I will focus on very few essays which I found particularly stimulating. Johan C. Thom's contribution focuses, as I mentioned above, on Iamblichus' Protrepticus and its use of Pythagorean Sayings ('Protreptic and Pythagorean sayings: Iamblichus' Protrepticus...

A heretical tale about heresy or when words do matter

What came first, heresy or orthodoxy? Walter Bauer’s book Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity, published in 1934, seems to have unleashed the demons of scholars of early Christianity. Partisanship has, however, starkly coloured the still ongoing discussion. Denominational and scholarly belonging, as the work of Bart Ehrman and of his opponents like Andreas Köstenberger and Darrell Bock has widely shown, has so taken the upwind and signed this discussion that a full investigation into the meaning and the history of the concepts at hand has been ‘forgotten’. The customary and common understanding of the concepts of orthodoxy and, in particular, heresy, are, however, completely inadequate for this discussion. Ignoring the enormous cultural heritage of the concept of heresy (αἵρεσις) – which we intend to unveil in this article – has made for the word-bullets in this historical battle to turn out to be little more than blanks in a sham-war. Time has come to end this battle, which is the scope of this article.

God's Library: The Archeology of the Earliest Christian Manuscripts by Brent Nongbri

Reviewed by: God's Library: The Archeology of the Earliest Christian Manuscripts by Brent Nongbri Claire Clivaz Brent Nongbri God's Library: The Archeology of the Earliest Christian Manuscripts New Haven: Yale University Press, 2018 Pp. xii + 403. $35.00. In God's Library: The Archeology of the Earliest Christian Manuscripts, Brent Nongbri presents an interesting argument. He wishes to "reintroduce the early Christian manuscripts," by establishing "what we are able to know about these manuscripts as archeological artifacts" (14) and by raising "consciousness about how messy and fragmentary our knowledge about these books is" (15). The concrete result of this program is a discussion that formally introduces the early Christian manuscripts, with detailed chapters notably on paleography and codicology, but also that presents a careful and provocative meta-critical analysis of the methodologies used in the field for decades. Consequently, both advanced scholars and young scholars and students will find much of interest in this monograph. The state of the art behind this monograph is presented in the Prologue. Brent Nongbri considers that previous writings have been too focused on a biblical canonical approach (Hurtado), or have put aside the materiality of the artifacts (Gamble). By analyzing the Freer codices as the first example, the Prologue underlines from the beginning of the study a double ascertainment that is applied to all the further examples: dating the manuscripts and knowing their provenances are very difficult tasks, almost impossible to achieve. As regards the Freer codex I, for example, it means that "the most recent assessment of the age of the gospel manuscript concluded that we are simply not in a position to offer a precise date for the codex on the basis of handwriting and closed with a plea for radiocarbon analysis" (5). Chapters One, Two, and Three are focused on general features of the study of ancient Christian books, whereas Chapters Four, Five, Six, and Seven present specific cases. All students and scholars interested in acquiring training in ancient codicology will find an excellent overview of the question in the first informative chapters. For example, Chapter Two gives a clear overview about the fact that "to assign a date to literary papyri of the Roman era [scholars] rely on paleography, the comparative analysis of handwriting" (56). At the same time, Nongbri raises at each step numerous incertitudes and difficulties in this way of dating: "The almost complete absence of datable samples of Greek literary handwriting [End Page 506] before the ninth century meant that opinions about dates of any given manuscript of the Roman era could diverge wildly" (64). For example, P.Duk. inv. 5 has been estimated as a second-, third-, fourth-, or fifth-century document (69). One wonders how scholars will react to this lucid and critical analysis of the field, considering, for example, that Nongbri estimates that "paleography is so subjective and problematic" (72), and that even carbon 14 dating can in the best cases provide only a large scale of years as possible dating (80). In a similarly prudent way, Chapter Three illustrates the extreme difficulty involved in accurately reconstructing where ancient manuscripts were found, through employing the example of the Nag Hammadi codices. The author concludes that "although scholars of early Christianity often speak as if we know the exact circumstances of the discovery of the Nag Hammadi codices, in fact we know only the general area in which locals assert the books were found" (113). The reasons for such difficulties are the involvement of professional and non-professional people at the moment of the discovery, and the divergences of interest between the dealers and the buyers. In some cases, "even scholars all have reasons to be less than forthcoming about the locations of finds" (115). Chapter Four develops the analysis on the Chester Beatty papyri, with a particularly fascinating presentation of the materiality of these codices. Codex Beatty I appears as an "anomalous" document, with very fine pages, which is not easy to use. Very profitably for biblical scholars, Nongbri also exhumes Kenyon's opinions: for example, Codex Beatty I shows for him that "the Vaticanus text represents the result, not of continuous unaltered tradition, but of skilled scholarship working on the best...

