Disparities In Birth Outcomes Research Articles

Leveraging the Fetal and Infant Mortality Review (FIMR) Process to Advance Health Equity.

The fetal and infant mortality review (FIMR) process is a community-oriented strategy focused on improving the health services systems for pregnant persons, infants, and their families. FIMR helps communities to understand and change systems that contribute to racial disparities in birth outcomes. FIMR equally values the medical and social services delivery records and the personal narratives of families who have suffered a fetal or infant loss when creating the de-identified case summaries to be reviewed by teams. A two-tiered process, FIMR uses a multidisciplinary Case Review Team (CRT) as the information processor and the Community Action Team (CAT) as the action arm of the process. Pediatricians are vital to both teams, helping to bring about systems change to improve maternal and child health. This paper examines how the well-established FIMR team serving Indianapolis (Marion County, IN) worked to build the capacity of its CAT to address racial disparities in birth outcomes through 5 distinct steps: focus on the primary causes of local fetal or infant mortality, focus on neighborhoods with the highest stable fetal or infant mortality rates, designation of a CAT leader, creation of a culture of regular CAT meetings inclusive of a health-equity skill building curriculum, and inclusion of Grassroots Maternal and Child Health Leaders on the CAT. This paper demonstrates how the synergy between local organizations and community members can effectively address racial disparities in birth outcomes.

State Social Expenditures and Preterm Birth and Low Birth Weight in the US

Adverse birth outcomes in the US, including preterm birth and low birth weight, are strongly tied to socioeconomic disadvantage and disproportionately impact infants of Black mothers. Increasing investments in social programs represents a potential policy approach to addressing disparities in birth outcomes. To examine state-level associations of government expenditures on social programs with rates of preterm birth and low birth weight both overall and by race. This cross-sectional, ecological study was conducted among liveborn infants in the 50 US states between January 1, 2011, and December 31, 2019. Data analysis was performed from May 2022 to May 2024. Yearly state and local government expenditures per low-income person on social programs in the following categories: state refundable Earned Income Tax Credit; cash assistance; childcare assistance; housing and community development; and public health. Yearly state-level rates of preterm birth (gestational age <37 weeks) and low birth weight (<2500 g). From January 1, 2011, to December 31, 2019, there were 35.1 million live births in the US, of which 3.4 million (9.8%) were preterm and 2.8 million (8.1%) were low birth weight. Median (IQR) state social expenditures per low-income person were $1546 ($1074-$2323). Greater total state social expenditures were associated with lower overall rates of preterm birth (adjusted prevalence ratio [aPR] for every increase of $1000 per low-income person, 0.99; 95% CI, 0.97-0.999) but not with overall rates of low birth weight. In secondary analyses, greater state social expenditures were associated with lower preterm birth rates for infants of Black mothers (aPR, 0.96; 95% CI, 0.92-0.999). Greater state expenditures specifically on cash assistance (aPR, 0.64; 95% CI, 0.43-0.94) and housing and community development (aPR, 0.91; 95% CI, 0.84-0.98) were associated with lower preterm birth rates for infants of Black mothers. In this cross-sectional, ecological study, greater state-level expenditures on social programs were associated with reduced rates of preterm birth, particularly for infants of Black mothers. State and local governments may consider bolstering investments in cash assistance and housing and community development to address maternal and infant health disparities.

The Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children and Birth Outcomes Among Hispanic Mothers in California: A Sibling Control Design.

