Disruption Of Social Order Research Articles

Cyberstalking on social media, how does Islam view it?

With the development of information technology and the internet, social media has replaced real social relations with virtual ones. However, virtual social relations carry risks, one of which is Cyberstalking (Rohman & Sugeng 2022) Cyberstalking is a dangerous cybercrime and targets many people, communities, and organizations (Baer, 2020) As a crime, cyberstalking fulfills the elements of a criminal act which results in disruption of social order (Wall, 2007). Thus, cyberstalking is contrary to Islamic principles because it creates an insecure atmosphere. This research is library research using library materials in the form of books, journals, magazines, and other library sources as study material (Sukmadinata, 2010). Researchers will use a descriptive qualitative approach. Cyberstalking is a term used to describe various behaviors that involve repeated threats and/or harassment using electronic mail or other computer-based communications that will make people afraid or concerned for their safety (Gopalan, R.T. 2020). In Islam, these actions are prohibited acts because they contain elements of harassment, threats, harassment, or coercion. In interacting, Islam puts forward the concept of "rahmatan lil alamin" which means being a source of mercy and benefit for all creation (Rouzi, K.S., Suud, F.M., & Chaer, M.T. 2021), emphasizing values such as tolerance, discipline, social care, responsibility answer, and love peace (Nasir, M.S., & Khalilurrahman 2022). These values can be applied to the concept of privacy, encouraging individuals to respect the boundaries and personal space of others. The Qur'an teaches that stalking and harassment are prohibited by Allah, and humans need to be careful when engaging in such activities. In conclusion, cyberstalking is a form of harassment that violates Islamic principles and can cause harm to individuals and society.

The mediating role of personal values between COVID-19-related posttraumatic growth and life satisfaction among Chinese college students: A two-wave longitudinal study.

Despite considerable disruption of social order caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, it has also been said to contribute to positive psychological changes and influence on the perception of public life satisfaction. The present study aimed to explore the association between the COVID-19 related posttraumatic growth and life satisfaction and the mediating role of personal values. A two-wave longitudinal design was used. 226 self-quarantined Chinese college students (58.8% male) completed post traumatic growth inventory (Time 1), satisfaction with life scale (Time 2), personal values questionnaire (Time 2) between February 2020 and May 2021. Results showed that more than half of self-quarantined Chinese college students reported moderate to high levels of the COVID-19 related posttraumatic growth. A structural equation model revealed that COVID-19 related posttraumatic growth was positively associated to life satisfaction, and self-transcendence and self-enhancement values partially mediated this association. These findings shed light on whether and how pandemic-related posttraumatic growth influenced personal life satisfaction, supporting the outcome and process perspectives of posttraumatic growth as well as Schwartz’s value theory. Based on the findings, some positive psychology interventions, such as online rumination activities and mindfulness practice, were proposed to enhance self-quarantined college students’ posttraumatic growth and life satisfaction.

Pandemiczna piaskownica – netnografia społeczności internetowej matek w czasie kryzysu zdrowotnego

Ograniczenia wprowadzone w wyniku pandemii COVID-19 postawiły wielu rodziców wobec wyzwania łączenia opieki nad dziećmi z wykonywaniem w domu obowiązków służbowych. Do trudności dnia codziennego doszło zachwianie porządku społecznego oraz niepokój o zdrowie swoje i swoich najbliższych. Lęki te podsycane były przez komunikaty medialne, w tym rosnącą liczbę informacji intencjonalnie wprowadzających w błąd, tzw. fake newsów, błyskawicznie zalewających media, przeważnie społecznościowe. Netnografia jednej z większych społeczności internetowych rodziców pozwoliła nam opisać potrzeby i wsparcie udzielane sobie przez matki w czasie kryzysu zdrowotnego, a także poddać eksploracji sposoby poszukiwania przez członków społeczności informacji i zidentyfikować rodzaje źródeł uznawane za wiarygodne. Materiał badawczy uwzględnił 1241 postów i 34 111 komentarzy zebranych w okresie 13 pierwszych tygodni pandemii COVID-19. Na podstawie analizy materiału badawczego wyprowadziliśmy wnioski na temat dynamiki i struktury oddolnie budowanej odpowiedzi na epidemię oraz potencjału i wyzwań związanych ze społecznościami internetowymi w kontekście kryzysu.

A Hybrid Z-Based MADM Model for the Evaluation of Urban Resilience

Natural disasters and man-made incidents have many negative impacts on major cities, including casualties, economic losses, disruption of social order, and environmental contamination. Cities need to be resilient in order to protect people’s lives and property. Although research on urban resilience has been rapidly emerging in recent years, there are still some research gaps. The interplay of attributes for assessing urban resilience has not been explored, and the Multiple Attribute Decision Making- (MADM-) based framework for evaluating urban resilience is rarely studied. Therefore, this study proposes a novel model to evaluate urban resilience, the Z number-based Decision-Making Trial, and Evaluation Laboratory (Z-DEMATEL), to identify the mutual influential relationships and the weights of the attributes. In addition, the Z number-based Reference Ideal Method (Z-RIM) is used to determine the resilience capacity of cities and to suggest improvements for decision makers to develop appropriate strategies. In this study, we not only use trapezoidal fuzzy numbers to reflect the uncertainty of information but also measure the reliability/confidence of experts in the assessment. The integrated methodology is presented for the first time in this study, and we use the firmness data of six major metropolitan cities in Taiwan as an example of model demonstration. The results of the study show that population density, value of business activity, healthcare facilities, electricity supply, and number of business registrations are the most important attributes influencing the resilience of cities. Taipei City and Taichung City are the two major cities with better resilience in Taiwan based on the analysis of this study.

