Domestic Incentives Research Articles

Why Incorporate the ECHR? The Domestic Incentives of Human Rights Commitment

Abstract Why do consolidated democracies incorporate international human rights law (IHRL) treaties into national law? Existing research suggests contrastive accounts of the participation of democracies in IHRL regimes. While overall more likely to ratify, consolidated democracies are sometimes reluctant to accept demanding human rights commitments and less likely than both newly democratic and authoritarian regimes to incorporate international law in their constitutions. To theorize why established democracies commit to IHRL, this paper provides a comparative process tracing of the decisions to incorporate the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) into national law in Denmark and Sweden in the early 1990s. Why did these solid democracies with an exceptional commitment to human rights wait over 40 years to give domestic effect to a treaty they had helped create? Assessing rival theories of state commitment to human rights norms, the findings suggest that contextual developments in European law provided an opportunity for domestic political elites to seek insurance by incorporating the ECHR to place constraints on executive power. The argument qualifies claims about material strategizing or socialization to European norms as the primary drivers of incorporation.

Foreign Policy as the Continuation of Domestic Politics by Other Means: Pathways and Patterns of Populist Politicization

Abstract This article argues that populism in power translates into a greater tendency to politicize foreign policy, in the sense of defining and articulating foreign policy preferences in opposition to political predecessors, using foreign policy as an instrument and ground to battle political opponents, and over-prioritizing domestic incentives and considerations over external ones. Paradoxically, compared to other classical determinants of foreign policy, how populism relates to domestic political competition has received scant attention. Yet, populist actors’ strategies in dealing with political opposition are at the same time distinctive and consequential. This article advances a typological theoretical framework shedding light on the pathways, patterns, and implications of populist politicization, which it illustrates empirically with reference to the case of Poland.

Fixing Global Fisheries: Reconciling Domestic Incentives and International Commitments

Fixing Global Fisheries: Reconciling Domestic Incentives and International Commitments

Mimicking the Mad Printer: Legislating Illiberalism in Post-Soviet Eurasia

ABSTRACT Illiberal policy innovation has grown in post-Soviet Eurasia over the 2010s, especially regarding controversial moral and cultural issues. These have often been developed by illiberal entrepreneur states and then taken up elsewhere. This article reviews the case of the Russian “homosexual propaganda” law, situating the particular domestic context for its legislative development and then turning to the partial diffusion of “copycat” versions debated in Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Georgia. Although Russian illiberal innovation can be understood through domestic drivers of policy development, attempts to pass illiberal laws elsewhere are better explained by the interaction of domestic political incentives and international factors.

Cadre as informal diplomats: Ferdinand Marcos and the Soviet Bloc, 1965–1975

ABSTRACT An examination of the class function of Stalinism and the informal networks which it established, through the movement of cadre and ideas, on behalf of sections of the ruling elite throughout the underdeveloped world in the mid-twentieth century, allows us to see past the traditional top-down geopolitical division of the world in the cold war to a richer understanding of the development of political and social struggles within these countries. Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, from 1965 to 1975, engaged in secret and wide-ranging informal diplomacy with the Soviet bloc using the transnational connections of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) [Communist Party of the Philippines]. The PKP, while officially an illegal organization, had endorsed Marcos for president in 1965 and he had appointed some of its members to positions within his government as salaried “researchers.” The party was split along lines drawn by the Sino-Soviet dispute, and a rival party, the CPP, was formed in 1967, with ties to Beijing. Marcos sought two things from the PKP: the secret negotiation of diplomatic and economic relations with Moscow, and the eventual support of the party for his imposition of dictatorship, giving martial law a progressive veneer. The economic ties with Moscow, arranged through these secret channels, were meant to provide leverage for renegotiating the unequal economic terms of the Bell Trade Act and the Laurel-Langley Agreement with Washington. The PKP meanwhile sought Soviet funds to secure national industrialization and the military might of the Marcos dictatorship to suppress their rival, the CPP. The informal network of the PKP, both its salaried ‘researchers’ and exiled representatives in Europe, allowed Marcos to circumvent the political barriers imposed by both domestic rivals and geopolitical ties with Washington. The informal network of the PKP provided Marcos with a domestic incentive as well, as the party endorsed Marcos’ dictatorship, ghostwriting his justification for martial law, and made support for his military rule a component of their constitution.

The Russian factor in EU security policy and transatlantic relations

Understanding Russia’s foreign policy requires an examination of Putin’s domestic incentives. Nationalism has been cynically instrumentalised to prop up the current regime. By combining it with, among other things, the malicious deployment of modern communication techniques on an unprecedented scale, Russia has been able to project power at home and abroad. However, Putin’s actions have had unintended consequences, and together with the arrival of a new US administration, the EU is presented with an opportunity to devise new solutions—making use of both the carrot and the stick. Re-establishing transatlantic unity and cooperation should not be an end in itself but rather be used as an avenue to implement policies to strengthen European security, some of which would also prove beneficial to Russia.

