Discourse In Singapore Research Articles

Lighting, signing, showing: The circulability of Pink Dot's counterpublic discourse in Singapore

AbstractPink Dot, a homegrown LGBTQ activist group based in Singapore, has been treated as a social movement since its inauguration in 2009, and they organise an annual event to advocate for LGBTQ individuals. In 2020, due to the coronavirus pandemic, the twelfth edition of the event (PD12) took place online as a livestream on YouTube. The highlight of PD12 was the unveiling of a ‘digital pink dot’ via a virtual map of Singapore, where the permeability of its discourse in virtual and physical spaces became much more apparent in comparison with previous physical iterations of the event. Approaching the data with counterpublic and citizenship theory, I outline the circulability of discourse as the key feature of a counterpublic, and argue that PD12 achieves this in two ways: (i) the semiotic fragmentation of its physical signs and online discourse; and (ii) the deployment of intertextual elements in a drag performance.

An incomplete megastructure: the Golden Mile Complex, global planning education, and the pedestrianised city

New experiments were taking place in Singapore from the early 1960s onwards, as pedagogies and practices of urban design were being circulated among global experts and multiple stakeholders. New attitudes towards modernisation and urban renewal were developed then. Post-war humanist ideals of ‘social’ Brutalist architecture and revisionist attitudes towards high modernism and the overdevelopment of automobile infrastructure coursed through Singapore’s Golden Mile Complex (GMC). This was a project that attempted to address the problems of increased density and economic imperatives in the urban realm. This article focuses on the GMC as a contested site and as a built megastructure, in an effort to chart a new relationship between architecture, urban design, and the missed opportunity to develop a pedestrianised city. Designed by William S.W. Lim and the Design Partnership (DP), the GMC was an experiment in pedestrianised urbanism that differed from what had emerged in the original centres of invention and intellectual discourse in Singapore. Partly coinciding with the GMC’s design conception and construction, the period between 1962 and 1973 raised warnings against the ‘bulldozer addicts’ of urban renewal. It also witnessed the socially levelling roles of shopping, alternative models of urban circulation, and the emergence of extra-large architectural forms. This was also a short period of democratic debate and experimentation with mixed-use typologies and strata-title private ownership in the increased commercialisation of the city, fuelled by Singapore’s ambition to become a global city. The need to attract global capital and private consumerist functions made polarising demands on the development around the GMC. Alongside its aggressive urban renewal, Singapore was also keen to gain social legitimacy through its public housing programmes. The circulation of globally relevant pedagogies in urban design and planning formed the backdrop to an incomplete conception and realisation of an avant-garde megastructure specific to an Asian discourse of urban densification.

Secular Constitutionalism in Singapore: Between Equality and Hierarchy

The Singapore constitution has often been described and analysed as secular but in a qualified manner. This, I argue, is because commentators have applied the dominant paradigm of secular constitutionalism as (institutional) separation in examining Singapore’s constitutional practice. Singapore defies this constitutional model because of its close entanglement with religion. In this article, I apply two different analytical models to better capture and evaluate Singapore’s secular constitution. Specifically, I argue that the political discourse in Singapore has centred upon the ideal of neutrality and equal treatment of all religions. This conforms to a model that I call secular constitutionalism as equality. However, the legal jurisprudence shows a divergent approach whereby secular law, norms, and authority are prioritized, often lexically, over religious ones.

“There is Space, and There are Limits”: The Challenge of Teaching Controversial Topics in an Illiberal Democracy