‘It’s still them’: concealed racism against Roma in Romanian television news

ABSTRACT Research shows that news media around the world carry negative representations of ethnic minorities which incite violence, hatred or lead to more marginalisation and social exclusion [Bhatia, M., Poynting, S., & Tufail, W. (2018). Media, crime and racism. Springer; Elias, A., Mansouri, F., & Paradies, Y. (2021). Media, public discourse and racism. In A. Elias, F. Mansouri, & Y. Paradies (Eds.), Racism in Australia today (pp. 211–240). Palgrave Macmillan]. It is also the case that overt racism has become less tolerated in society and, therefore, racist discourses now tend to take more subtle forms, often disguised as reasonable concerns about threats to national culture, economic burdens or disruptions of social order [Bonilla-Silva, E. (2006). Racism without racists: Color-blind racism and the persistence of racial inequality in the United States. Rowman & Littlefield]. This is very much the case regarding the Roma. Yet, less research has been carried out on the way that the affordances of television – juxtaposition of images, captions, sound and voice-overs, editing, and resequencing – may have very specific ways to conceal racism. In this paper, using Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis, we examine the representation of the Roma in a Romanian television news report, in the case of a highly mundane story – a failure to pay electricity bills. We show how television news with its affordances can camouflage racism, and distract from the extreme poverty and social exclusion that Romani people experience in contemporary Europe.

Intimate Reconstructions: Children in Postemancipation Virginia by Catherine A. Jones

Reviewed by: Intimate Reconstructions: Children in Postemancipation Virginia by Catherine A. Jones Alix Rivière (bio) Intimate Reconstructions: Children in Postemancipation Virginia. By Catherine A. Jones. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2015. Pp. ix, 275. $45.00 cloth) By examining how white and black children participated in the changes brought by emancipation and the Civil War, Catherine Jones’s Intimate Reconstructions expands the work of historians who have explored the evolving relations between the public world of politics and the private realm of the home. In this compelling study, Jones argues that the contested terrain of Reconstruction was not only shaped by the dynamics of race, class, and gender but was also influenced by age in significant ways. Intimate Reconstructions illustrates how children “shaped the course of Virginia’s Reconstruction through direct action and their potency as cultural symbols” with a three-pronged discussion of labor within and without families, orphans, and education (p. 8). Using documents produced by the Freedmen’s Bureau, Jones first illustrates how both the recovery of family members dislocated by slavery and the negotiations of freedchildren’s labor contracts made responsibility for [End Page 259] dependents a critical concern for both the state and families. For elite white families, the loss of their enslaved workforce meant that they reluctantly came to depend on their own children’s labor. The author uses private correspondence to show this shift was a blow to white Virginians’ status, as white youths were deprived of the education and leisure they had formerly enjoyed. In this section, her argument for children’s agency could have been strengthened by memoirs to show how elite children, rather than their parents, perceived these societal changes. While the war and emancipation restructured children’s roles within the domestic sphere, it also left many kinless. Relying on narrative accounts of newspapers as well as court records and speeches, Jones deftly argues that the increased presence of orphans roaming the roads and streets of Virginia forced society and the state to rethink the public responsibility toward these dependents. Unsurprisingly, these solutions were highly racialized. Richmond’s orphanages tried to adapt to the expanding number of white orphans, now refashioned as emblems of the Confederate cause, by finding acceptable educational and work situations for them. On the other hand, black orphans were hastily forced into apprenticeships that often proved little better than the work situations of antebellum days. The author nevertheless highlights the agency of children by pointing out that indentured black and white children affirmed their subject-hood by running away, rebelling, and appealing for adults’ help. In the last chapter, Jones delineates the debates around public education and its partially successful implementations. For African Americans and reformers, the availability of education promised better chances for future generations, but for many whites it meant the erosion of parental authority and filial obligations, and the disruption of social order. Proponents of public education were only partially successful in their attempts to “redistribut[e] responsibility for schooling from the private to the public sector” (p. 187). By examining children’s roles during Reconstruction, Jones offers a fresh analysis of a broad array of archival material employed by historians of the period and successfully demonstrates the importance [End Page 260] of age as a serious category of historical analysis. The author’s interlacing of race, class, and age would have been further strengthened by a more systematic discussion of how gender affected the experiences of youth, especially in light of her argument that “in significant ways, emancipation and defeat were ‘aged’ as well as gendered” (p. 7). Moreover, while Jones skillfully frames her study within the literature of the Civil War and Reconstruction, the novelty of her arguments would benefit from a discussion of the historiography of children in the nineteenth century, especially in the chapter on the well-developed topic of public education in the South. Nevertheless, Intimate Reconstructions achieves a welcome balance between treating youths as vocal and forceful historical agents and understanding their symbolic potential to promote competing visions of the postbellum South. Alix Rivière ALIX RIVIÈRE is a PhD candidate at Tulane University. Her dissertation focuses on enslaved children in nineteenth-century Louisiana and...