Emergency Powers and the Heterogeneity of Terror in Democratic States

Abstract Terrorist violence has recently led several states to grant extraordinary powers to the executive. Yet scholars have only recently begun to examine whether the provision of such emergency powers influences the probability of future terrorist attacks. I argue that when democratic states grant emergency powers to the executive, domestic incentives can push leaders to take overly aggressive actions that are counterproductive for reducing future terrorist violence. However, these domestic incentives vary depending on the in-group or out-group nature of the terrorist group. I test this hypothesis using data on emergency power strength, states of emergency, and the frequency of terrorist violence. In a global sample of democratic states, I find that while emergency powers increase future attacks from out-group terror arising from separatist groups, they have no effect on terror from groups that reflect extreme positions within the political order. These results express the conditional nature of executive freedom in combatting terrorism.

Policy and institutional reforms of China’s economic aid: motives and implications

The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has been an aid donor for over six decades, offering multiple forms of development aid to other developing countries. Meanwhile, China has been constantly readjusting its strategies of aid provision while introducing institutional reforms to improve the efficiency of aid as a form of economic statecraft. What significant policy and institutional changes has China conducted in its aid distribution? What are the key motivators that have propelled such reforms? And how do Western donors perceive the Chinese model of aid distribution? Using a two-level analytical framework, this article mainly explores the domestic and international factors driving the three rounds of Chinese aid reforms. The article finds that while the transformation of China’s strategic priority enabled by leadership perception change is the key domestic incentive for aid reforms, international variables contribute to such processes either directly by exerting pressure and conveying knowledge or indirectly by changing China’s global status and leadership perception.

FUNDAMENTOS PARA O DESENHO DE MECANISMO DE FOMENTO À LIQUIDEZ DO MERCADO SECUNDÁRIO DE ESPECTRO NO BRASIL

Propósito ”“ O mercado secundário de espectro é uma inovação regulatória no Brasil inaugurada pela Lei nº 13.879/2019. Uma vez em funcionamento, pode proporcionar ganhos de eficiência alocativa e produtiva e o aumento da competição na prestação de serviços de telecomunicações, com destaque para as regiões de menor atratividade econômica. O objetivo deste estudo é avaliar os fundamentos de mecanismos de fomento à liquidez no mercado secundário de espectro no Brasil.
 Metodologia/abordagem/design ”“ Para tanto é apresentado o desenho de três mecanismos gerais. O primeiro, do tipo laissez-faire, se refere a um arranjo de mercado sem intervenção do regulador. Em seguida, é discutido um mecanismo de corretagem, com amplo uso no mercado de atacado de telecomunicações brasileiro, e estabelecido sobre instrumentos de transparência e preços orientados a custos. Por fim, são feitas ponderações sobre uma solução de Acesso Compartilhado Autorizado (ACA) com incentivos.
 Resultados ”“ Os resultados destacam as características e limitações de cada mecanismo. O mecanismo baseado em cessão de autorização de uso de radiofrequências com incentivos demonstra vantagem relativa sobre os demais modelos.

The Effect of Tax Incentive on Domestic Investment in Ethiopia: ARDL Approach

The aim of this paper was to evaluate the effect of tax incentive for domestic private investment over the period 1982 to 2017. The study adopts quantitative method and descriptive design of research respectively. To this end, secondary data have been collected from pertinent government authorities and World Bank. Descriptive statistical analysis has been used to analyze the trends of domestic investment, tax revenue and tax incentive of Ethiopia. For analysis of inferential statistics of time series data Autoregressive distribution lag approach to co-integration and error correction model are applied to investigate the long-run and the short-run relationship between the dependent variable (domestic investment) and the explanatory variables. Due to adoption of tax incentives; there was an incremental trend of domestic investment in the study period, but has no consistent growth trend. In the long run tax incentives have a positive significant impact effect on domestic investment at five percent. A one percent change in tax incentive brought 1.401 percent change in domestic investment in Ethiopia. The finding implies domestic investment has been stimulated through tax incentives complemented with sustainable economic growth, basic infrastructures and social overheads and improved and globally inclusive market. The study basically recommends that the government of Ethiopia should approve implementation of critical and periodically cost- benefit effective tax incentive with good access of market, basic infrastructure and sustainable economy to boost domestic investment. Keywords: Tax Incentive, Domestic Investment, Ethiopia, ARDL DOI: 10.7176/RJFA/11-5-06 Publication date: March 31 st 2020

Riding the wave of distrust and alienation – new parties in Serbia after 2008

Abstract Serbian party system is in the phase of reconfiguration which can be perceived as the outcome of domestic incentives (crisis of democratic transition and of democratic rule) and the international one (economic and migrant crisis). On one side, this reconfiguration includes emergence of predominant ruling party (Serbian Progressive Party, SNS) with strong leader and popular support; on the other side, the opposition camp has been atomized into number of smaller parties. Most of these parties are the new one (including the SNS) and founded after 2008 elections and creation of pro-EU consensus among relevant parties; post-2008 period has been characterized by the decline of almost all old parties, followed by emergence, partial success and fast decline of a large number of new actors. In this paper I am investigating if these new parties can be explained as the unexpected consequence of ideological and political stability after 2008 elections, tactical narrowing of the ideological space and cartelization of the party system. Analysis will focus at populist and anti-partisan ideas, their interplay and different ideological interpretation.