The Commentary of Origen on the Gospel of St. Matthew: Translated with Introduction and Brief Annotations trans. by Ronald E. Heine

Reviewed by: The Commentary of Origen on the Gospel of St. Matthew: Translated with Introduction and Brief Annotations trans. by Ronald E. Heine John Solheid Raphael A. Cadenhead, trans. The Commentary of Origen on the Gospel of St. Matthew: Translated with Introduction and Brief Annotations (2 Volumes) Oxford Early Christian Texts Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 Pp. ix + 773. (2 Volume Set) US $255.00. Origen of Alexandria was one of the most prolific biblical scholars of his era, not to mention one of the most studied of the church fathers. Given those facts, it is remarkable that English readers have not had access to one of his most important works, Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew, since Rev. John Patrick translated five of the eight books in the late nineteenth century. Ronald Heine has, therefore, performed a monumental service to English-reading scholars of early Christianity by translating the work in both its Greek and Latin versions. Thanks to Heine, early Christian scholars, and scholars of Origen in particular, can now more easily engage with and benefit from one of the most significant works of the Alexandrian. Moreover, this translation nicely coincides with the publication of the critical edition of Origen's recently discovered Psalm Homilies, which were delivered at nearly the same time as he composed his Matthew Commentary. The first volume contains the extant Greek text beginning with Book 10 and ending with Book 17 (Matt 13.36–22.33), as well as an appendix with selected passages of the Commentary preserved by later writers and the catena fragments, covering Matt 1.1–13.33 and 28.1–18. Heine also included in Volume One a bibliography of modern sources. Volume Two is divided into two parts. The first part contains the Latin translation from the Vetus Interpretatio, which covers Books 12–17 (Matt 16.13–22.33). The second part contains the Latin translation [End Page 671] of the Series Commentariorum, which begins where the Vetus Interpretatio ended; that is, it covers Origen's comments on Matt 22.34 to Matt 27. For the translation, Heine relied on the critical edition of Erich Klostermann and Ernst Benz in the GCS series. Heine does not describe his method of translation, but it appears to be a literal rendering of both the Greek text and Latin translations. Where there are ambiguities, stemming from issues such as syntax or vocabulary, Heine helpfully places explanations in the footnotes (e.g., 1:102n85 and 1:103n86). There are also instances in which Heine had to supply a word in order to make sense of the thought (e.g., 1:56n158). Heine's brief Introduction begins by placing the Commentary in the context of Origen's life. He then highlights significant themes in the Commentary, focusing especially on the frequent use Origen made throughout the Commentary on the distinction between Jesus teaching the crowds in parables and his disciples in secret. Other themes include the unity of the scriptures, comparing scripture with scripture, narrative sequence, and the role of figurative interpretation. Heine also compared Origen's understanding of Jesus's teachings in the Commentary with Origen's First Homily on Psalm 77 in the recently discovered Psalm Homilies. He then sets the composition of the Commentary in its historical relation to the Psalm Homilies and the Contra Celsum, two works of the same time period. The Introduction concludes with remarks on the preservation of Origen's Commentary in both Greek and the Latin translations. Perhaps Heine's most significant accomplishment in the Introduction is his treatment of how Origen develops a hermeneutical tool for the interpretation of scripture based on the evangelist's distinction of Jesus teaching the crowds in parables, but instructing his disciples in secret (11). Heine rightly points out that Origen was not an elitist snubbing his nose at the masses, but rather wanted to inspire his students not to rest content with the simple meaning of the text. Like the disciples who were persuaded to ask Jesus for explanations, Origen's students had a choice to investigate the scriptures rather than being satisfied with the simple meaning. The distinction between the crowds and the disciples, then, was...

