Liberal Doctrine Research Articles

Кризис теории и практики правозащитного действия

This article explores problem of the liberal rights and freedoms conceptualization and crisis of the human rights institutions legitimacy, the prospects for theory and practice of the modern defense of human rights. The author believes the human rights institutions to be currently in crisis mode because of their inability to overcome their dependence on the liberal doctrine of rights and freedoms being innate. This doctrine was imposed on the society as the only valid ideology that does not need any scientific verification or ethical mediation and basically is a quasi-religious phenomenon. Today the defense of human rights is the enforcement authority and a political subsystem, as it legitimates and delegitimates political subjects. The human rights institutions can retain their role in society by overcoming their dependence on liberal and other ideologies, abandoning the obsolete enlightenment concept of innate rights and acknowledging the priority of morality in the society.

When political liberalism meets a communalist worldview: John Rawls and African view of human rights

Since the publication of his A Theory of Justice (TJ), John Rawls has revolutionized political philosophy in many ways, including the understanding of human rights. His theory of rights in TJ is drawn from a comprehensive liberal doctrine and is limited to the domestic society. However, his account of human rights developed in his last major work, The Law of Peoples, claims to be politically free standing, following the model of his Political Liberalism. For Rawls, human rights are necessary conditions for social cooperation. They are meant to serve as one of the principles of foreign policy of the reasonable liberal peoples, in their relations with non-liberal societies. Rawls believes that his category of human rights cannot be rejected by non-liberal peoples as parochial or particular to the Western tradition, because they are not based on any comprehensive doctrine. On the other hand, however, many African scholars have dismissed the current international human rights regime on the account of being too liberal, and not corresponding to the African communalist worldview. It is in that regard that The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and subsequent African human rights instruments were adopted to dress a list of human rights that take into account African history, civilization, and values. Thus, in three main sections, this article examines whether the Rawlsian account and the African view of human rights can enrich each other, or whether they are completely opposed.

The Future of Conservatism?

AbstractThe Case for Conservatism is the first report of the Onward think tank's Commission on The Future of Conservatism. It examines present discontents and offers a set of principles for addressing them. It argues that Conservatives need to shift their ideological position away from the economic liberalism of Margaret Thatcher and the social liberalism of David Cameron and adopt a position which is socially conservative and economically interventionist in order to rebuild a successful electoral coalition and an effective programme for government. They seek to re‐found Conservatism on the pillars of family, community and nation, and the obligations of citizenship rather than the freedom of the individual. They provide a distinctive voice on where Conservatism has gone wrong and how it should change, but they may struggle to become the dominant voice shaping the party's future, because the doctrines of economic liberalism still command strong support.

Российское общенародное движение: программные положения и место в политическом спектре России (1994–1996 гг.)

The article is devoted to the activities of the Russian Public Movement, the analysis of the provisions of its Program and the identification of a place in the political spectrum of both the West Siberian region and the Russian Federation as a whole. The analysis of the transformation program is carried out with full consideration of the political activities of the Russian Public Movement and related organizations, as well as their structural units in the election campaigns of the mid-1990s. Referring to various sources of information, such as archive collections, the public press, reference publications, scientific articles and analytical materials, the author of the work aims to analyze the programmatic provisions of the Russian Public Movement, restoring a complex picture of its participation in the political events of the second half of the 1990s, to identify its place in the changing picture of the political forces of the Russian Federation. The analysis allows us to conclude that the Russian Public Movement was the result of the dispersion of the electorate of the Congress of Russian Communities, between many insignificant parties and movements that were artificially brought to participate in the elections. The further activity of the movement was associated with the presidential elections of the Russian Federation in 1996. The political fate of the movement reflected the evolution of the views of the ruling elite on the formation of their political image against the background of the rejection of the liberal doctrine by the population.

Principles of Law in the Russian Liberal Doctrine of the Late 19th – Early 20th Century: A Positive Approach