Participation in the Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) during pregnancy appears to reduce risks of preterm birth and low birthweight. Many pregnant women who receive WIC benefits, however, also participate in Medicaid (Medi-Cal in California). This co-participation raises the question of whether WIC per se confers these perinatal health benefits. We use a unique, sibling-linked dataset of California births to estimate birth outcomes relating to program receipt (i.e., No WIC or Medi-Cal; WIC alone; Medi-Cal alone; and WIC and Medi-Cal). We also contribute to the literature by focusing on Hispanic mothers who represent the largest fraction of births in California, as well as the highest proportion of WIC recipients in the state. We specifically assessed the relation of differential program receipt on preterm birth (< 37weeks) and low birthweight (< 2500g). We restrict our analytic sample to births between 2007 and 2015 (n = 942,274). Our sibling-control results show lower odds of low birthweight (OR: 0.82, 95% CI: 0.77, 0.87) and preterm birth (OR: 0.87, 95% CI: 0.83, 0.90) when Hispanic mothers receive WIC benefits during pregnancy compared to when the mothers do not receive WIC benefits. While births associated with receipt of both WIC and Medi-Cal also exhibit lower odds of preterm birth (OR: 0.86, 95% CI: 0.79, 0.92), the protective findings do not extend to low birthweight. Our results extend previous work in other states and should stimulate additional research on whether participation in multiple means-tested programs reduce racial/ethnic disparities in adverse birth outcomes.

Adverse Infant Health Outcomes Increased After the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election Among Non-White U.S.-born and Foreign-born Mothers

Macro-level events such as elections can improve or harm population health across existing axes of stratification through policy changes and signals of inclusion or threat. This study investigates whether rates of, and disparities in, adverse birth outcomes between racialized and nativity groups changed after Donald Trump's November 2016 election, a period characterized by increases in xenophobic and racist messages, policies, and actions in the United States. Using data from 15,568,710 U.S. births between November 2012 and November 2018, we find that adverse birth outcomes increased after Trump's election among U.S.- and foreign-born mothers racialized as Black, Hispanic, and Asian and Pacific Islander (API), compared with the period encompassing the two Obama presidencies. Results for Whites suggest no change or a slight decrease in adverse outcomes following Trump's election, yet this finding was not robust to checks for seasonality. Black–White, Hispanic–White, and API–White disparities in adverse birth outcomes widened among both U.S.- and foreign-born mothers after Trump's election. Our findings suggest that Trump's election was a racist and xenophobic macro-level political event that undermined the health of infants born to non-White mothers in the United States.

Mass Incarceration, Maternal Vulnerability, and Birth Outcomes Across U.S. Counties

ObjectivesTo examine the associations among mass incarceration, maternal vulnerability, and disparities in birth outcomes across U.S. counties, utilizing an ecological model and reproductive justice perspective was used. This study tests whether mass incarceration is associated with infant mortality and low birthweight across U.S. counties, and whether maternal vulnerability explains the relationship between mass incarceration and birth disparities.MethodsData were derived from a variety of public sources and were merged using federal FIPS codes. Outcomes from the CDC Vitality Statistics include percent low birth weight births (births below 2499 g divided by singleton births to women aged 20 to 39) and infant mortality (infant deaths per 1000 live births). Black–White rate ratios were calculated for the birth outcomes to specifically examine the large Black–White disparity in birth outcomes. The analysis controlled for urbanicity, income inequality, median household income, residential segregation, and southern region, as well as a fixed effect for state level differences.ResultsFindings show that counties with higher rates of incarceration have higher prevalence of infant mortality and low birthweight, as well as greater Black–White disparity in infant mortality. Mass incarceration is associated with increases in adverse birth outcomes and maternal vulnerability partially mediates this relationship.ConclusionsFindings provide evidence that heightened levels of incarceration affect birth outcomes for all residents at the county-level. It is imperative to address the overuse of mass incarceration in order to support adequate reproductive healthcare of vulnerable populations in the United States.