Greek and Latin Narratives about the Ancient Martyrs by Éric Rebillard, and: The Roman Martyrs: Introduction, Translations, and Commentaries by Michael Lapidge

Reviewed by: Greek and Latin Narratives about the Ancient Martyrs by Éric Rebillard, and: The Roman Martyrs: Introduction, Translations, and Commentaries by Michael Lapidge Scott G. Bruce Greek and Latin Narratives about the Ancient Martyrs Éric Rebillard Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. Pp. viii + 403. ISBN 978-0-19-873957-9 The Roman Martyrs: Introduction, Translations, and Commentaries Michael Lapidge Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xiii + 733. ISBN 978-0-19-881136-7 Presses are encouraged to submit books dealing with Late Antiquity for consideration for review to any of JLA’s three Book Review Editors: Sabine Huebner (sabine.huebner@unibas.ch); Jason Moralee (moralee.jason@gmail.com); and Kristina Sessa (sessa.3@osu.edu). Late ancient and early medieval accounts of the trials and deaths of the Christian martyrs (passiones) enjoyed immense popularity thoughout the Middle Ages, but these texts have not received as much critical attention in the past century as the biographies of Christian saints (vitae) for a number of reasons. First, historians have debated for ages about the authenticity of martyr narratives as sources for the history of the early church, which has led them to privilege some accounts deemed to be authentic over others deemed to be forgeries. As a result, the importance of the passiones as historical sources not only for the age of persecutions, but also for the early medieval church, was not fully realized. Second, the appeal of these stories to premodern readers led to their widespread dissemination and their subsequent survival in hundreds of medieval manuscripts. Ironically, this bounty of evidence has prevented scholars from producing critical editions of these sources necessary for serious historical inquiry and translations based on them for a general readership. Instead, many of the passiones have languished unedited and largely unread in the obscurity of early modern compendia of saints’ lives. Fortunately, the tide is now turning. In the past few decades, early Christian scholars have recognized the value of martyr narratives from Rome and elsewhere, which provide unparalleled evidence for early medieval pilgrimage, the cult of the saints, and the titular churches of the Eternal City. Moreover, scholars have edited and studied an increasing number of these Greek and Latin stories with attention to their overlooked literary and historical significance. The two books under review by Éric Rebillard and Michael Lapidge both take important strides in making the martyr narratives of Late Antiquity available to new audiences, though they do so in very different ways. Rebillard’s Greek and Latin Narratives about the Ancient Martyrs presents a selection of over a dozen stories about Christian witnesses to their faith who were executed before 260 ce. New facing-page English translations accompany the original Greek and Latin texts, which Rebillard has reprinted from the [End Page 256] best available editions. This book departs significantly from previous modern collections of martyr stories—from T. Ruinart, Acta primorum martyrum sincera et selecta (1689) to H. Musurillo, The Acts of the Christian Martyrs (1972)—in that Rebillard does not exclude those stories whose historical authenticity cannot be proven definitively. Instead, he adopts as his primary criterion for inclusion whether there was “external attestation to the existence of a narrative about a martyr or group of martyrs” (p. 21), in particular, whether narratives of this kind were known to Eusebius of Caesarea (d. 339) or Augustine of Hippo (d. 430). The result is a learned florilegium of texts written before the early fifth century related to the cults of the following saints: Apollonius, Carpus and his companions, Pionius, Polycarp, and the martyrs of Lyon and Vienne (in Greek); and Marian and James, Cyprian, Fructuosus, Perpetua and her companions, and the Scilitan martyrs (in Latin). Lapidge’s The Roman Martyrs complements Rebillard’s book in useful ways. This massive volume provides translations and commentaries on forty Latin narratives of ancient Roman martyrs composed between c. 425 and c. 675 ce. Like Rebillard, Lapidge is not overly concerned about the authenticity of these texts, most of which are anonymous and replete with historical inconsistencies that betray the fact that they were written centuries after the persecutions. Instead, he strives to make available for readers of English a compendium...

