Distribution Of Natural Resources Research Articles

Ethno-Religious Struggle and Human Insecurity in the Fledging Nigerian Democracy since 1999

Religious and ethnic identity clashes laid the structure of the Nigerian state in 1914, which transmogrified into and characterized the struggle for control of power and distribution of national resources. This paper explores the nature and manifestation of these conflicts since 1999. It seeks to find out if ethno-religious struggles led to the emergence of major conflicts in Nigeria since 1999, their impact on human insecurity, and the influence of politics on the conflicts. This inquiry is designed in line with a one-shot case study, while literature survey and ex post facto methods were adopted as methods of data collection. Trend analysis is adopted for data analysis. Analysis reveals that ethno-religious struggles were the primary progenitor of conflicts in Nigeria since 1999, and have debilitating consequences while politics exacerbated ethno-religious conflicts. Upholding Nigeria's circular state and implementing the National Political Reforms Conference Report is the panacea for ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria.

Ethnic Fault Lines and the Case for The Creation of New Provinces in Pakistan: An Appraisal

This article seeks to analyze the discourse around the creation of new provinces in Pakistan. The demand for carving out new federating units is a popular and long-standing proposal in some areas of the country with a long history of ethnic sub-nationalism fuelled by the real and imagined sense of political alienation and economic deprivation. This demand has been raised from time to time based on the distribution of national resources, and on ethnic grounds, and sometimes on the basis of socio-economic backwardness of the relevant areas. The demand for a 'Saraiki Province', 'Bahawalpur Province', 'Hazara Province are some major cases. This case study will focus on the different factors, including, most importantly, the constitutional setup and role of different political parties of Pakistan in the making of new provinces. The Following three basic questions are the major concerns of the rigorous academic endeavour taken up in the paper. First, what has been the basis of demands for the creation of new provinces in Pakistan? Second, what are the main hurdles in making new provinces in Pakistan and what urged the re-demarcation of state in Pakistan? Third, what has been the stance of various political Parties about the creation of new provinces in Pakistan?

Ethno-religious Struggle and Human Insecurity in the Fledging Nigerian Democracy Since 1999: The Political Nexus

On religious and ethnic identity clashes lay the structure of the Nigerian state in 1914, which transmogrified into and characterises the struggle for control of power and distribution of national resources. The dominant religious identities consist of Christianity and Moslem, while dominant ethnic identities are Hausa/Fulani, Igbo, and Yoruba. These pristine forces are entangled in phobic struggle for control of power and the distribution of national resources particularly since 1999, which has led to different policy interventions in search of solution. These coincided with the emergence of different ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria. Thus, this paper explores the character and manifestation of these conflicts since 1999. It seeks to find out if: ethno-religious struggles led to the emergence of major conflicts in Nigeria since 1999; their impact on human insecurity; and the influence of politics on the conflicts. This inquiry is designed in-line with One-shot case study, while literature survey and expost facto methods were adopted as methods of data gathering. Trend analysis is adopted for data analysis. Analysis reveals that ethno-religious struggles were the primary progenitor of conflicts in Nigeria since 1999; and has debilitating consequences while politics exacerbated ethno-religious conflicts. Upholding Nigeria’s circular state and implementing the National Political Reforms Conference Report are the panacea for ethno-religious conflict in Nigeria.

MENINGKATKAN HASIL BELAJAR SISWA MELALUI MODEL PEMBELAJARAN THINK-PAIR-SQUARE (TPS) PADA MATA PELAJARAN IPS DALAM MATERI SUMBER DAYA ALAM KITA KELAS IV SDN 04 BUKIT HARAPAN KECAMATAN KERINCI KANAN KABUPATEN SIAK

Classroom action research was motivated by the phenomena that show low student learningoutcomes, among which are 1) most of the students can not complete the task and Homework(PR), 2) some students can not answer the post test, 3) Average daily values pupils is low iebelow the minimum completeness criteria (KKM) is 70. Therefore, researchers appliedlearning model Think-Pair-Square (TPS), which aims to improve student learning outcomesIPS. The problems of this study is whether the learning model Think-Pair-Square (TPS) toimprove learning outcomes for Social Sciences in the material type and distribution of naturalresources in the fourth grade SDN 04 Bukit Harapan Kecamatan Kerinci Kanan KabupatenSiak?. The object of this study is the use of learning model Think-Pair-Square (TPS), whilethe subject of this study is all fourth grade students of SDN 04 Bukit Harapan KecamatanKerinci Kanan Kabupaten Siak, the academic year 2015/2016 the number of students as manyas 22 people. This research was conducted in two cycles, each cycle is done in three sessions,To study this class action work well without barriers obstructing the smooth running of thestudy, researchers compiled stages are passed in classroom action research, namely: 1)planning/ preparatory actions 2) Implementation of the action, 3) observation, and 4)reflection. Based on the results of preliminary observations, student learning outcomesobtained in classical completeness percentage is 41%, this figure has not reached the successthat has been established in this study. Then based on the results of tests on the first cycleshowed that the level of student learning outcomes achieve classical completeness percentageis 64%, this figure has not reached the success that has been established in this study is 75%,therefore the next cycle continued. While on the second cycle increased achieve learningoutcomes of students gaining the percentage of classical completeness is 100%, meaning thatthis figure has exceeded the success rate has been established in this study and theachievement of 100% value in the classical completeness, this research was successful.