Contributions of neighborhood physical and social environments to racial and ethnic disparities in birth outcomes in California: A mediation analysis

BackgroundRacially minoritized populations experience higher rates of adverse birth outcomes than White populations in the U.S. We estimated the mediating effect of neighborhood social and physical environments on disparities in adverse birth outcomes in California. MethodWe used birthing parent's residential address for California live birth records from 2019 to estimate census block group Area Deprivation Index and census tract level measures of ambient fine particulate matter (PM2.5), drinking water contamination, tree canopy coverage, as a measure of greenspace, potential heat vulnerability, and noise. We performed mediation analysis to assess whether neighborhood factors explain racial/ethnic disparities in preterm birth (PTB) and term-birth low birth weight (TLBW) comparing Black, Latinx, and Asian with White births after controlling for individual-level factors. ResultsBlack, Latinx, and Asian parents had PTB rates that were 67%, 36%, and 11% higher, and TLBW rates that were 150%, 38%, and 81% higher than Whites. Neighborhood deprivation contributed 7% (95% CI: 3%, 11%) to the Black-White and 9% (95% CI: 6%, 12%) to the Latinx-White disparity in PTB, and 8% (95% CI: 3%, 12%) of the Black-White and 9% (95% CI: 5%, 15%) of the Latinx-White disparity in TLBW. Drinking water contamination contributed 2% (95% CI: 1%, 4%) to the Latinx-White disparity in PTB. Lack of greenspace accounted for 7% (95% CI: 2%, 10%) of the Latinx-White PTB disparity and 7% (95% CI: 3%, 12%) of the Asian-White PTB disparity. PM2.5 contributed 11% (95% CI: 5%, 18%), drinking water contamination contributed 3% (95% CI: 1%, 7%), and potential heat vulnerability contributed 2% (95% CI: 1%, 3%) to the Latinx-White TLBW disparity. Lack of green space contributed 3% (95% CI: 1%, 6%) to the Asian-White TLBW disparity. ConclusionsOur study suggests social environments explain portions of Black/Latinx-White disparities while physical environments explain Latinx/Asian-White disparities in PTB and TLBW.

How much could anemia-related interventions reduce the HIV disparity in adverse birth outcomes?

Women and other people of childbearing potential living with HIV (WLHIV) have a higher risk of adverse birth outcomes than those without HIV (WWHIV). A higher risk of anemia in WLHIV could partially explain this disparity. Using a birth outcomes surveillance study in Botswana, we emulated target trials corresponding to currently available or feasible interventions on anemia. The first target trial evaluated two interventions: initiate multiple micronutrient supplementation (MMS), and MMS or iron and folic acid supplementation by 24 weeks gestation. The remaining target trials evaluated the interventions: eliminate anemia before pregnancy; and jointly eliminate anemia before pregnancy and initiate MMS. We estimated the observed disparity in adverse birth outcomes between WLHIV and WWHIV and compared the observed disparity measure (ODM) to the counterfactual disparity measure (CDM) under each intervention. Of 137,499 individuals (22% WLHIV), the observed risk of any adverse birth outcome was 26.0% in WWHIV and 34.5% in WLHIV (ODM, 8.5% [95% CI, 7.9-9.1%]). CDMs (95% CIs) ranged from 6.6% (4.8-8.4%) for the intervention to eliminate anemia and initiate MMS to 8.4% (7.7-9.1%) for the intervention to eliminate anemia only. Preventing anemia and expanding MMS may reduce HIV disparities in birth outcomes, but interventions with greater impact should be identified.

Exposure to Crime and Racial Birth Outcome Disparities.

Urban communities in the United States were transformed at the end of the twentieth century by a rapid decline in neighborhood crime and violence. We leverage that sharp decline in violence to estimate the relationship between violent crime rates and racial disparities in birth outcomes. Combining birth certificate data from US counties with the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting statistics from 1992 to 2002, we show that lower crime rates are associated with substantially smaller Black-White disparities in birth weight, low birth weight, and small for gestational age. These associations are stronger in more segregated counties, suggesting that the impacts of the crime decline may have been concentrated in places with larger disparities in exposure to crime. We also estimate birth outcome disparities under the counterfactual that the crime decline did not occur and show that reductions in crime statistically explain between one-fifth and one-half of the overall reduction in Black-White birth weight, LBW, and SGA disparities that occurred during the 1990s. Drawing on recent literature showing that exposure to violent crime has negative causal effects on birth outcomes, which in turn influence life-course outcomes, we argue that these results suggest that changes in national crime rates have implications for urban health inequality.

