Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Research Articles

A Critical Study on the Rise of Regional Party and Weakening of National Party in Tamil Nadu with Special Reference to Chennai

The political landscape of Tamil Nadu has witnessed a significant transformation characterised by the ascendancy of regional parties and the concurrent weakening of national parties. This research delves into the underlying factors contributing to this phenomenon and its implications for the state's political trajectory.Drawing on a combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies, this study examines historical trends, electoral data, party manifestos, and socio-political dynamics to elucidate the rise of regional parties such as the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), alongside the diminishing influence of national parties like the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).Key drivers identified include linguistic identity politics, regional pride, historical grievances, charismatic leadership, and effective mobilization strategies. Additionally, socio-economic factors such as caste dynamics, welfare policies, and regional disparities play a crucial role in shaping voter preferences and party allegiances.The ramifications of this shift extend beyond electoral outcomes to governance, policy formulation, and federal dynamics. The dominance of regional parties has led to the prioritization of state-centric issues and the articulation of Tamil Nadu's distinct socio-cultural identity within the Indian federal framework.By offering a comprehensive analysis of the rise of regional parties and the decline of national parties in Tamil Nadu, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of sub-nationalism, federalism, and political decentralisation within the Indian context.This research follows a empirical research method and a total of 202 samples have been collected through questionnaire.

Critical analysis of debates on Tamil populism: perspectives from the field

ABSTRACT This study engages with debates on Tamil populism using insights from the field. The initial theorists of Tamil populism characterised it broadly into two — assertive populism propagated by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), and paternalist populism promulgated by the All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK). However, recent scholarship has strongly opposed this characterisation, arguing that Tamil populism approximates left populism. With these confounding views as the backdrop, we argue, through field insights, that one cannot discount the formulation of Tamil populism along assertive/paternalist lines. Secondly, we contest the recent formulation that the Dravidian Model approximates left populism.

PROPAGANDA IN AIADMK'S 2021 CAMPAIGN SONG: A MULTIMODAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS

Campaign songs have long been utilized to communicate political parties’ ideas and promote unity, particularly in the political landscape of Tamil Nadu. However, recent election campaigns have leveraged advancements in technology and innovative multimedia marketing techniques, giving campaign songs a distinct significance for shaping public opinion and swaying voters. This study examines the campaign song “Thodarattum Vetrinadai Endrendrum Eratailai” (May the success continue forever for two leaves) released by the All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) party during the 2021 Tamil Nadu state legislative election. Employing multimodal discourse analysis and Kress and Van Leeuwen’s visual grammar, the research analyzes the song’s content to identify the presence of propaganda techniques. The study reveals that Bandwagon, Plain Folk, and Card Stacking are prominent propaganda tools employed in the song. Furthermore, the visual grammar analysis unveils the strategic use of visual elements in the video that synchronously aligns with the party’s campaign objectives.

Alcohol Consumption in Ancient India and the Contemporary Challenges: A Study of Socio-Economic Implications and Anti-Liquor Protests in Tamil Nadu

This paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the political developments in India, spanning from ancient times to the present day. The first section of the paper delves into the historical context of alcohol consumption and its profound socio-cultural implications in ancient India. It explores how alcohol was intertwined with the social fabric, varying across different cultural and caste groups. The second part of the paper focuses on the more recent political dynamics in Tamil Nadu, specifically examining the period from 2016 to 2017 when the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) partially rolled back the prohibition on alcohol in response to widespread protests. Over the last five decades, Tamil Nadu has been predominantly under the rule of two Dravidian parties, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and AIADMK. These parties have alternated between enforcing total prohibition and permitting alcohol consumption. The unique political landscape in the state is characterized by the influence of the alcohol industry as a strategic tool for garnering votes. The paper highlights that both parties have vested interests in the alcohol business, making it a complex issue for effective prohibition. For total prohibition to be successfully implemented, a government must establish robust enforcement measures and create essential healthcare and de-addiction infrastructure. The interplay between politics, economics, and social implications in this context is explored in depth in this paper.

Dravidian Movement’s Political Dramas

Even after India’s independence from British colonialism, the Vedic Sanathana dominated the majority of people. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam criticised the ruling Congress party in Tamil Nadu. At the same time, the ideas of social reforms against the social atrocities that dominated the Tamil society of that time were depicted through political dramas. The Dravidian movement’s political dramas particularly portrayed the views against the caste inequality, untouchability, gender inequality, mythological myths, and Sanskrit dominance created by the Vedic Sanathana.