Going Global: Assessing Presidential Foreign Travel

Since President Franklin Delano Roosevelt broke the “Ironclad Custom”—and especially following World War II—presidents have routinely traveled outside of the United States to visit other countries and meet foreign leaders and publics. Presidents are expected to engage in face-to-face diplomacy, but they must also be present and active in domestic politics. To balance these pressures, presidents need to be strategic and mindful of their limited political resources and the opportunities the political environment creates. How, then, do international and domestic political resources and opportunities affect the extent and frequency of foreign travel? To examine this question, we collected and analyzed a dataset of presidential foreign travel—number of trips, countries visited and days spent abroad—during the post-World War II period (1953–2016) and estimated the frequency of travel with a set of explanatory variables that capture U.S. foreign involvement as well as the domestic policy agenda and political incentives that affected presidents from Eisenhower to Obama. Our findings demonstrate that domestic policy and political incentives are strong determinants of presidential foreign travel.

Explaining the 2014 Sino–Russian Gas Breakthrough: The Primacy of Domestic Politics

On 21 May 2014, during a state visit by President Vladimir Putin to Beijing, China and Russia signed a $400 billion, 30-year gas deal. Under this agreement, China will import 38 billion cubic metres of natural gas from Russia’s Gazprom, beginning in 2018. Why, after 15 years of stalemated negotiations, did this breakthrough occur in 2014? Why did a natural, symbiotic gas relationship not develop earlier and more gradually? Most studies explain this by looking at Russia’s international isolation post Ukraine. Based on interviews with both Chinese and Russian officials this article argues the following: domestic incentives, rather than foreign-policy pressures, are the real force behind the timing of Sino–Russian energy breakthroughs in 2014.

Japan's security cooperation with the Philippines and Vietnam

ABSTRACTJapan is abandoning its once unidirectional foreign security policy towards the USA, two notable examples of which are its increasingly comprehensive and substantial security relations with the Philippines and Vietnam. Putting these burgeoning Japanese security partnerships front and center, this paper asks the following questions: What are the characteristics of Japan's maturing security partnerships with the Philippines and Vietnam? What factors have driven and enabled their recent emergence? What promotes and constrains their future development? What do these maturing Japanese non-US security partnerships reveal about Japan's direction as a security actor in and beyond East Asia? The paper finds that these two Japanese security bilaterals, which have six basic characteristics in common, are fundamentally driven by the contemporary shift in the balance of power and the strategic challenge that China's emerging maritime power and ambitions present Japan. It moreover argues that the substantiation of these security partnerships have been pursued under American auspices and further invited by Japanese nationalism and security legislative reforms. Notwithstanding these encouraging factors, however, domestic and geo-strategic constraints and counter incentives lead this paper to expect further substantiation, but limited military significance in the future of these security partnerships.

Freedom of Information Acts in the Developing World: Lessons from the Caribbean for the Bahamian Experience

Freedom of Information Acts (FOIAs) can provide countries with a platform to enshrine transparency, deepen democracy and combat corruption. A number of FOIAs or Right to Information Acts have been passed in the last 20 years, particularly in developing countries and including in the Caribbean region. These initiatives have encountered similar problems, including lack of implementation and enforcement, potentially due to weak institutional systems. The lack of implementation may also be due to contradictory domestic incentives; FOIAs are designed to induce transparency and the provision of information, but also impose constraints and administrative burdens on governments. This article looks at the international context of FOIAs and analyses some of the recent problems of implementation, particularly in developing countries and specifically in the Caribbean region. The article then takes a detailed look at the amendment process and passage of the FOIA 2017 Act in The Bahamas, which is illustrative of these conflicting incentives.

A More Active Policy Domestic Incentives of Turkey’s Middle East Policy during second tenure of the Justice and Development Party

Turkey pursued a more active foreign policy during the second tenure of the Justice and Development Party between 2007 and 2011. In this period, Turkey increasingly involved itself in issues concerning the Middle East. The Justice and Development Party government tried to increase Turkey’s influence on Middle East politics. The reason for why the government pursued a more active and assertive policy could be found in Turkish domestic political developments. In the second tenure of the government, Turkey’s national capacity increased, and so, the government sought to convert it into influence in the region. Also, the government strengthened its position within the state, thereby be easier to implement foreign policy actions. The paper will elaborate on these developments along with the domestic factors of Turkey’s Middle East policy referring to the auxiliary hypotheses of neoclassical realism.