The article examines the principles of law as interpreted by Russian liberal jurists of the late XIX – early XX centuries – N.K. Rennenkampf, G.F. Shershenevich, S.V. Pakhman and M.N. Kapustin. In the absence of special studies that allow to study the principles of law in the legal science of the Russian Empire the author reveals the signs identified by domestic scientists in understanding the guiding principles of legal regulation; the characteristic of the principles of legality, justice, humanism, democracy and formal equality proposed by lawyers of the pre-revolutionary period at the stage of problem formulation is presented. Special attention is paid to the concept of M.N. Kapustin according to which the legal sphere focuses on two types of principles at once: some carry the basic meaning of law and are an integral part of its essence (justice and formal equality), others are introduced artificially in the course of human mental activity in order to optimize the processes of creation, application and development of legislation. It is proved that the Russian jurists of the late XIX – early XX century insist on the scientific development of the principles of law and their investment in the form of legal norms that have a constituent character, direct action, stability and formal certainty. It is noted that the supporters of legal positivism, emphasizing the importance of legal doctrine and firmly fixing the term ≪principle≫ in scientific circulation, had a significant impact on the formation of the modern categorical apparatus. The relevance of the views of liberal jurists of the late XIX – early XX century, projecting the effect of the principles of law on overcoming gaps in legislation and optimizing law enforcement activities in terms of the exercise of discretionary powers is emphasized.

ИНСТИТУЦИОНАЛИЗАЦИЯ НОВЫХ ПРИОРИТЕТОВ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЙ МОЛОДЁЖНОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ В РОССИИ: УСЛОВИЯ, ВЫЗОВЫ, РЕШЕНИЯ

One of the urgent tasks of the state's policy towards Russian youth is the development and implementation of an effective model of political socialization of young citizens of the country. Due to the current trends in the political process, the importance of strengthening the connection between youth and the state authorities is increasing, which requires the development of new priorities of state strategies in the field of support for young generations. The purpose of the article is to make a systematic analysis of the state and features of the activities of state institutions in determining the key directions of modernization of youth policy. Research methods: historical, comparative and dialectical methods, the method of content analysis are used to acheive this goal. Research results: the article argues that the insufficient efficiency of the state strategies in relation to the youth environment, characteristic of the post-Soviet period, can be explained in the mechanical adherence to the postulates of the liberal doctrine, justifying the reduction of social obligations of the authorities to society. On the other hand, increasing the efforts of the state in the field of political socialization of youth leads to constructive results in the sector of relations "youth-society-state". As an example, an overview of the nomination of new priorities of state policy towards youth, which took place during the preparation of the meeting of the State Council of the Russian Federation in December 2022, is given. It is concluded that the main directions of improving youth policy are dictated by the national interests of modern Russia and have objective prospects for practical implementation.

Critical remarks on the liberal understanding in sociological and legal studies of the phenomenon of labor in the information society

The transformation of methods and means of production under the influence of the development of digital technologies has led to an increase in the interest of scientists in the problems of radically changing labor processes. In the sociological and legal studies of the liberal direction, the phenomenon of labor began to be studied separately in the context of the transition from the labor practices of an industrial society to the labor practices of an information (post-industrial) society. The main conclusions that were made as a result of studying the phenomenon of labor in a liberal way were: recognition of the liberating nature of information-type labor and its priority over industrial-type labor; endowing information labor with a characteristic of flexibility in comparison with the rigidity of labor in an industrial society. From a legal point of view, these conclusions created the preconditions for the deregulation (the elimination of protective norms and guarantees) of labor relations both for employees of the "endangered" industrial type and for "progressive" information employees. Within the framework of this publication, the author set a research task to cancel the four myths of the information society, which are most popular in liberal theories: 1) mass release of employees employed in industry, due to the computerization of production; 2) flexibility in the labor market is an integral part of the transformation of the traditional model of labor relations; 3) outsourcing is inherent only in industrial type production; 4) the release of a new product involves the release of employees due to the inability of the workforce to master modern methods of work. As a result of the critical analysis of these myths of the liberal doctrine, the author came to the conclusion that it is useless to establish distinctions in the very essence of the labor phenomenon. The author believes that the concept that allows convergence of all types of labor in state production chains is the theory of "community of labor" proposed by Karl Marx. For labor law, the presence of objective features of the implementation of labor processes means the need to deepen research on the differentiation of the legal regulation of labor of certain categories of employees, and not to deregulate labor relations.