Background/Context Research indicates that across democratic societies, teachers face numerous intellectual and emotional challenges when handling controversial topics in the classroom. Less attention, however, has been paid to how teachers’ willingness to teach controversial topics intersects with political and other societal factors in different sociopolitical milieu and, in particular, in an authoritarian–democratic and culturally diverse state like Singapore. Focus of Study This study focused on constraints to the teaching of controversial topics relating to diversity and the manner in which teachers navigated their personal beliefs amidst the evolving contours of public and official discourses in Singapore. By attending to the intersections of teachers’ beliefs, state policies, and other sociopolitical factors, we aimed to inform scholarship on the teaching of controversial topics and illuminate states’ powers to demarcate the discursive spaces of teachers. Research Design The study adhered to the qualitative case study design. We collected data from interviews that featured various elicitation tasks to describe 35 social studies teachers’ perceptions and practice of controversial issues discussions relating to topics of diversity. Additionally, we drew on policy and curricular documents to portray the evolving contours of public discourse in Singapore. Findings/Results The findings highlight how the participants, influenced largely by state policies, differentiated between topics that were controversial-appropriate and controversial-taboo. In spite of the numerous legal constraints limiting the nature of public discussion of race and politics, the majority of the teachers regarded these topics as controversial-appropriate. There was, conversely, a consensus among the participants that topics related to sexual orientation were controversial-taboo even though there were no similar laws constraining public discussion of this issue. Conclusions/Recommendations This study challenges conventional assumptions about the impact of state-imposed constraints and controls on the teaching of controversial topics in schools. Under some circumstances, state controls and constraints can result in teachers having more freedom to discuss controversial topics because of the clearly demarcated political and social boundaries. However, if the state's position is ambiguous, this may result in a Kafkaesque situation in which teachers become even more conservative in their curriculum decision making due to a heightened sense of uncertainty and insecurity. Ultimately, the study brings to light the nuanced ways that state control and censorship influence the spaces and limits of issues-centered discussion, and underlines the need for research that attends to various social forces that frame the teaching of controversial topics in different democratic settings.

The (bio)politics of engagement: shifts in Singapore's policy and public discourse on civics education

This article provides a historical overview of civic educational policy and political discourse in Singapore from 1959 to 2011, focusing on changes in the role attributed to students in the education process. A review of educational programmes and analysis of political speeches reveals that an earlier transmissionist approach that focused on value inculcation and factual knowledge has been supplemented recently by policy and discourse emphasizing student engagement. The authors link their analysis to larger political changes that have been taking place in Singapore. They argue that the push for more participatory forms of civics education parallels an ongoing shift in the ruling party's political ideology from economic pragmatism to a communitarian ideology that emphasizes citizens' responsibility. From the point of view of political rationality, promoting active student engagement in civics education can be seen as governmental efforts to build a strong civil society through early socialization into civic responsibility and voluntarism. Viewed as a technology of power, engagement is also seen as a new biopolitical intervention aimed at regulating political participation.

Before Biopolis: Representations of the Biotechnology Discourse in Singapore

Singapore's foray into biotechnology is generally considered an economic and scientific success, its most visible sign being Biopolis, launched in 2003 as an integrated cluster of research facilities in an urban setting. Biopolis, however, is itself the result of a long-term effort to build up capacities for biotechnological research. The present article analyzes the early (pre-Biopolis) biotechnology discourse in Singapore, with special emphasis on its representations in the official media and on its strategic uses by the various stakeholders involved. Against the backdrop of the global emergence of biotechnology from the late 1970s onward, the article traces the motivations for Singapore's formulation of its own biotechnology policy, paying attention throughout to the dynamic between scientists and policy makers. It is this relationship, along with the ambiguities that characterize it, that is responsible for the sustained establishment of biotechnology in Singapore. At an interpretative level, an attempt is made to compare the case of Singapore's biotechnology policy with competing discourses of technology and modernity. The discourse on biotechnology can thus be recognized as a means of mobilizing its intended audience for the various stages in the country's path toward (real or perceived) modernization.

The Elusive Goal of Nation Building: Asian/Confucian Values and Citizenship Education in Singapore During The 1980s

ABSTRACT The term ‘Asian values’ became popular in the political discourse in the 1980s and 1990s. The most vocal proponents of Asian values are Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and Malaysia's Mahathir and their deputies and government officials, as well as post-Tiananmen Chinese leaders. Most notable of all these three strands of the Asian values debate is the ‘Singapore School’, which ‘comprises leaders who have articulated a defence of the Singapore regime, either in their personal or official capacities’. This article discusses the origins and philosophical underpinnings of ‘Asian values’ in the Singapore context and its relationship to civics education. First, it provides the historical context for the interest in Confucianism and Asian Values. It then looks at the role and use of Confucianism and Asian Values in Asia, before discussing the case of Singapore and Asian values. I explore the interconnections between changes in history, civics and social studies curricula, and the politics of the ‘Asian Values’ discourse in Singapore which underpins these curricula. At the heart of the issue was the state's attempt to forge and articulate a Singaporean identity, and the role of citizenship/moral education in attaining this elusive nation building goal.