Developments in Scientific Tamil after the Arrival of Europeans

The impact on the Tamil language after the arrival of Europeans and the development of scientific Tamil will be explained. The ancient Tamils’ number, weighing, measuring, and stretching levels, and the terminology referred to in the ancient literature, about the stagnation of terminology and the development of terminology, will be explained. In addition, data on the Tamil method of teaching, the period of re-emergence of terminology, scientific Tamil books, and a glossary will be compiled. The concept of mother tongue-based education and the development of Tamil medium education today will be pictured. Finally, in the concluding remarks, the need and necessity of scientific Tamil will be summed up. The data examined on the role of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in the development of scientific Tamil since the 1960s will also be clearly presented.

1 Do you believe in Ram Setu? Adam’s Bridge, epistemic plurality and colonial legacy

The Sethusamudram Shipping Canal Project, whose construction was halted by a 2013 judgment of the Supreme Court of India due to religious sensitivity, has become a domestic and international strategic flashpoint. The religious and epistemic conundrum around the Sethusamudram project and Adam’s Bridge is a colonial-era legacy. Without understanding how the British colonial state saw Adam’s Bridge, we may wrongly infer that today’s Indian nationalist assertions of its sacrality necessarily stem from an anticolonial praxis to restore a politics of enchantment within Indian modernity. The British colonial state adopted epistemes or modes of knowing Adam’s Bridge that were ostensibly compatible with pre-Western forms of enchantment. This is particularly important considering that nationalist voices, largely represented by the right-wing BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party), RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) and the Sangh Parivar in general, and liberal voices representing the Congress (Indian National Congress), or regional political voices such the DMK (Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam) and AIADMK (All Indian Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam), have dated the origins of the proposed Sethusamudram project to the colonial era, erroneously prolonging the implication that the British government aided plans of demolishing Adam’s Bridge.

A Research on the Etymology of Dravidam (Dravidianism)

There have been numerous critics found in Tamil Nadu since the introduction of the phrase ‘Dravidam’ (Dravidianism). The criticism on ‘Dravidam’ was at its peek when DK (Dravida Kazhagam), Dravida Nadu, DMK (Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam), were very popular among the masses of Tamil Nadu. There is a general opinion that Bishop Robert Caldwell was the first to use the word Dravidam. There are also stories saying Dravidam is not Tamil and Dravidians are not Tamils. Therefore, it is natural for anyone to question the verity of Dravidam. Is Dravidam an illusion? Or is it a fabricated story? With these questions in my mind I started researching the Sangam Literature and the historical documents extensively. I have found a plethora of evidence confirming Dravidam and Tamil are not different. Dravidam is Tamil and Tamil is Dravidam

Language and Identity: The Case of Kannada in Bengaluru

English has always amalgamated with the local (language) despite its global status. It broadens its sphere of influence because it assimilates into the native space. In this article, we examine the specific ways in which English usage aids in the reconstruction of a new Kannadiga identity in Bengaluru. We analyse the role of new age media and its employment of the hashtag and rap cultures in producing norms of linguistic identity vis-a-vis English. We observe in the ‘outer circle’ of English that speakers and users of English do not take serious offence when their usage is questioned for its non-compliance with the standards set by the ‘inner circle’. In contrast, speakers and users of a language like Hindi are seriously offended upon similar questioning. In the same line of argument, we observe that English does not pose a threat to anybody’s linguistic identity at least in India. This assessment raises questions on the various ways in which English interacts with languages in the peripheries. Bengaluru, in particular, is a treat for observers of globalising trends as the city is an evolving example of the effects of globalisation and glocalisation. Along with an increase in intra-nation immigration, the IT sector boom of the 1990s created a space for a confrontation of multiple linguistic identities. While the economy of Bengaluru thrives on its cosmopolitan culture, calls for rooting the city in a homogeneous linguistic population have marked the rise of strong sub-nationalist sentiments. The recent pro-Kannada protests over Hindi signage in Bengaluru Metro witnessed an unprecedented coming together of organisations such as the Karnataka Rakshana Vedike and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam which share a common suspicion against the hegemonising (nationalising) tendencies of Hindi. Over the years, attempts have been made to synonymise the Bengalurean identity with Kannadiga identity. In this process, little or no attention is drawn towards the penetrating presence of English as a language of technology, education and social mobility.

‘Is It Family or Politics?’ Reflections on Gender and the Modern Tamil Subjectivity Constitution in the Discourse of C. N. Annadurai

This article attempts to investigate the relationship between the domestic and the politics in the modern Tamil subjectivity constitution during the period spanning from the 1940s to the 1960s. More specifically, it takes up the political discourse of C. N. Annadurai—a significant founding member of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and a man who played a decisive role in shaping the culture and politics of the state—and attempts to examine the spatial tension, that is, the fusion and commonalities between the domestic sphere and political space in modern Tamil subjectivity construction and the implications it had for gender.