Аксель Хоннет: пределы правовой свободы

Introduction. The approach to substantiating legal genesis through social theory suggested by J. Habermas was further developed in the works of A. Honnet, the representative of the later Frankfurt school. His proposed version of the theory of subjectivity led to a rethinking of the concept of freedom, in which the limits of legal freedom are defined in a new way. Theoretical analysis. The concept of recognition developed by Honnet expands the understanding of intersubjective interaction and its social and legal effects. The autonomy of the subject is revised towards recognition, which means that the degree of autonomous behavior depends on the social environment and the success of the individual’s intersubjective strategies in it. Socialization is a process in which a person learns to understand and recognize not only others, but also himself / herself, trusting them and relying on them. In a world where the concrete Self is devalued and rejected by others, the Self is deprived of the strength to assert itself and self-esteem. This model is diametrically opposed to the liberal doctrine based on the idea of an atomic isolated individual. Еmpirical analysis. The author considers the concept of freedom put forward by Honnet and establishes that legal freedom is only one of its elements, unable to independently ensure the realization of social freedom. Results. The concept of Honnet clearly fixes the place and role of legal freedom in ensuring social freedom. On the one hand, it contributes to strengthening the humanistic principles of modern legal understanding, turning it towards social solidarity. On the other hand, the statement of the force of law that is binding on intersubjective institutions opens up new research perspectives for the analysis of legal reality.

THE RELEVANCE OF THE LIBERAL IDEA IN UKRAINE: THE EXPERIENCE OF THE FIRST POLITICAL PARTIES

This study aims to highlight and analyze the liberal principles in the context of Ukrainian political parties’ activities in the early XXth century, clarifying the conditions under which the liberal idea found its expression in the Ukrainian reality of the time. The research methodology comprises general scientific methods (program document analysis, generalizations, systematic approach) as well as special-historical methods, in particular historical-genetic, anthropological, and comparative analyses. The scientific novelty is found in the role and significance of the liberal idea in the formation of Ukrainian political thought, which led to the emergence and development of political concepts that served as the foundation for various parties’ activities on the main stages of statehood. Conclusions. The liberal idea in Ukraine has undergone several stages of development, finding expression in the programs of newly formed Ukrainian parties and serving as a response to the challenges of political life and the requirements of progressive intellectuals in the early XXth century. The implementation of liberalism in the Ukrainian political sphere was also unique in that it was combined with socialist demands and the struggle for Ukrainian national rights. During the Ukrainian National Revolution and the establishment of Ukrainian statehood in 1917–1921, liberal ideas, manifested in a number of democratic demands, were renewed. Even though the liberal doctrine does not receive widespread support in Ukraine, we believe that combining elements that stimulate private initiative and the formation of civil society with moderate and well-defined state regulation can help Ukraine progress.
 Further research is required in order to study the psychological, cultural and mental aspects of the rejection of liberalism in its "pure" form, as well as the current political field of Ukraine and the presentation of liberal elements in the activities of Ukrainian governments, especially after 2004.

Konstytucyjny wyraz zasady niezależności państwa i związków wyznaniowych

The aim of the study is to specify and analyze the expression of the principle of independence of the state and religious associations in contemporary constitutions. This is preceded by an attempt to establish the ideological roots of the principle of independence of the above-mentioned entities. Primarily, the formal-dogmatic and legal-comparative methods were used. The historical and legal method was used as a subsidiary. The texts of all binding constitutions were analyzed in terms of the articulation of the aforementioned principle of religious relations. The principle of independence of the state and religious associations is one of the main normative directives of religious relations in contemporary Poland. It has ideological roots not only in Catholic social teaching, but also in the liberal doctrine. Since the end of the 20th century, it has found a permanent place in the constitutionalism of a number of European secular (non-religious) states and some Latin American states.

In defense of the horizontal application of the due process clause

The main objective of this paper is to answer the following research problem: is it possible to apply the constitutional clause of due process of law in a horizontal dimension, in the context of relationships between private subjects? The hypothesis is the understanding of due process as an adaptive guarantee of the rule of law, which must be responsibly extended to new contexts outside the individual-state relationship, based on a specific test. As a main result, the factual and theoretical premises that support the hypothesis inform that the promotion of constitutional liberties, empirically, depends not only on the State, but also on the conduct of other social agents. Therefore, the conclusion is that by failing to consider the relevance of the internal structure of society — and thus failing to distinguish asymmetrical forms of power exercise — the liberal doctrine of state action fails considerably. The theoretical grounds of the paper are provided by a comparative analysis, with emphasis on the precedents of foreign Constitutional Courts — such as the Supreme Court of the United States and the Constitutional Court of South Africa — and international courts. The method employed is the hypothetical-deductive approach.