Gendered Racism in Pregnancy and Stress Among Women in the United States During the COVID-19 Pandemic

Abstract: High stress experienced during pregnancy increases risk for adverse birth outcomes such as low birthweight and preterm birth that occur disproportionately among women of color in the United States. Prior research has identified a distinct form of discrimination, gendered racism in pregnancy (GRiP), that likely elevates stress and is suspected to contribute to racial disparities in birth outcomes among American women. We investigated associations of GRiP experiences and distress with two types of stress, pregnancy related and pandemic related, among 2,995 pregnant women in the United States at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, a time when health care restrictions, social contact limitations, and concerns about COVID-19 infection created added stress for pregnant women. Using data collected online during the second US pandemic surge (December 2020), we found that pregnant self-identified Hispanic/Latina ( n = 233), Non-Hispanic/Latina Black/African American ( n = 182), and Multiracial/Other ( n = 201) women experienced greater GRiP and greater stress of both types than Non-Hispanic/Latina White women. Structural equation modeling indicated a strong association of racial/ethnic identity with prenatal stress that was mediated by GRiP, independent of other contributors to prenatal stress. Focusing on the harmful impact of gendered racism coupled with culturally informed individual interventions and change at multiple societal levels and institutions may help reduce the poorer reproductive outcomes that are disproportionately common among communities of color in the United States. Addressing and alleviating discrimination can improve reproductive justice for all who choose to give birth throughout the world, regardless of their race, ethnicity, nationality, or other identities.

Neighborhood mobility and racial disparities in preterm birth: A sibling study in California

Recent work finds that upward neighborhood mobility—defined as reductions in neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage due to moving—may improve birth outcomes. Less work, however, explores whether changes in socioeconomic context differentially impact birth outcomes by maternal race and ethnicity. In the US, mothers of minoritized racial and ethnic identity often experience worse neighborhood conditions and pregnancy outcomes than White mothers. Using a sibling-linked dataset, we examined whether neighborhood mobility corresponds with changes in preterm birth risk among Asian (N = 130,079), Black (N = 50,149), Hispanic (N = 429,938), and White (N = 233,428) mothers who delivered multiple live births in California between 2005 and 2015. We linked residential addresses at each birth to census-derived indices of neighborhood disadvantage and defined levels of neighborhood mobility as moving-induced changes in disadvantage between pregnancies. We mapped neighborhood mobility patterns and fit conditional logistic regression models estimating the odds of preterm birth in the sibling delivered after moving, controlling for the risk of preterm birth in the sibling delivered before moving, by maternal race and ethnicity. Dot density maps highlight racialized patterns of neighborhood mobility and segregation between Black and White mothers. Regression results show that Black and, in some cases, Asian and Hispanic mothers who experienced upward mobility (moves away from neighborhood disadvantage) exhibited reduced odds of preterm birth in the second delivery. Upward mobility did not reduce the odds of preterm birth among White mothers. Findings suggest that policies and programs that enable opportunities for neighborhood mobility may reduce persistent racial and ethnic disparities in adverse birth outcomes.

Association of Medicaid expansion with birth outcomes: evidence from a natural experiment in Texas

