Distribution Of Adverbs Research Articles

ADVERB OF TIME IN ARABIC SIMPLE SENTENCE

This research aims to describe the pattern of Arabic simple sentences attached by adverb of time and the distribution of the adverb of time in Arabic simple sentences. The research data are in the form of a simple sentence, which contains adverb of time from a paper in the book Al-Arabiyah Baina Yadaik Volume 4a by Al-Fauzan, et al. (2014). The data collection was carried out using the observation method. The analysis of adverb of time in Arabic simple sentence was done by a tree diagram with the guidelines proposed by Chomsky (2002). The results showed that the adverb of time is inherent in verbs and was only found in the original verb and not a derivational verb. In addition, the sentence patterns of Arabic simple sentence attached by adverb of time consist of PS, SP, SPO, and PSO. The researchers also found the distribution of adverbs of time inside the predicate, behind the object, in front of the predicate, and behind the subject.

이탈리아어 부사의 통사적 분포

이탈리아어 부사의 통사적 분포

Adverbs in Saudi Northern Region Dialect of Arabic (SNRDA)

<p>With my belief that there is not a comprehensive theory of adverb position, Iatridou (1990), Bobaljik & Jonas (1996), in this paper, I investigate the morph-syntax and distribution of adverbs in one of the Saudi dialects, Saudi Northern Region Dialect of Arabic (SNRDA); a dialect that is spoken in the Northern Region of Saudi Arabia. I will show that adverbs at least in SNRDA are not descriptively as simple as it is assumed for other dialects of Arabic studied by Nuha (2005) and in the Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) investigated by Fassi (1997, 1998). What is interesting in this dialect is that intonation plays role in where the adverbs appear and how they are interpreted; in addition, with the change of the adverb position, there is a change in the meaning. The contribution of this paper is that it discusses adverbs in a dialect which many of its syntactic facts remain largely un-described and adds to our understanding of the syntactic behavior of the adverbs.</p>

Split infinitives in English: A corpus-based investigation

The focus of this paper is to investigate the corpora of split infinitives. In English, some adverbs occur between the infinitive marker to and the verb, which has been called split infinitives. To split or not to split infinitive has been an issue in English grammar. Modern English, however, witnesses a burst-out of the usage of split infinitives, as has been investigated by numerous works in the literature. In this paper, we have investigated the phenomenon using corpus data such as the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA), the Corpus of Historical American English (COHA) and Time Magazine Corpus and we reached a conclusion that split infinitives are being used more often than before. We also tried to analyse various types of split infinitives. It appears that only a limited number of adverbs can split the infinitives and only a number ofverbs can be split by these adverbs. There is a big difference between the distribution of adverbs in a finite clause and that of an infinitival clause.

Some Thoughts on Language Diversity, UG and the Importance of Language Typology: Scrambling and Non-Monotonic Merge of Adjuncts and Specifiers in Czech and German

Abstract The following article is concerned with the problem of language diversity within the framework of Radical Minimalism (Krivochen 2011, 2012). How can the diversity and variation of languages be explained? For Noam Chomsky, language faculty in the narrow sense (FLN) is nothing but an “‘organ of the body,’ along with other cognitive systems. Our analysis of human language builds on Chomsky’s (1995, 2005, 2010) minimalist assumption that the design of language is grounded in conceptual necessity. Adopting this idea, we expect to find three factors that interact to determine (I-) languages attained: genetic endowment (the topic of Universal Grammar), experience, and principles that are language- or even organism-independent.” (Chomsky 2005:1). In the present article we provide some ideas about how generative research based on Radical Minimalism can contribute on a par with the typology of languages to a more profound and sound exploration of language variation. The scope of the paper is to compare the distribution of adverbs within the three domains of the clause in Czech and German. The aim of this paper is to show that the feature-based theory of adverb licensing is not able to handle the problem of adverb order variation. Instead, a more parsimonious approach based on the Theory of Radical Minimalism will be chosen. The paper is organized as follows: After some remarks on the role of Universal Grammar, Variation and Typology in section 1, section 2 introduces the theoretical background by introducing the principles and the core of Radical Minimalism, e.g. free unbounded merge, asymmetric c-command and the restrictions within the clause structure composition. In section 3, the distribution of adverbs in the middle field is discussed for Czech and German. In the last part, we introduce the so-called Late Adjunction Hypothesis that results in similar effects to the Early Spell-Out model argued for in our paper.

Adverbs in A-not-A Questions in Mandarin Chinese

This paper argues that the distribution of adverbs in A-not-A questions bears on the base-position of an abstract morpheme Q and is subject to the same general locality condition on variable binding. It claims that adverbs that have semantic relations with an element in the clause or the clause itself mostly allow inference and interact syntactically with the A-not-A operator, whereas those having no such relations do not. It shows that the lack of syntactic interaction between temporal and locative adverbs on the one hand and the A-not-A operator on the other follows directly from their being related to the world and time coordinates of the formal interpretive model.