How Political History Is Reflected in Autobiography: Reading of Kalaignar Mu Karunanidhi's Nenjukku Needhi

The relation between autobiography and history is always strong. Exploring the extent of incorporating political history in writing autobiography is interesting feature as it reflects both self-defense and self-denial. Nenjukku Needhi (Justice to Heart) is an autobiography written by Mu Karunanidhi, popularly called as Kalaignar. He is a man of letters and a pragmatic political leader. His autobiography is rich in narrating the political history of Tamil Nadu and India. The story of his life is skillfully combined with the concrete political events of Tamil Nadu. So far six volumes have been published covering the political history of pre and post independent era. Right from the foundation of Justice Party, it narrates all major events, issues and struggles. Unlike several political leaders, who had neither time nor capacity to write autobiography, or who usually depend upon some ghostwriters and hagiographers to write their life histories, he personally wrote his autobiography in his own capacity and knowledge. Apart from the story of his life, his autobiography covers the history of Dravidian Movement, the growth of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, importance of Tamil language and culture, the struggle for social justice, the philosophy of constitutionalism and parliamentary democracy, and state autonomy. Sometimes, political history generates multiple answers for a single question. This autobiography is not free from such issue. It is true when it narrates certain events or confrontations with opposition parties and their leaders. However, deviations from facts and deliberate distortions are very meager in his autobiography. His autobiography would remain an authentic source of political history of Tamil Nadu.

Health Insurance as a Tool of Electoral Tactical Redistribution in Tamil Nadu, India

We used individual level survey data to examine the distribution of health insurance and other welfare programs by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government in Tamil Nadu. Core DMK supporters were more likely to receive welfare benefits than swing voters and opposition loyalists. Political analysis is important to understand motivations for establishing these programs.

Elite formation within a political party: the case of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam

The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) is a long-standing regional party in the south Indian state of Tamil Nadu and in common with many parties it has an elite segment that is highly influential. The authors identify and analyse the social composition of the DMK elite at the time of the 2011 assembly election. They argue that the DMK elite need to be understood as a group that is constituted by a set of formal and informal institutional rules. They consider the extent to which family connections or ‘dynastic ties’ alongside other informal rules govern admission to the party elite. They ask to what extent the party elite are drawn from society in general or if the elite are skewed towards a socially privileged segment of Tamil society. This paper disaggregates the party elite in terms of caste, gender and religion. They find that the wider DMK elite of the legislative party bear some microcosmic resemblance to Tamil society but that the elite are segmented so this resemblance is very partial at the more senior levels of the party. They also find that the party has a workable structure and a degree of internal pluralism that is not consistent with claims made in the general literature that parties in India are institutionally weak.

Populism and politics in contemporary Tamil Nadu

Commentary on Indian politics frequently uses the term populism narrowly to refer to short-term, electorally driven expenditure. However, the term is more insightfully used when referring to an ideological construct that celebrates the importance of the people as an undivided group. Politics in Tamil Nadu has had a strongly populist character since the 1960s with both the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and All-India Anna DMK (AIADMK) making appeals to the ‘people’ of the state. In the last decade, the DMK has adjusted its populist appeals to better connect with lower status groups, a constituency traditionally targeted by the AIADMK. The AIADMK re-worked its approach, using a technocratic populist discourse during its campaign to win the 2011 assembly elections, addressing concerns of higher status voters while still acknowledging its poorer supporters. Populist appeals have been adjusted to compensate for political weaknesses in the two governing parties. Economic and social changes since the late 1990s have created opportunities, as well as imperatives, for reworking populist appeals.

India in 1999

The last year of the 20th century was tumultuous for India. The year began well; in contrast to 1998, the government finally appeared to be settling down, getting a grip on the task of managing a fractious coalition, and curbing the influence of the swadeshi faction of the Sangh Parivar on economic policy making. The budget was warmly received in contrast to the lackluster one presented in the aftermath of the nuclear tests and sanctions in the previous year. A bold move by Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee in accepting an invitation by his Pakistani counterpart, Nawaz Sharif, led to a historic February 1999 bus trip to Lahore and seemed to presage a warmer turn in the frayed relations between the two countries. Finally, serious negotiations and dialogue with the major powers, the U.S. in particular, began to repair the damage in the aftermath of India's 1998 nuclear tests. However, the positive turn in events did not last long. The slender majority enjoyed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government (which had won a confidence vote by a margin of 274 to 261) made it vulnerable to the demands of its coalition partners, in particular the second largest member in the coalition, the AIADMK (All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam), which held 18 seats. When the increasingly capricious behavior and escalating demands of AIADMK leader Jayalalitha Jayaram-which included the dismissal of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government in Tamil Nadu and the dropping of corruption cases against her-could not be accommodated, the AIADMK withdrew from the ruling coalition. Even then, the government seemed able to survive a vote of confidence. However, a lastminute withdrawal of support by the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) leader Mayawati-in apparent revenge for the BJP's machinations in bringing down