Dissolving the colour line: L. T. Hobhouse on race and liberal empire

L. T. Hobhouse (1864–1929) is most familiar today as a leading theorist of British new liberalism. This article recovers and examines his overlooked commentary on the concept and rhetoric of race, which constituted part of his better-known project of advancing an authoritative account of liberal doctrine. His writings during and after the South African War, I argue, represent a prominent effort to cast liberalism as compatible with both imperial rule and what he called ‘the idea of racial equality’. A properly liberal empire, he asserted, would dissolve the colour line. This article traces the arguments Hobhouse advanced to make this claim, and explores his motivations for doing so. I contend that Hobhouse drew on the idiom of race as a form of exclusionary rhetoric, to delegitimise rival accounts of liberal empire and to cast his own as properly cosmopolitan. This recovery, I suggest, offers payoffs for our understanding of both Hobhouse's political thought and, more broadly, the uses of ‘race’ in twentieth-century liberalism.

The Origins of Conservative Ideology in Russia

The review is devoted to the analysis of the book “Romantics, Reformers, Reactionaries. Russian Conservative Thought and Politics in the Reign of Alexander I” by the famous American historian Alexander Martin dedicated to the history of Russian conservatism in the first quarter of the 19th century. The author explores the process of formation of conservative ideology in politics, Russian social thought, culture, and also reveals its origins, defines features that are distinctive from the liberal doctrine. Against the broad background of the political and cultural life of Russia at that time, the complex relationship of various systems of conservative ideology is shown. It is demonstrated that the religious conservatism of such prominent defenders of Catholicism and Orthodoxy as Mestre and Sturdza, the clash of their opposite positions, disputes about the historical fate and civilizational purpose of Christianity, as well as the romantic nationalism of A. S. Shishkov and S. N. Glinka and the noble conservatism of N. M. Karamzin and F. V. Rostopchin reflected the search for new forms of anti-revolutionary conservative worldview. The position of Alexander Martin is especially noteworthy in relation to the significant contribution of conservative thinkers of Alexander's reign to the formation of state policy in the interests of Russia, the formation of the foundations of civil society, the development of national identity, Russian culture and language. The author comes to a reasonable conceptual conclusion that although the early conservatives did not develop a single ideology, they laid the foundation for various forms of Russian conservatism in the second quarter of the 19th – early 20th centuries.

The Constitutionalization of International Law After Liberalism

Many political changes that have taken place across the world in the last decade have been connected with the spill-over of a new narrative in the public dimension. Among other things, this narrative has emphasized returning control over the public space to the people once again, revitalization of the democratic community, restraint on an expansion of judicial power over representational politics, and in many instances, a specific national approach to the questions of governance. These trends have gained the name “illiberal democracy”, a description which Viktor Orban introduced into the language of political practice a few years later. Indeed, in many countries worldwide, from the United States of America (USA) during the presidency of Donald Trump, Central and Eastern Europe, to Turkey and Venezuela, it has been possible to observe changes which had the principal leitmotif to negate liberal democracy as the only possibility of organizing public space within the state. These trends are continuing, and there are no signs of them disappearing in the near future. The new dispensation in the USA under President Biden also does not guarantee an immediate return to the liberal internationalism of the 1990s. Political changes directed toward the constitutional space of the State have inspired researchers to consider the issues of new constitutionalism, new forms of democracy, and the rule of law beyond liberalism. This article is an attempt to transfer these considerations to the international level. The text aims to consider whether withdrawal from the liberal doctrine could also be observed on an international level and what these facts could mean for the intellectual project of constitutionalization of international law. Building upon reflections on constitutionalism and constitutionalization of international law, this text presents what has up until now been the mainstream understanding of international law as a liberal construct. This showcases the illiberal turn observed among certain countries as exemplified by the anti-liberal and realist language of their constitutional representatives. In this respect, this analysis is a modest contribution to the so far nascent field of sociology of international law. However, the main endeavor of this article is to unchain the notions of international liberalism and constitutionalization of international law as being popularly understood as two sides of the same coin. Consequently, the idea of political constitutionalism of international law is introduced. Seeing things from this perspective, this text focuses on the material rather than formal aspects of international law's constitutionalization. Within the stream of so called thick constitutionalism, there are a few elements listed with which the discussion about international law may continue to engage, if this law is to be considered as legitimate not only formally, but also substantially.