BackgroundEmpirical evidence on the effects of Medicaid expansion is mixed and highly state-dependent. The objective of this study is to examine the association of Medicaid expansion with preterm birth and low birth weight, which are linked to a higher risk of infant mortality and chronic health conditions throughout life, providing evidence from a non-expansion state, overall and by race/ethnicity.MethodsWe used the newborn patient records obtained from Texas Public Use Data Files from 2010 to 2019 for hospitals in Texarkana, which is located on the border of Texas and Arkansas, with all of the hospitals serving pregnancy and childbirth patients on the Texas side of the border. We employed difference-in-differences models to estimate the effect of Medicaid expansion on birth outcomes (preterm birth and low birth weight) overall and by race/ethnicity. Newborns from Arkansas (expanded Medicaid in 2014) constituted the treatment group, while those from Texas (did not adopt the expansion) were the control group. We utilized a difference-in-differences event study framework to examine the gradual impact of the Medicaid expansion on birth outcomes.ResultsMedicaid expansion was associated with a 1.38-percentage-point decrease (95% confidence interval (CI), 0.09–2.67) in preterm birth overall. Event study results suggest that preterm births decreased gradually over time. Medicaid expansion was associated with a 2.04-percentage-point decrease (95% CI, 0.24–3.85) in preterm birth and a 1.75-percentage-point decrease (95% CI, 0.42–3.08) in low birth weight for White infants. However, Medicaid expansion was not associated with significant changes in birth outcomes for other race/ethnicity groups. ConclusionsOur findings suggest that Medicaid expansion in Texas can potentially improve birth outcomes. However, bridging racial disparities in birth outcomes might require further efforts such as promoting preconception and prenatal care, especially among the Black population.

Did the Affordable Care Act Promote Racial Equity in Pregnancy-Related Health? A Scoping Review.

In the United States, there are profound and persistent racial and ethnic disparities in pregnancy-related health, emphasizing the need to promote racial health equity through public policy. There is evidence that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) increased health insurance coverage, access to health care, and health care utilization, and may have affected some pregnancy-related health outcomes (eg, preterm delivery). It is unclear, however, whether these impacts on pregnancy-related outcomes were equitably distributed across race and ethnicity. Thus, the objective of this study was to fill that gap by summarizing the peer-reviewed evidence regarding the impact of the ACA on racial and ethnic disparities in pregnancy-related health outcomes. The authors conducted a scoping review following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR), using broad search terms to identify relevant peer-reviewed literature in PubMed, Web of Science, and EconLit. The authors identified and reviewed n = 21 studies and found that the current literature suggests that the ACA and its components were differentially associated with contraception-related and fertility-related outcomes by race/ethnicity. Literature regarding pregnancy health, birth outcomes, and postpartum health, however, was sparse and mixed, making it difficult to draw conclusions regarding the impact on racial/ethnic disparities in these outcomes. To inform future health policy that reduces racial disparities, additional work is needed to clarify the impacts of contemporary health policy, like the ACA, on racial disparities in pregnancy health, birth outcomes, and postpartum health.

Birth and postnatal outcomes among infants of immigrant parents of different admission categories and parents born in Canada: a population-based retrospective study.

Most studies of disparities in birth and postnatal outcomes by parental birthplace combine all immigrants into a single group. We sought to evaluate heterogeneity among immigrants in Canada by comparing birth and postnatal outcomes across different immigration categories. We conducted a population-based retrospective study using Statistics Canada data on live births and stillbirths (1993-2017) and infant deaths (1993-2018), linked to parental immigration data (1960-2017). We classified birthing parents as born in Canada, economic-class immigrants, family-class immigrants, or refugees, and evaluated differences in preterm births, small-for-gestational-age (SGA) and large-for-gestational-age (LGA) births, stillbirths, and infant deaths among singleton births by group. Among 7 980 650 births, 1 715 050 (21.5%) were to immigrants, including 632 760 (36.9%) in the economic class, 853 540 (49.8%) in the family class, and 228 740 (13.4%) refugees. Compared with infants of Canadian-born birthing parents, infants of each of the 3 immigrant groups had higher risk of preterm birth, SGA birth, and stillbirth, but lower risk of LGA birth and neonatal death. Compared with infants of economic-class immigrants, infants of refugees had higher risk of early preterm birth (0.9% v. 0.8%, adjusted risk ratio [RR] 1.08, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.01-1.15) and LGA birth (9.2% v. 7.5%, adjusted RR 1.12, 95% CI 1.10-1.15), but lower risk of SGA birth (10.2% v. 11.0%, adjusted RR 0.92, 95% CI 0.90-0.94), while infants of family-class immigrants had higher risk of SGA birth (12.2% v. 11.0%, adjusted RR 1.01, 95% CI 1.00-1.02). Risk of stillbirth, neonatal death, and overall infant death did not differ significantly among immigrant groups. Heterogeneity exists in outcomes of infants born to immigrants to Canada across immigration categories. These results highlight the importance of disaggregating immigrant populations in studies of health disparities.