Peace and security concerns in the Niger Delta: a persisting struggle for autonomy and self-determination

This article argues that neither the amnesty granted the militants nor the election of Goodluck Jonathan as President of Nigeria will be sufficient to resolve the conflict in the Niger Delta as the crisis in the Niger Delta is an offshoot of some of the contradictions in the Nigerian federal structure, particularly the regional and power imbalance in the Constitution of 1960. Therefore, no matter how conceived, the Niger Delta crisis remains more fundamentally constitutional and political than socio-economic or environmental. Accordingly, what the paper attempts to address is the deliberate attempt by the Nigerian state to diminish the constitutional and political aspects of the crisis, while it creates the impression that the root of the problem of the Niger Delta is neglect and inequitable distribution of national resources by the federal government. The paper brings to the fore the constitutional and the political aspects which have underpinned the Niger Delta crisis since the 1950s and 1960s and concludes that any resolution of the crisis short of those imperatives will not endure.

Sudan's Perfect War

WAR HAS raged in Sudan for all but 1i of the 45 years since its inde pendence. The most recent round of fighting began in 1983, after then President Ja' far Muhammad Numayri revoked the autonomy that had been granted to the country's south 11 years before and imposed Islamic law (the shari a) throughout the land. These steps were the final insult to the predominantly non-Muslim, non-Arab population of southern Sudan, which had long been cut off from the distribution of national resources and otherwise marginalized. At first, it was John Garang's Sudanese People's Liberation Move ment (SPLM) that took up the south's fight against government forces. But in the 19 years of bloodshed since, Sudan's civil war has been carried on by four different northern regimes and countless southern alliances. With two million fatalities so far, this war has produced more casualties than those in Angola, Bosnia, Chechnya, Kosovo, Liberia, the Persian Gulf, Sierra Leone, Somalia, and Rwanda put together. An astounding four million Sudanese-out of a population of around 29 million-have been made homeless. Yet militarily, the fighting has accomplished little. Today the government controls only key garrison towns in the south; the rest of the region is ruled by the SPLM or one of the many other factions that have evolved over the years. Meanwhile, rather than moving the conflict closer to resolution, political and economic developments in Sudan over the last few years have made achieving a negotiated and just peace even more unlikely.

Toward a U.S. national security strategy for the 1990s: Assuring 21st. Century competitiveness

Abstract Contrary to what 1980s trends appear to suggest, U.S. policy makers in the next decade will confront a daunting national security challenge, having to make critical choices over the distribution of national resources and defense sector investment policies. In a period of unusual constraints on national resources, the U.S. will have to engineer a strategy that revitalizes its economy while managing an uncertain Soviet threat with fewer resources devoted to defense. Failure to navigate this course could lead to a weakening of the U.S.’s defense mobilization base and a retreat from global security objectives by the beginning of the next century, an especially alarming result since the stakes involved in this coming test of American skill and resolve will have been raised by a looming transcentury weapons revolution that heightens the potential for destabilizing strategic asymmetries. How well the U.S. meets this test will strongly influence its competitiveness in the transcentury security environment.

UNEVEN DEVELOPMENT AND CAPITALIST PERIPHERALISATION: THE CASE OF IRELAND

Spatial unevenness has been a consistent feature of capitalist development since its original rise to prominence in early modern Britain. This is not to say that uneven development is an exclusively capitalist phenomenon (nor, for that matter, that .it is a necessary feature of capitalism - a question that will be discussed in the conclusion to this paper). Clearly, differences in levels of technology and geographical variation in natural resource endowments can give rise to variable levels of development, regardless of economic system - although geographers, and other social scientists, may have been inclined to ·overstress these factors, thereby providing an ideological smoi<escreen for more fundamental processes of uneven development under capitalism (Smith, 1984: 100). Certainly, nowadays, the distribution of natural resources has, at best, only a minor influence on the overall geography of capitalist investment and employment creation.

The Politics of Public Expenditure: American Theory and British Practice

Public expenditure is quite the most visible and quantifiable measure of government activity. It is therefore surprising that in Britain, as distinct from the United States, this area has been massively neglected by political scientists. This neglect is all the odder since public expenditure in Britain – comprehensively and conventionally defined to include all spending by central and local government, as well as capital investment by public corporations – has been increasing rapidly both in absolute terms and as a proportion of the national income: between the early 1960s and the middle 'seventies, it rose from just under two-fifths to almost three-fifths of the Gross National Product. So, in effect, the scope of political decision-making about the distribution of national resources has grown considerably, reflecting the changing balance between the political market and the economic market. The dynamics of this process are highly relevant for an understanding of the British political system.

The Costs and Benefits of Air Navigation and Control Systems

There is no doubt that the increasing size and speed of aircraft, and in particular the continuing growth in air traffic movements, pose unique problems for the development and use of efficient and safe methods of air navigation and control. The scientific, technological and operational difficulties involved are, of course, quite fundamental. This paper, however, is based on the propositions that such technological opportunities and regulatory systems as may be developed necessarily affect directly or indirectly the use of real resources; and insofar as these resources have a value in alternative uses, they incur costs on the community (as well as prospectively providing benefits). Situations involving economic choice, therefore, necessarily are involved. Air navigation and control systems are not immune from the general objective of achieving an efficient overall distribution of national resources.