Factions and Filmstars: Tamil Nadu Politics since 1971

I CANNOT INTRODUCE contemporary politics in Tamil Nadu better than by musing on the row of gaudy political calendars which at present adorn the wall of my study. In the place of honor is a large benign portrait of the late C. N. Annadurai, the leader who led the Dravida Munnetra Kazhiagam (DMK) ever since it split from its parent body, the Dravida Kazhagam, until his death in 1969. He died as the first DMK Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, not only a successful politician but a man hugely by the masses. He smiles gently in the picture, calm, relaxed and elderly, his eyes looking steadily far into the distance. He is everybody's father, or uncle, or big Beside Annadurai's picture hangs the filmstar-politician, M. G. Ranachandran, with Anna's head appearing against a backcloth of the red and black party colors beside his right ear, as if he were whispering advice and counsel to his anbuthambi, his beloved little brother. Ramachandran is the leader of the Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (Anna DMK or ADMK) which split away from the DMK and became its chief rival. His mystique depends only in part on his claim to be the true inheritor of Annadurai's mantle, however; his film personality is the real basis for his political hold on large numbers throughout Tamil Nadu. Another of my calendars shows MGR, the romantic celluloid hero, in a world of fantasy and long ago. In splendid archaic costumes we see him gallantly gathering a dozen sword points into his own breast so that his friends may be safe; or showing the path of righteousness to a young and impressionable prince; or delivering poor damsels from distress; or duelling with a personification of evil. This is the hero for whom the masses vote. Karunanidhi, the DMK Chief Minister until January 1976, appears in a different style of calendar. He smiles confidently, exuding an air of

Politics and the Film in Tamilnadu: The Stars and the DMK

The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), the ruling party of Tamilnadu State in India, has split in climax to persistent rumors of intraparty discord and impending schism. M. G. Ramachandran, DMK party treasurer and popular Tamil film star, was stripped of his party offices and suspended from membership in the party to which he had so long brought support from his devoted fans. The crisis culminated a long feud between M.G.R. and Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi. In the early months of 1972, as Karunanidhi, in demands for regional autonomy, began to tout himself as the Mujib of Tamilnadu, M.G.R. protested Karunanidhi's dictatorial methods and called for a boycott of the party's General Council in protest against one man rule. His criticism of Karunanidhi and the party leadership mounted with his demand for a party probe into rampant corruption. M.G.R. called for a disclosure of all assets of ministers, legislators, and party officials-and assets of their close relatives. Party careerists were alarmed: M.G.R.'s public utterances violated party discipline and, in discrediting party and Government, created confusion in the public mind. A memorandum, submitted by 26 members of the DMK Central Executive, called for disciplinary action against M.G.R. His suspension, sustained by the General Council, soon followed. M.G.R. appealed to party members to remain loyal to the ideals of C. N. Annadurai, founder of the DMK and Chief Minister until his death in 1969. To continue his policies, M.G.R. announced the formation of a rival party, the Anna DMK, to challenge the legitimacy of Karunanidhi's leadership. M.G.R. fan clubs, long adjuncts of the DMK, now became branches of the new party. Many regular DMK branches throughout Tamilnadu also switched allegiance to M.G.R. The star's fans paraded in the streets. In Madurai, they pulled down DMK flags and stoned Government buses; in Vellore, they brought off a total hartal; in Madras, rickshaw men went on strike in protest against the party's suspension of their idol and protector.

The Indo-Ceylon Pact and the "Stateless" Indians in Ceylon

Research Article| April 01 1967 The Indo-Ceylon Pact and the "Stateless" Indians in Ceylon Urmila Phadnis Urmila Phadnis Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1938) 7 (4): 226–236. https://doi.org/10.2307/2642476 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Urmila Phadnis; The Indo-Ceylon Pact and the "Stateless" Indians in Ceylon. Far Eastern Survey 16 February 1938; 7 (4): 226–236. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2642476 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.