Disparities in birth outcomes within the U.S. White population: Prevalence of low birth weight among immigrant mothers from the Middle East and North Africa

Immigration from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has diversified the U.S. non-Hispanic White population. Analyzing health disparities within this group is a complex task due to data limitations across most federal and state data collection systems. This study investigates disparities in the risk of giving birth to a low-birth-weight infant among foreign-born non-Hispanic White MENA and non-MENA mothers and by MENA mothers’ nationality. This population-based study uses Restricted-Use Detail Natality Data from 2016 to 2019 accessed through the National Center for Health Statistics and provided by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The study examines the risk of giving birth to a low-birth-weight infant (<2500g) among foreign-born non-Hispanic White mothers by MENA/non-MENA status as the primary independent variable of interest. Logistic regression models are used to control for social and demographic characteristics, medical risk factors, and measures of prenatal care adequacy. Results are presented as odds ratios. Among foreign-born non-Hispanic White mothers, 139,708 (32%) are classified as MENA and 296,093 (68%) as non-MENA. Results show that after controlling for social and demographic characteristics, medical factors, and measures of prenatal care adequacy, foreign-born non-Hispanic White MENA mothers have greater odds of giving birth to a low-birth-weight infant than their non-MENA counterparts (OR: 1.443, p-value <0.001). Increased immigration from the MENA region has contributed to changes in health profiles among foreign-born non-Hispanic White mothers. As this group grows, understanding the impact of immigration on the composition of the non-Hispanic White population, and consequently, racial disparities in the U.S., is crucial for researchers and policymakers.

Providing Prenatal Care in a Student Run Free Clinic

Background: Prenatal care is a cornerstone of maternal and child health. This paper describes the creation of a free prenatal clinic for uninsured families following recognition of a significant disparity in birth outcomes in Alachua County, Florida including: the development of essential community re- source collaborations, clinical operations in a dual aim patient care-medical education site, preliminary outcomes after one year of clinical operation, identified challenges, and next steps for our growing program.&#x0D; Methods: A retrospective chart review of all sixteen patients enrolled with the student run free prenatal clinic in its first year of clinical operation. Analysis included assessment of the prenatal care course using descriptive statistics. Specific dimensions assessed include timing of transition of care to a traditional obstetrics clinic, clinical findings and diagnoses identified at the prenatal clinic, and birth out- comes during the study period and report findings as descriptive statistics.&#x0D; Results: The clinic has demonstrated the ability to identify and treat numerous pathologies which may impact maternal-fetal morbidity and mortality. The clinic has seen very high rates of patient retention and has demonstrated successful transition of patients to higher levels of care when indicated. Finally, the clinical model provides an uncommon opportunity for medical and physician assistant students to care for patients throughout the first 32 weeks of pregnancy and receive additional training in point-of-care ultrasound, diagnostics, and medical decision making.&#x0D; Conclusion: While the small sample size limits the ability to assess the effectiveness of the prenatal clinic intervention, there are numerous promising features based on preliminary results.