The Dawn of Christian Art in Panel Paintings and Icons by Thomas F. Mathews

Reviewed by: The Dawn of Christian Art in Panel Paintings and Icons by Thomas F. Mathews Lee M. Jefferson Thomas F. Mathews with Norman E. Muller The Dawn of Christian Art in Panel Paintings and Icons Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum Publications, 2016 Pp. 256. $49.95. Thomas Mathews is a well-known name in the field of art history and early Christian studies. Mathews is most notable for his book, The Clash of Gods (Princeton, 1993), in which he upends certain orthodox views in art historical circles concerning the emergence of Christian art. Mathews maintained that the prior arguments of scholars such as Ernst Kitzinger and André Grabar were mistaken, going so far as calling their positions on the influence of imperial precedents upon Christian art the "Emperor Mystique." As influential as Mathews's rebuttal was for patristic scholars, he created a more rebellious status within the field of art history for his book, with some scholars diminishing his claims. However, Peter Brown, who reviewed Mathews's book for Art Bulletin (September 1995), argued that despite the criticism, "this is a book that needed to be written," as it rejected the view that early Christians needed a "head start" in creating a visual language based upon imperial art, and that it was a beginning to a long delayed conversation amongst historians, religionists, and art historians. Mathews included some updates and revisions in the second printing of The Clash of Gods in 1999, notably an additional chapter based upon his research of panel painting and icons, titled, "The Intimate Icon." In it Mathews argues that pagan practices of icon devotion and veneration undoubtedly influenced Christian visual practice. Mathews supported his syncretistic argument by suggesting that even facial types of images of Jesus were similar to icons of gods such as Serapis, and that images of Mary recall earlier images of Isis. The chapter seemed slightly disconnected from his prior entries in The Clash of Gods, but it indicated his current research interests. Since that publication, Mathews has continued to study early panel paintings, particularly findings from late antique Egypt. This volume published by the Getty Museum, which holds some of these panel paintings, is a culmination of Mathews's research in this area. Essentially, it is an expansion of the "Intimate Icon" chapter with some new findings. As it is published by a museum press, it is a large cloth volume filled with full-size color plates, probably relegated to "coffee table" book areas of bookstores. While this book will look lovely on any coffee table, the chapters therein are worthy of serious consideration, as Mathews continues his argument of the Christian adoption of pagan practices regarding images and their use. The focus of this book is an assembled corpus of fifty-nine panel paintings from Roman Egypt that both scholars (Norman Muller is a credited co-author) claim have gone unstudied by Egyptologists and early Christian scholars. The fifty-nine panel paintings, all wonderfully displayed in the book, are from various museums and collections, and all bear gods and/or goddesses as their subject matter. The paintings feature deities such as Serapis, Isis, and Harpocrates as well as several imperial figures, such as Septimius Severus in the guise of a god. Mathews and Muller have several goals in mind with this volume. One is to firm up the argument that Christian icons use the same visual language and practice [End Page 338] as their pagan predecessors, epitomized by these fifty-nine panel paintings. Other goals appear broader: to exhibit the connection between early Christian icon and panel painting use to medieval and Renaissance painting, and to illustrate pagan influence upon Marian icons. The first goal is the most successfully achieved in the book, while the latter two deserve more evidentiary support. The introduction presents the landscape of Mathews's argument and the Greek antecedents to Roman Egypt. Mathews also counters Paul Corby Finney's claim of a mid-third century advent of Christian art (from Finney's landmark text The Invisible God), because Finney selectively studied mural paintings and not icons or panel paintings (15). Mathews argues that given the evidence of panel paintings, the "dawn" of Christian...

Cognitive Science in the Study of Early Christianity: Why It Is Helpful – and How?

In recent years, a number of New Testament and early Christian scholars have begun to use cognitive science approaches in their work. In this paper, I situate those efforts within the larger framework of the changing humanities, and the increased interest among humanistic scholars and social scientists in drawing on the growing body of knowledge on the cognitive and evolutionary roots of human thinking and behaviour. I also suggest how cognitive historiography can be helpful in shedding new light on issues discussed by New Testament scholars, by elaborating a case study: an analysis of the rite introduced by John the Baptist.

Approaches to orthodoxy and heresy in the study of early Christianity

AbstractFrom the second to the twentieth centuries, the reigning historiographic model of Christian history understood orthodoxy as early, pure, and true, and heresy as late, deviant, and false. Ever since Walter Bauer's Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity overturned the traditional model by arguing that in some geographic locations, heresy preceded orthodoxy, scholars of early Christianity have struggled to describe the phenomena of orthodoxy and heresy. The most popular set of approaches, informed by discourse theory, imagines orthodoxy and heresy as historically contingent notions that first arise in second‐century Christian circles, where they were used to negotiate and articulate self‐identity vis‐à‐vis notions of both Judaism and paganism. Other approaches include the use of “proto‐orthodox” terminology as a signifier for the doctrinal party platform that was eventually victorious; attempts to detect social or popular movements beneath heresiological reports; and the outright attempt to repudiate the Bauer thesis.