Religion in the Abortion Discourse in Singapore: A Case Study of the Relevance of Religious Arguments in Law-Making in Multi-Religious Democracies

I … appeal to hon. Members to face up to the challenge on this important social issue and give their full support to the Bill. I do hope that they will not falter just because of some pressure, social or otherwise, brought to bear on them by some minority groups outside who, on account of their religious dogmas, desire to impose their will on the majority… I am certain that the opposing stand to this Bill taken by this minority group will also in the course of time end up in the dustbins of history.Abortion, along with same-sex unions, is perhaps one of the world's most polarizing issues today. Laws on abortion vary across different jurisdictions, from prohibiting abortion under all circumstances to freely allowing it without restriction as to reason. Unlike rights such as freedom from torture or of speech, failure to recognize abortion rights is not necessarily the product of illiberal governments known to abuse human rights, nor is allowing abortion indicative of a good human rights record. Extensive rights to terminate a pregnancy may be symptomatic of a government's policy for population control, as in the case of China, or it may be an expression of the liberal philosophy of autonomy, as in the case of Canada.

The Dominant Perspective on Terrorism and Its Implication for Social Cohesion: The Case of Singapore

This paper seeks to portray and examine the dominant understanding of terrorism
 as reflected in official discourse in Singapore. It also evaluates its impact on
 attempts aimed at combating terrorism's potent threat to social cohesion. It is
 maintained that pervasive influence of the culturalist approach woven into the
 understanding of terrorism has had the effect of thrusting into focus Islam and
 certain presumptions of the identity and culture of the Muslim community of Singapore.
 The dominance of this approach conditions and compounds the lack of a
 more comprehensive and objective analysis of the phenomenon informed by concepts
 and methodology from the social sciences. This impedes efforts at fostering
 social resilience and cohesion aimed at thwarting the looming threat of terrorism.

Tradition as a Resource

This introductory article reflects on a personal interest in the concept of tradition. Two contrasting sociological approaches to tradition are examined, the first being the structural-functionalist treatment of tradition as embedded and institutionalized, the second the more dynamic Weberian approach to tradition which links it with charismatic breakthroughs. Using the latter, it is possible to speak of a ‘revolution by tradition’ and to indicate different referents of tradition in the Church of England. A recent study of Hawksmoor’s London churches shows the attempted embodiment of primitive tradition in their architecture. In a very different context, Maori prophetic movements in nineteenth-century New Zealand reveal the potential for tradition to provide a charismatic springboard. A third example of the innovative potential of tradition is located in the ‘Asian values’ debate, where a constructed cluster of values surrounding neo-Confucianism can be associated with what is termed ‘reverse Orientalism’. Ideological discourse in Singapore provides an important test of the ‘Asia Values’ model. Finally, features of each article in this special issue are highlighted.

The Right of Access to Justice: Judicial Discourse in Singapore and Malaysia

This is an essay on judicial discourse in Singapore and Malaysia pertaining to the nature and scope of the right of access to justice, including access to justice for the poor. We will examine the statements and pronouncements by the Singapore and Malaysia judiciary in case precedents and extra-judicial statements. Some of the issues explored include the legal status of this right of access to justice (namely, whether it is a right enshrined in the constitution or merely a right derived from the common law and whether it is qualified by economic and other interests) and the associated rights of legal representation, legal aid and contingency fees.

The Right of Access to Justice: Judicial Discourse in Singapore and Malaysia

AbstractThis is an essay on judicial discourse in Singapore and Malaysia pertaining to the nature and scope of the right of access to justice, including access to justice for the poor. We will examine the statements and pronouncements by the Singapore and Malaysia judiciary in case precedents and extra-judicial statements. Some of the issues explored include the legal status of this right of access to justice (namely, whether it is a right enshrined in the constitution or merely a right derived from the common law and whether it is qualified by economic and other interests) and the associated rights of legal representation, legal aid and contingency fees.