The Politics of Doulas: Black Feminist Collective Action in Response to “Birthing While Black”

AbstractA central function of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement in the United States has been to center and express the lived experiences of Black people within the social and political framework of white supremacy. Regarding reproductive justice, BLM, as well as organizations like the Black Mamas Matter Alliance and Sistersong, have drawn political attention to the oppressive parameters existing for pregnant people “birthing while Black.” Attention to disparities in health and birth outcomes for Black persons has necessary positive effects, such as the ability to produce data on the deleterious effects of anti-Blackness. However, discourses surrounding Black birthing persons can function to obfuscate the collective action undertaken by Black women and non-Black women of color. In this paper, I argue the hyper-focus on the problems Black pregnant/birthing persons face has at least four issues: (1) it encourages an ontological collapse wherein Black birthers are positioned as problems, rather than human beings facing problems; (2) obscures the collective action and care Black women undertake to support one another; (3) results in state solutions that rely on underpaid and volunteer labor of Black and non-Black women of color; and (4) focuses myopically on the time period of pregnancy and birthing for Black persons.

Using Natural Language Processing to Identify Stigmatizing Language in Labor and Birth Clinical Notes.

Stigma and bias related to race and other minoritized statuses may underlie disparities in pregnancy and birth outcomes. One emerging method to identify bias is the study of stigmatizing language in the electronic health record. The objective of our study was to develop automated natural language processing (NLP) methods to identify two types of stigmatizing language: marginalizing language and its complement, power/privilege language, accurately and automatically in labor and birth notes. We analyzed notes for all birthing people > 20 weeks' gestation admitted for labor and birth at two hospitals during 2017. We then employed text preprocessing techniques, specifically using TF-IDF values as inputs, and tested machine learning classification algorithms to identify stigmatizing and power/privilege language in clinical notes. The algorithms assessed included Decision Trees, Random Forest, and Support Vector Machines. Additionally, we applied a feature importance evaluation method (InfoGain) to discern words that are highly correlated with these language categories. For marginalizing language, Decision Trees yielded the best classification with an F-score of 0.73. For power/privilege language, Support Vector Machines performed optimally, achieving an F-score of 0.91. These results demonstrate the effectiveness of the selected machine learning methods in classifying language categories in clinical notes. We identified well-performing machine learning methods to automatically detect stigmatizing language in clinical notes. To our knowledge, this is the first study to use NLP performance metrics to evaluate the performance of machine learning methods in discerning stigmatizing language. Future studies should delve deeper into refining and evaluating NLP methods, incorporating the latest algorithms rooted in deep learning.

Disparities in Obstetric, Neonatal, and Birth Outcomes Among Syrian Women Refugees and Jordanian Women.

Objectives: To compare obstetric and neonatal characteristics and birth outcomes between Syrian refugees and native women in Jordan. Methods: We used the Jordan Stillbirths and Neonatal Deaths Surveillance System to extract sociodemographic and obstetric characteristics of the mothers and birth characteristics of newborns. Multivariate analysis was used to compare the characteristics of 26,139 Jordanian women (27,468 births) and 3,453 Syrian women refugees (3,638 births) who gave birth in five referral hospitals (May 2019 and December 2020). Results: The proportions of low birthweight (14.1% vs. 11.8%, p < 0.001) and small for gestational age (12.0% vs. 10.0%, p < 0.001) newborns were significantly higher for those born to Syrian women compared to those born to Jordanian women. The stillbirth rate (15.1 vs. 9.9 per 1,000 births, p = 0.003), the neonatal death rate (21.2 vs. 13.2 per 1,000 live births, p < 0.001), and perinatal death rate (21.2 vs. 13.2 per 1,000 births, p < 0.001) were significantly higher for the Syrian births. After adjusting for sociodemographic and obstetric characteristics of women, only perinatal death was statistically significantly higher among Syrian babies compared to Jordanian babies (OR = 1.3, 95% CI: 1.1-1.7, p = 0.035). Conclusion: Syrian refugee mothers had a significantly higher risk of adverse obstetric and neonatal outcomes including higher rate of perinatal death compared to Jordanian women.