A multifactorial approach to adverb placement: assumptions, facts, and problems

This paper discusses several data concerning the distribution of adverbs, primarily focusing on data from European Portuguese. It is defended that a proper understanding of the behavior of adverbs must take into account several factors that do not necessarily converge. In particular, it is argued that the following variables must be taken into account: inherent vs non-inherent meaning of the adverb, categorical status, domains of modification, and weight of each adverb. Adverbs are treated as adjuncts, and the constraints on adjunction sites are derived from the variables discussed

The VP within Process Nominals: Evidence from Adverbs and the VP Anaphor Do-So

Recent accounts of process nominals postulate a VP within the nominalized structure. A verb becomes a nominal by a head raising operation to a nominal affix. This view contrasts with analyses of process nominals as (pure) nominals with partial verbal properties, originally due to Chomsky (1970). Contributing to this debate, we will argue that direct evidence indicates that English process nominals contain a VP. Our evidence comes from the distribution of adverbs on the one hand, and from the presence of the VP anaphor do so in process nominals on the other. We show that a portion of the verbal extended projection specifically excluding IP or CP is present in process nominals. An array of word order facts about process nominals falls into place when we further assume that the verb is raised from VP over the subject, the object, and adverbs, adjoining to a nominal affix. Our analysis moreover adds to the evidence for functional structure above VP and supports particular claims about the syntax-morphology interface.

On the passive existential construction

Presenting a cluster of facts regarding extraction, the distribution of adverbs and binding, this paper argues that the passive existential construction is not a matrix passive sentence but an existential construction in which the copula verb be takes a DP complement adjoined by a reduced relative clause, instead of a small clause complement. It accounts for the event interpretation of the construction, a reading that is shared by a matrix passive sentence, by binding of the event‐variable.

Verb movement and expletive subjects in the Germanic languages By Sten Vikner (review)

178LANGUAGE, VOLUME 74, NUMBER 1 (1998) Verb movement and expletive subjects in the Germanic languages. By Sten Vikner. (Oxford studies in comparative syntax.) New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. Pp. x, 294. Reviewed by Ans van Kemenade, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam This is a revised version of Vikner's doctoral dissertation, University of Geneva 1991; in the unpublished form, it has already been influential in the literature, not least for its incisive discussion of the core issues in the extensive literature on verbal position in the Germanic languages. The book aims to give an in-depth description and analysis of V-movement phenomena in the Germanic languages from the perspective of relativized minimality (RM), following Rizzi's (1990) alternative to the locality theory in Chomsky (1986). This yields a clearly chosen approach to a well-defined empirical domain though nothing much seems to hinge on the choice: RM does not appear to have a marked explanatory edge over alternatives when it comes to the treatment of V-movement. Extensive discussion of Vs native language, Danish, is brought to bear on the discussion. Part I consists of two preliminary chapters. Ch. 1 gives an introductory overview of the Germanic languages and a brief explication on language acquisition and the theory of UG as viewed from the principles and parameters perspective. Ch. 2 gives a summary of RM. Part II, on verb movement, consists of three chapters. Ch. 3 is on verb second in its classic sense: the absolute word order constraint found in languages like Dutch and German, which requires that in the root clause the finite verb is always in second constituent position, regardless of its base position, as in the German Vielleicht hat Peter dieses Buch gelesen 'perhaps has Peter this book read'. The first constituent may be one of a range: adverb, subject, object, some prepositional phrase etc. The example illustrates subject-verb inversion when the first constituent is not the subject. The position of the finite verb in German V2 clauses is in complementary distribution with that of the subordinating conjunction in embedded clauses. This is why V2 is analyzed, by V following many others, as movement to the presentential head position C: (1)[a, XP [c V1 [IP subject [: ....... [VP ....t,]]]]] V-movement in embedded clauses is generally blocked by the presence of a lexical complementizer like that. V argues at length that V-movement in root clauses is always to C, remaining neutral on the question what property of C requires such movement. Ch. 4 is about the landing site for V-movement in embedded V2 clauses. The approach in Ch. 3 predicts that V2 is restricted to root clauses because it is incompatible with a complementizer . There are two classes of exceptions to this: In one, V2 is of exactly the same type as in root clauses which are embedded under certain classes of verbs, labelled confusingly 'bridge verbs' in the literature. Here again, languages are oftwo subtypes: One is exemplified by German, where V2 orders are found with the same complementary distribution between Vf and complementizer as in root clauses; the second type is exemplified by Danish, where V2 orders cooccur with a complementizer: (2)Vi ved at denne bog har Bo ikke lest We know that this book has Bo not read 'We know that Bo hasn't read this book' Vs analysis of this phenomenon involves a recursive CP so that this type really reflects an embedded root clause. The second type, found in Icelandic and Yiddish, occurs in a wider range of embedded clauses, and its analysis is more contentious. Contra previous literature, in which Yiddish and Icelandic embedded V2 is analyzed as V-movement to I, with topicalization to Spec-IP, and the nominative subject in Spec-VP, V argues at length that embedded V2 in Yiddish and Icelandic involves a (generalized) recursive CP. The arguments comprise various types of distributional evidence. The distribution of expletive subjects in Icelandic and Yiddish root and nonroot clauses parallels that of expletives in the German root clause, which would seem to favor a CP analysis; the distribution of adverbs and of objects in object-shift constructions shows that the position of the nominative...