The global lifetime prevalence of mental disorders is between 12.2% and 48.6 %, while the burden of disease attributable to neuropsychiatric disorders is more than 13%. Over 70% of this burden lies in low and middle-income countries (LAMICs) and is projected to increase by 2030. Traditionally, mental disorders are seen as contributing significantly to morbidity and less so to mortality. However, suicide is one of the leading causes of death globally for all ages, with nearly 900 000 people taking their own lives each year. Despite these staggering figures, it has been estimated that in LAMICs as many as four out of five people with a severe mental disorder will not receive any form of treatment—known as the ‘treatment gap’. In addition, mental disorders receive little global priority and have not received meaningful visibility, policy attention or funding. The World Economic Forum has estimated that the global impact of mental disorders in the next 20 years due to lost economic output is likely to exceed US$16 trillion. Low income countries spend about 0.5% of their total health spending on mental health, and while middle income countries spend four times as much on mental health (2.4%), the percentage remains pitiful. While the equivalent figure in high income countries (5.1%) is markedly higher, it does not come close to matching the actual burden of mental disorders in these countries. At the policy level, as many as 44% of African countries do not even have a mental health policy while 33% do not have a mental health plan. However, other regions have shown more progress, as described by Caldas de Almeida in this issue of International Health (p. 15). Caldas de Almeida argues that while significant progress has been made in improving mental health services and in developing mental health policy in Latin America and the Caribbean, similar problems of insufficient funding, poor consensus among stakeholders and weak user and family groups exist in the region (p. 15). A not insubstantial portion of the burden of mental disorders in low-income countries is thought to be attributable to many of the failures of human development as targeted through the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), including poverty, HIV and gender inequality. The evidence on depressive disorders and depressed mood is most well developed in this respect. Yet, global mental health has had difficulty making the case for its centrality across numerous MDGs despite growing evidence that mental ill health and poverty interact in a negative cycle. Lund et al. (p. 43) provide evidence for how implementing the mental health and development model of Basic Needs, an international non-governmental organisation, improved mental health, income generation, quality of life and overall functioning among people living with severe mental illness in rural Kenya. Lund et al. (p. 43) argue that their findings have important implications for integrating the treatment of mental illness with poverty alleviation programmes. Beyond disease burden, mental health is a fundamental component of people’s ability to meet their potential, to engage in meaningful relationships, and to secure and retain gainful employment. As Hanlon shows (p. 4), maternal mental illness has important public health implications with as many as 16% of women experiencing a mental illness during pregnancy and 20% in the postnatal period. While the postnatal figure is high, the prevalence rate of postnatal depression in some contexts may be as high as 34%. Linked to this, is the issue of gender inequality and, specifically, the association between intimate partner violence and common mental disorder. Fisher et al. (p. 29) show how exposure to intimate partner violence in rural Vietnam is associated with increased symptoms of the common perinatal mental disorders of depression and anxiety. Notwithstanding the impact of mental illness on the women, maternal mental illness also has significant impacts on infant