Chinese energy investments in Europe: An analysis of policy drivers and approaches

Enhancing the understanding of China-EU energy relations, the article examines Chinese energy investments in Europe from 2008 to 2015 and analyzes the energy interests and policy approaches underpinning them. Analysis of this data shows that within the EU, 30 Chinese investments largely focused on the oil and gas sector, especially through the acquisition of company shares. Chinese energy investments in Europe reflect a clear political and commercial strategy that addresses the PRC's need to balance supply chain security of fossil fuels, environmentally friendlier energy production and use as well as to enhance the market position and energy-industrial capabilities of Chinese state-owned or state-supervised energy companies. Based on a comprehensive set of domestic incentives for international investment the Chinese penetration of the European energy sector is embedded within two levels of political cooperation. The first level revolves around bilateral investment agreements between China and 27 EU member states. On the second level, China and the EU have established a variety of formats that guide their energy cooperation. The conclusion of the proposed bilateral investment agreement between the PRC and the EU would create a uniform investment environment across the continent and facilitate mutual economic benefits for both parties.

Performance comparison of UK domestic renewable incentives

The UK has introduced two schemes that incentivise the adoption of domestic-scale renewable energy technologies (RETs), specifically the feed-in tariff (FiT) and renewable heat incentive (RHI). Both policies offer householders who install RETs a payback tariff based on the quantity of renewable energy they can produce, and were introduced in the context of UK's 2050 carbon dioxide reduction targets. A dual method is used to analyse the differing adoption under both schemes and reasons for it. First, registration data are analysed to assess impact in terms of stimulation of RET adoption in the domestic setting. Second, agent-based models are used to simulate adoption under both schemes and test the impact of non-financial factors on the rates of adoption. Results of the analysis and models are combined to give insight into differing rates of adoption. The paper concludes that factors beyond pure financial considerations have significant effects on rates of adoption, with the FiT stimulating far more adoption of rooftop photovoltaics than the RHI has stimulated adoption of heat pumps. It is recommended that policymakers take account of these non-financial factors when designing policy to encourage adoption of technology necessary for smart low-carbon-dioxide future energy systems.

Transboundary Cooperation in European Water Governance – A set‐theoretic analysis of International River Basins

AbstractThe pursuit of more integrated water resource management based on hydrological boundaries (i.e. river basins) poses significant challenges for domestic environmental governance, let alone in situations where rivers transcend national borders. This paper examines which conditions of governance (and beyond) favour cooperative transboundary river basin management practices under the European Water Framework Directive. This directive, with its detailed procedural provisions for (international) river basin management planning, offers an excellent test bed to investigate and assess the factors and mechanisms of transboundary river basin management. Postulates of neo‐liberal theory of international cooperation, drawn from international relations, help to identify relevant conditions for analysis, covering the two dimensions of state interests and transaction costs. Results of a qualitative comparative analysis show that transaction costs have a strong mitigating influence on the occurrence of cooperative river basin planning. However, reduced transaction costs alone do not suffice for states to enter into cooperation, but the latter have to be activated by a favourable incentive structure, i.e. high problem pressure or legal or domestic incentives. While these insights hold for most cooperative river basin districts, a few basins that follow a contradictory pattern without reduced transaction costs deserve further attention. The findings shed further light on the influence of contextual factors in shaping water governance. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment

Incomplete cooperation and co-benefits: deepening climate cooperation with a proliferation of small agreements

Case study and model results lend some optimism for the potential of small coalitions with partially excludable public goods to substantially deepen international cooperation on energy and climate issues. Drawing motivation from other issue areas in international relations ranging from nuclear non-proliferation, transboundary air pollution and liberalized trade, we use an evolutionary-game-theoretic model to analyze regimes that yield domestic incentives to contribute to public goods provision (co-benefits). Co-benefits may be limited, but can create a nucleus for formation of coalitions that grow while deepening provision of global public goods. The Climate and Clean Air Coalition (CCAC) is a prime example of an agreement that employs partially excludable club benefits to deepen cooperation on non-CO2 greenhouse gases. Our game-theoretic results support two important insights for the building blocks approach to addressing climate change: sustained cooperation in club agreements is possible even when public goods are not entirely excludable and some members of the population free-ride; and second, cooperation in small club configurations yields larger non-excludable public goods benefits than cooperation in more inclusive forums. This paper lends positive support that a proliferation of small agreements under a building blocks approach at the UNFCCC may be more effective (not just more likely) for deepening climate change cooperation than a fully inclusive approach.