Galen’s De Indolentia: Essays on a Newly Discovered Letter ed. by Clare K. Rothschild, Trevor W. Thompson (review)

Reviewed by: Galen’s De Indolentia: Essays on a Newly Discovered Letter ed. by Clare K. Rothschild, Trevor W. Thompson David Sider Clare K. Rothschild and Trevor W. Thompson (eds.). Galen’s De Indolentia: Essays on a Newly Discovered Letter. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Chris-tentum, 88. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014. Pp. xi, 336. 94.00 (pb.). ISBN 978–3–16–153215–3. Galen’s On Not Feeling Pain is a long-lost book about the loss of books. How “meta” can you get? It is long lost in the sense that its existence was known, thanks in part to Galen himself, who in his De Libris Propriis (19.4 K) lists περὶ ἀλυπίας among his ethical treatises; and also to its having survived in part in translations into Arabic (from Syriac) and Hebrew in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; see Daniel Davies’ account in Rothschild-Thompson. It had been lost but now is found because a young French scholar, Antoine Pietrobelli, while waiting to view a manuscript in the monastery of the Vlatades in Thessaloniki, thumbed through the rare catalogue of their Greek manuscripts, only to discover evidence for otherwise unknown Galen texts. With no time left to investigate further himself, he informed his professor back in Paris, Véronique Boudon-Millot, who, along with the preeminent historian of Greek medicine Jacques Jouanna, went to the monastery to view the manuscript—only (and twice over on two subsequent visits) to be denied this privilege by the monks, who sat them down with a not completely legible microfilm. Doing the best they could, and with admirable speed, they produced a Budé edition of De Indolentia (2010), having, along with Pietrobelli, in several articles informed scholars of its existence. In Boudon-Millot’s own words in her exciting account of its discovery in Rothschild–Thompson, the new texts are “true gems,” and their announcement was a “bombshell.” (She also details how this manuscript is our only witness, complete or partial, for three other Galenic treatises.) The Greek monks later allowed the manuscript to be viewed by two Greek scholars, whose improved text has been the basis for some other editions and commentaries, although textual problems remain. One of these scholars, Paraskeví Kotzia, provides in Rothschild–Thompson the background of consolatory literature to De Indolentia, especially similar works by Plutarch and Seneca. [End Page 274] But it is a treatise of consolation only at first glance; in fact it is rather a work on how not to need consolation in the first place. This calls upon many of the same tropes of consolation literature, but produces out of Galen’s own life a philosophical scheme that is very much his own, whether one calls it “personal,” as does Elizabeth Asmis, or “confused,” as does Ralph Rosen, in two of the finer essays here. The first third of De Indolentia is devoted to the general argument that since Galen did not feel pain at previous losses (including during a period of plague), he knows how to endure the even greater loss of (among some other objects) his books during the great fire in Rome of 192 c.e., included in which devastation were also the Palatine and some other libraries. Galen demonstrates his sangfroid by detailing his books lost in the fire, thus providing his new modern audience with a vivid picture of a working physician/scholar/bibliophile/philosopher’s composition, editing, use, and ownership of his books. Whether he truly managed to convince himself that he felt this way is beautifully questioned by Rosen. Among the losses are works by Aristotle and Theophrastus, as well as Galen’s “improved” versions of some medical texts: he would, it appears, give his heavily annotated copies to a professional scribe, thereby producing a new edition—a practice long known but never so explicitly expressed by a practitioner. Rothschild and Thompson, two scholars of Early Christianity, have commissioned a number of scholars to describe the manuscript and its discovery, its interest to historians of the book (and booklovers in general), its place within Galen’s broad corpus of medical and philosophical writings, and its genre within ancient literature in general. There is also their own...

L’histoire de David lue par les écrivains des premiers siècles chrétiens. (I) Le roi caché

David is generally considered as a prefigurement of Christ, and early Christian scholars endeavoured to bring this out in the many accounts about him in the two Books of Kings. This first article examines the beginning of David’s story. His anointment by the prophet Samuel shows he is the one whom God has chosen. His heroic combat against Goliath foreshadows the Passion of Christ and the Resurrection. The harp he plays to expel the evil spirit tormenting Saul symbolises the cross and the songs of the Scriptures.