The Undemocratic Future of 21st Century Liberal Democracy

What is the future of liberal democracy? Is the “liberal” ingredient of 21st century democracy compatible with its “demos”? Are developed democracies more equalitarian and less stratified than other regimes? Or are present day democracies evolving into something different that needs a new definition? By the early 1990s liberal democracy appeared to have become the dominant system at a global scale. The hope of citizens, scholars, and observers was that the stride toward broader democratization and inclusion would continue. It did, but as this paper argues, the forms adopted by democratic regimes, especially under the fourth industrial revolution, are not necessarily democratic. Rather, liberal democracies have created a new aristocracy that includes high tech monopolies, extremely skilled professionals, and a selected intelligentsia that from social media, conglomerates, and many times Hollywood, supports this new stratified version of the democratic polity. Family dynasties, clientele networks, and mechanisms of reward and punishment reminds us of the pseudo democracies of the late 19th century. Surely the dwindling middle class in developed democracies still have some consumer power based on credit. Global markets offer many more available consumer goods than in the past, creating the illusion that all is going well. Comparatively, however, democracies are doing worse. As this paper shows, 21st century liberal democracies have concentrated wealth in fewer hands than in the recent past, have favored power centralization especially in the executive branch, have stimulated the formation of giant high-tech monopolies, and have generated more rigid forms of social stratification. Liberal democracies, therefore, are weaking, in many cases as the logical consequence of the natural evolution of the liberal doctrine, and in most cases because of profound changes at the global scale. Citizens’ confidence in their elected representatives has been in the decline for a long time. The increasing influence of populist nationalism is an indicator that confidence in traditional politicians continues to deteriorate. Democracy could not be democratic without the popular vote, but it has been precisely the popular vote that has empowered populist nationalist leaders, both from the right and the left. There is not very much that democracies can do about the coming to power via the ballot box of leaders who can rework the system in their favor and, in some cases, destroy it. As the paper shows, changes in the international system of power have not been favorable to liberal democracies, adding to its burdens. They are no longer the optimal model of choice, especially in the less developed world. Finally, I claim that the broken promises of political elites that have traditionally provoked voters’ apathy and loss of trust, have, In the 21st century, created new unintended consequences. They have generated illusions of entitlement and deservingness that, especially young voters, have converted into a sort anti-democratic culture that cares less for the collective and much more for themselves.

Intentions of Cultural Liberalism in Interwar Kaunas: Cohesion of Science and Society

The aim of the article is to study the impact of the ideas of modern liberalism put forward by the scholars and lecturers of the University of Lithuania, which was established in Kaunas in 1922, in developing the educational voice of the intelligentsia in the society. The study looks into archival and other published sources on the democratic sociocultural environment set up at the University of Lithuania, analyses the impact of the ideas of cultural liberalism expressed by scholars in organising the training and cultural education of the population. The article uses the documents related to the pedagogical and cultural performance of the university operating in Kaunas, personal collections, minutes of meetings of organisations established by intellectuals, official letters and other correspondence, and periodicals. The sources employed in this work tell about the significant organisational and scientific contribution of researchers not only to organising the studies in Kaunas but also to mobilising a qualified, socially active, and democratic academic community. The contribution of the university professors from different fields of science and their value-based approach were of great importance in the development of the sociocultural life of the university. Vaclovas Biržiška, Petras Leonas, Albinas Rimka, and other intellectuals based their theoretical ideas and public actions on democracy, social solidarity, tolerance, other principles of social progress, and the recognition of the value and rights of every person. The ideas of democracy, the development of an educated personality and a modern society were the spiritual basis of many intellectuals’ educational activities in society right from the founding of the University of Lithuania, even though only some of them consistently favoured the doctrines of modern liberalism. Professors from Kaunas University sought to apply scientific knowledge and disseminate their experience by organizing direct training for adults at different levels of education and from different social strata. They established public adult education institutions. The scholars of Kaunas did not limit themselves to the education of the residents of their city, promotion of their educational interests, and development of their cultural horizons. Together with other intellectuals, authors of literary and artistic works, publicists and educators who promoted democratic position, they took part in the work of the Lithuanian Cultural Union, which had been functioning since 1924. This union brought together several dozens of public organisations and companies and cooperated with publishers of liberal cultural magazines.

The Hegel Myth and Its Method

The work of Kaufman "the Myth of Hegel and the technology of its creation" was first published in 1959 in the United States. Despite the historical significance of Hegel's philosophy, some of his critics do not bother to study the primary sources and fundamentally important research literature. This opens up the possibility not only to misunderstandings, but deliberate speculation and distorted, including politically biased, interpretations, substitute the real views of Hegel myth-making dealing with them a thinker. The work of Kaufman discloses a technique of creation a mythological conception of Hegel's philosophy on the material provided by well-known and influential ideologist of the liberal doctrine of the "open society" of Karl Popper.