Structural racism and health: Assessing the mediating role of community mental distress and health care access in the association between mass incarceration and adverse birth outcomes

Research has linked spatial concentrations of incarceration with racial disparities in adverse birth outcomes. However, little is known about the specific mechanisms of this association. This represents an important knowledge gap in terms of intervention. We theorize two pathways that may account for the association between county-level prison rates and adverse birth outcomes: (1) community-level mental distress and (2) reduced health care access. Examining these mechanisms, we conducted a cross-sectional study of county-level prison rates, community-level mental distress, health insurance, availability of primary care physicians (PCP) and mental health providers (MHP), and adverse birth outcomes (preterm birth, low birth weight, infant mortality). Our data set included 475 counties and represented 2,677,840 live U.S. births in 2016. Main analyses involved between 170 and 326 counties. All data came from publicly available sources, including the U.S. Census and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Descriptive and regression results confirmed the link between prison rates and adverse birth outcomes and highlighted Black-White inequities in this association. Further, bootstrap mediation analyses indicated that the impact of spatially concentrated prison rates on preterm birth was mediated by PCP, MHP, community-level mental distress, and health insurance in both crude and adjusted models. Community-level mental distress and health insurance (but not PCP or MHP) similarly mediated low birthweight in both models. Mediators were less stable in the effect on infant mortality with only MHP mediating consistently across models. We conclude that mass incarceration, health care access, and community mental distress represent actionable and urgent targets for structural-, community-, and individual-level interventions targeting population inequities in birth outcomes.

The impact of free antiretroviral therapy for pregnant non-citizens and their infants in Botswana.

In December 2019, the Botswana government expanded free antiretroviral therapy (ART) to include non-citizens. We evaluated the impact of this policy change on antenatal care (ANC), antiretroviral therapy coverage and adverse birth outcomes. The Tsepamo Surveillance study collects data at up to 18 delivery sites in Botswana. We compared outcomes in citizens and non-citizens living with HIV before and after antiretroviral therapy expansion to non-citizens. Adverse birth outcomes included preterm delivery (PTD) <37 weeks, very preterm delivery (VPTD) <32 weeks, small for gestational age (SGA) <10th percentile, very small for gestational age (VSGA) <3rd percentile, stillbirth and neonatal death. Log-binomial regression models were constructed to generate risk ratios. From August 2014 to September 2021, 45,576 (96.5%) citizens and 1513 (3.2%) non-citizens living with HIV delivered; 954 (62.9%) non-citizen deliveries were before the antiretroviral therapy expansion, and 562 (37.1%) were after. Non-citizen ANC attendance among pregnant people living with HIV increased from 79.2% pre-expansion to 87.2% post-expansion (p<0.001), and became more similar to citizens (96.0% post-expansion). Non-citizens receiving any antenatal antiretroviral therapy increased from 65.5% pre-expansion to 89.9% post-expansion (p < 0.001), also more similar to citizens (97.2% post-expansion). Infants born to non-citizens with singleton gestations in the pre-expansion period had significantly greater risk of PTD (aRR = 1.28, 95% CI, 1.11, 1.46), VPTD (aRR = 1.89, 95% CI, 1.43, 2.44) and neonatal death (aRR = 1.69, 95% CI, 1.03, 2.60), but reduced SGA risk (aRR = 0.75; 95% CI, 0.62, 0.89) compared with citizens. Post-expansion, greater declines in most adverse outcomes were observed in non-citizens, with largely similar outcomes between non-citizens and citizens. Non-significant differences were observed for non-citizenship in PTD (aRR = 0.84, 95% CI, 0.66, 1.06), VPTD (aRR = 0.57, 95% CI, 0.28, 1.01), SGA (aRR = 0.91, 95% CI, 0.72, 1.13), VSGA (aRR = 0.87, 95% CI, 0.58, 1.25), stillbirth (aRR = 0.71, 95% CI, 0.35, 1.27) and neonatal death (aRR = 1.35, 95% CI, 0.60, 2.62). Following the expansion of free antiretroviral therapy to non-citizens, gaps narrowed in ANC and antiretroviral therapy use in pregnancy between citizens and non-citizens living with HIV. Disparities in adverse birth outcomes were no longer observed.