Christians and Their Many Identities in Late Antiquity, North Africa, 200–450 CE. By Éric Rebillard. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2012. ix + 134 pp. $49.95 cloth.

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)Christians and Their Many Identities in Late Antiquity, North Africa, 200-450 CE . By Eric Rebillard . Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell University Press , 2012. ix + 134 pp. $49.95 cloth.Book Reviews and NotesNorth African Christianity between 200 and 450 CE is well-trodden territory. Augustine and Tertullian penetrate the minds of theological students, not mention those in Classics, and Cyprian usually is not too far behind. However, new questions and new approaches continue make revisiting these old friends fruitful. Eric Rebillard's study is a case in point. His tapping into current sociological and literary theory assists him in creating a stimulating narrative, but it also distracts.His thesis is found late in the book: my goal was not show that enjoyed 'normal' day-to-day relations with non-Christians (a point conceded by scholars of early Christianity), but argue that Christianness was only one of a plurality of identities available be activated in a given situation (a point too often neglected in favor of the study of group or collective identity) (92, emphasis added). It would have been helpful have had this appear in the introduction as well as the conclusion. Methodologically, Rebillard proceeds with a deconstructive reading of the writings of the three luminaries mentioned above along with a selection of other relevant literature. Where he offers his own translations, he produces attractive and lucid texts (22).One of the primary strengths of Rebillard's study is his reaching through the work of the literati gain insight into the lives of the masses of contemporary Christians--I am less interested in Tertullian's view than I am concerned with what he reveals about the different and sometimes contradictory attitudes of other Christians (25), and most scholars have simply adopted the criteria of the . . . and have given too little consideration the arguments used by when they challenged their bishops (70). The relationships among the led and the leaders are always symbiotic and complicated. The concerns of the people rise decision-makers and shape their agendas, negatively or positively, and Rebillard's work makes that very clear regarding the era and the places he is studying. The people are found in the rhetoric of their superiors.A second strength is Rebillard's foregrounding of diversity. As elsewhere, the story of Christianity at these times and places often reads flat or two-dimensional. Rebillard has found ways provide depth. He magnifies the texture of the story. Anyone who has had anything do with a church, or a history department for that matter, knows that the texture was rough, but that reality typically is overlooked. Rebillard argues that Emperor Decius issued an edict in 250 in an effort to restore the pax deorum in a very troubled period (48). Commenting the variety of Christians' responses the edict, he says on the one hand the majority of did not consider the sacrifice relevant their membership [as Christians] and accordingly performed it freely and willingly; the other, a number of did not want sacrifice because of their membership. …

Dionysus as Jesus: The Incongruity of a Love Feast in Achilles Tatius'sLeucippe and Clitophon2.2

A relationship between Achilles Tatius and Christianity has been imagined from at least as early as the tenth century when theSudaclaimed that he had converted to Christianity and been ordained as a bishop. Modern scholarship has found this highly improbable; nevertheless, attempts to explore connections between his late second-centuryc.e.novel,Leucippe and Clitophon, and early Christianity continue. In recent decades, within a context of renewed interest in the ancient novel, scholars of early Christianity have found a wealth of material in the novels to illuminate the generic development and meaning of Christian narratives in the New Testament and beyond. Less attention, however, has been given to the ways in which the novels respond to and incorporate themes from Christianity. Achilles Tatius's etiological myth of wine and its associated harvest festival inLeuc. Clit. 2.2 represent a particularly striking point of contact between Christianity and the Greek novel. In the first section below, I systematically review the narrative and ritual parallels betweenLeuc. Clit. 2.2 and the Christian Eucharist and conclude that they are too striking to be accidental or to have gone unnoticed by an ancient reader with knowledge of Christianity. Although these similarities have been pointed out, their meaning and consequences have received comparatively little attention from scholars either of the novel or of early Christianity. Thus, in the subsequent sections of this study I contextualize these parallels within second-century Christian and non-Christian literary and religious culture. My contention is that an exploration of the relationship betweenLeuc. Clit. 2.2 and the Christian Eucharist will provide valuable insight both into the larger project of Achilles Tatius and into the relationship between early Christianity and its contemporary context, particularly the Second Sophistic.