The Dynamics of Family Trouble

Because families are primary venues for self construction, they are also common sites of identity disruption, loss, and inner turmoil. Sociologists have a long tradition of studying the personal effects of troublesome family circumstances such as separation or divorce, illness, and death. However, scholars of these topics contribute to separate lines of research and rarely build on one another’s work. Drawing from interviews with middle-class parents whose children suffered from a range of problems, this article introduces “family trouble” as a concept that captures the similar social psychological elements of disruptive family events. On a broader level, the article highlights the relationship between the disruption of social order and the disruption of selves.

Infection with human immunodeficiency virus, an epidemic out of control: personal reflections.

As we approach the end of the second decade of the AIDS epidemic, a repetitive epidemiologic pattern is emerging, one that ties the epidemic to disruption of social order, poverty, and war, which inescapably leads to prostitution, drug abuse, and destruction of public health infrastructure of a society [1]. This is certainly not unique to human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection, since throughout history, epidemics of infectious diseases such as plague, typhus, cholera, syphilis, and tuberculosis have followed similar disruptions in social stability. At the end of 1997, the United Nations estimates that 30.6 million persons are currently living with HIV infection and 11.7 million have already died. Sixteen thousand persons are infected per day, of whom 1600 are children ^5 years of age. About 7000 people die per day worldwide (New York Times, 26 November 1997). As the AIDS epidemic now appears to enter into a fourth wave of rapid spread, it is reasonable to pause and examine what we have learned about this devastating infection.

Book Reviews

Books Reviewed in this Articles:Media, Crisis and Democracy: Mass Communication and the Disruption of Social Order, Marc Raboy and Bernard Dagenais, Sage, London (1992), 224 pp. Terrorism and the Media, David L. Paletz and Alex P. Schmid (Eds), Sage, London (1992), 320 pp.Terrorism and the Media, David L. Paletz and Alex P. Schmid (Eds), Sage, London (1992), 320 pp.Total Contingency Planning for Disasters, Kenneth N. Myers, John Wiley and Sons, New York (1993), 270 pp.Organizations, Uncertainties and Risk, F.F. Short Jr. and L. Clarke (Eds), Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado (1992), 381 pp.Minorities at Risk: A Global View of Ethno‐political Conflicts, T.R. Gurr, United States Institute of Peace Press, Washington DC (1993), 427 pp.Global Alert: The Ozone Pollution Alert, J. Fishman and R. Kalish, Plenum, New York (1990), 304 pp.Perspectives on Environmental Conflict and International Politics, J. Kakonen (Ed.), Pinter Publishers, London (1992), 143 pp.

Media, Crisis and Democracy: Mass Communication and the Disruption of Social Order

Media, Crisis and Democracy: Mass Communication and the Disruption of Social Order

Political Consciousness and Dissent: The Unemployed in Adelaide during the Depression

When the Commonwealth Arbitration Court in January 1931 handed down its unprecedented decision to cut wages by 10%, the union repre sentatives and workers present in the courtroom gathered together and sang the Red Flag. Throughout the room shouts of 'thieves' rang out. Before leaving the court the workers rose and gave three loud cheers for the coming revolution.1 The Depression led many people to believe that social revolution was a very real possibility in Australia. To those left of the Australian Labor Party (A.L.P.) the Depression was a triumphant confirmation and vindication of what they had been predicting for many years?the inevitable collapse of Capitalism. Within the context of the recent revolution in Russia and the widespread poverty of the 'twenties it would have been difficult for leftists to have seen the Depression as anything other than the beginning of the disintegration of Capitalism and the intensification of the class struggle. Throughout the Depression the two revolutionary groups in Adelaide, the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.) and the Communist Party, concentrated their efforts on organising the unemployed. They were confident that the inevitable overthrow of Capitalism would begin with the rise of revolutionary con sciousness amongst the thousands of men who had been thrown out of work by the crisis. The revolution, of course, did not materialise and considering the very large numbers out of work there was relatively little disruption of social order. Several reasons can be identified. In the first place, the unemployed themselves wielded no power in the economy. Without jobs they were totally without bargaining power. Furthermore, the unemployed received little support from trade unions. Union member ship declined rapidly as the result of unemployment2 but, more impor tantly, unions demonstrated a strong reluctance to take up the grievances of the unemployed.3 On one occasion members of the South Australian Trades and Labor Council (T.L.C.) spent an anxious night till dawn besieged by angry unemployed men in the Trades Hall. The T.L.C. had refused to support a call for strike action following the arrest of several men during the Beef Riot.4 Throughout the Depression workers and the unemployed were divided by suspicion and hostility. Union officials were fully absorbed protecting the declining living standards of their own members, and the unemployed represented a threat, both to the jobs and to the wages, of employed workers. Even when solidarity existed between