М.М. Сперанский: у истоков политической системы РФ

The purpose of this work is to identify the role and significance of M.M. Speransky as the founder of a theoretically sound, holistic and systemic liberal doctrine in Russia. The article uses such methods of scientific research as the historical method, the retrospective method, and the hermeneutical method. The question of the founding fathers of Russian liberalism, which ideologically has a serious impact on all spheres of modern public life, continues to be quite controversial in the historical and political science literature. From the research position of the author of the article, it is M.M. Speransky stands at the origins of Russian liberalism. During the were identified the most important theoretical parameters of the richest philosophical, political, legal heritage of Speransky, on which were based all the ideologues of Russian liberalism, till our days: the adoption of Western political experience, a focus on the formation of civil society in Russia, the need for government guarantees the rights and freedoms of the individual, etc. these parameters are presented as individual subsections, at the end conclusions and generalizations. The article also provides information about the personality of M.M. Speransky, the most important stages of his biography and political and legal activities. According to Speransky, the effectiveness of ways, methods and forms of Russian transformations increases with the skillful borrowing of Western experience, gradual "grafting" of useful elements of the legal system and political culture of the advanced countries of Western Europe. He saw his political mission as the reorganization of Russian absolutism and potential despotism into a form of constitutional monarchy based on the separation of powers and subordination to a single ("root") law. The "root law" should provide for the interests and aspirations of all the main elements of society, and the rights and freedoms of all Russian citizens will be firmly respected. This will also ensure a response from the bottom up, an increase in social activity of the population, the development of social and individual self-activity, and the emancipation of entrepreneurial talents. M.M. Speransky justified the relationship between the development of liberal trends and the need to form a full-fledged civil society in Russia. The importance of M.M. Speransky gave social mobility for the successful development of society, defended the facilitated opportunities for intersectional movements of Russian subjects.

The Cooperative, a hybrid institutional arrangement, compatible with free-market capitalism

The cooperative phenomenon is a social and economic process that has, throughout history, been subjected to the most contra-dictory interpretations. Assigned to the causal register, which re-veals the origins of human action, the cooperative is given a logi-cal explanation: in the economic evolution of the world, two economic facts remain fundamental —the division of labor and human cooperation. This perspective is attributed to Smith and Hayek, according to whom the economic actors cooperate, with-out being self-sufficient or compelled by the division of labor (in-cluding the natural one). Following this natural path, the coop-erative was manifest in the form of a hybrid institutional arrangement, between the private firm with a hierarchical struc-ture, and the market, with a positive role in developing the free economy. Unfortunately, the cooperative phenomenon was not spared either ideological interpretations or pure scientistic ones.
 On the one hand, since the beginning, both left- and right-wing doctrines claimed the cooperative in order to provide a «social» touch to their development networks. By so doing, they diluted, sometimes to distortion, the technical substance of the phenome-non, describing it as a compromise formula between liberalism and socialism. Interestingly, today, this «third way», within which the cooperative aims to be recognized as a strong lead, is claimed especially by the milder interpreters of the liberal doctrine. In so-cialist thought, following the paths of associational and, allegedly, scientific socialism, the idea of the cooperative was severely com-promised.

TEACHING THE ADJECTIVE AND THE ADVERBS BY USINGTHE RESULTS OF THE LINGUISTIC LESSON

In light of the global economic openness and the prosperity of global trade, which has no limits to the movement of goods and capital in a globalized world, and in the front of the countries and the international institutions adoption to the liberal doctrine of liberalizing trade which promises to reach the highest levels of growth and achieve prosperity for all peoples of the world. In light of the tremendous and rapid technological development that contributed to the increase and abundance of agricultural food commodities production, the world today is facing a food crisis that prevents it from reaching a large proportion of the world's population, which threatens hundreds of millions with starvation and malnutrition. Consequently, the international reality reflects a shocking and terrifying picture of what people suffer from poverty, hunger and lack of nutrition. According to the recent changes of the United Nations Organization, about 822 million people suffer from chronic food insufficiency and hunger. Hundreds of millions of children under the age of five suffer from wasting, stunting and stunted growth. Tens of thousands die every day because of poor nutrition, and in the range of 3 billion people suffering from malnutrition In addition to all this, the global spread of the new Corona epidemic has made the situation more aggravating where expectations worship that we are on the verge of a food pandemic that could kill 300.000 person. Faced with this paradox, the abundance of production, hunger, through this study, we try to stand at the real causes of this crisis, whose repercussions are continuing to worsen at various levels, especially in light of the Corona pandemic.We also try to find effective solutions and alternatives to bypass and avoid a humanitarian disaster.