In this investigation, we offer a quite comprehensive examination of political participation among people with disabilities-a large and growing segment of the U.S. population. In the 2000 census, nearly 50 million people identified themselves as living with a disability. Using national household survey data from 1998 and 2000, we find that senior citizens with disabilities have significantly lower levels of political participation than their non-disabled counterparts. In contrast, younger people with disabilities have levels similar to (or higher than) those of their non-disabled peers. In addition, seniors with disabilities are less likely than younger people with disabilities to attend disability groups or engage in disability activism. Finally, we find that increases in group involvement are strongly linked to increases in political participation, indicating that the lower group involvement of seniors with disabilities may account for at least some of their lower political participation. While scholars have demonstrated the importance of generational differences in understanding the political participation of the general electorate (Miller and Shanks 1996, Putnam 2000), there has been little attention paid to generational changes among people with disabilities, even though this could help account for their lower average participation. The few existing studies examining political participation among people with disabilities suggest that even after adjusting for socioeconomic factors, people with disabilities have lower levels of political participation than have non-disabled citizens. In particular, voting rates among people with disabilities are 14-21 percentage points lower than that of non-disabled Americans, with especially low turnout among senior citizens with disabilities (Shields, Schriner, and Schriner 1998; Schur and Kruse 2000; Schur et al. 2002). In general, there are three hypotheses accounting for the relationship between age and political participation. The life-experience hypothesis suggests that as people age, they acquire resources and have learning experiences promoting active community involvement (Rosenstone and Hansen 1993: 139). The life-cycle hypothesis contends that young citizens are less likely to become active in political life because they lack the community involvement necessary to believe that politics and community are important arenas. In addition, the life-cycle hypothesis suggests that there will be a gradual decrease of political and social involvement among the most elderly citizens as physical limitations begin to increase and intensify (Rosenstone and Hansen 1993: 139). Finally, the generational hypothesis suggests that socializing experiences influence each generation differently, which alters life-long patterns of political participation. These socializing experiences have led senior cohorts to have high levels of involvement (relative to younger generations) because of the political socialization they experienced before and after WWlI-rendering them part of the 'long civic generation' (Putnam 2000: 254; Miller and Shanks 1996). Regardless, there are reasons to expect these relationships to be substantially different among people with disabilities who have experienced dramatic differences in their treatment across generational cohorts (French and Swain 1996). Senior cohorts who grew up with disabilities experienced prejudice and discrimination that explicitly barred them from civic engagement and community affairs (Shapiro 1993; Hahn 1985). Discrimination was evidenced by segregation from public schools, inaccessible buildings, and neglect from political leaders. Even individuals who grew up without disabilities had their views of disability shaped in this environment. Younger individuals with disabilities, while still experiencing discrimination, have also witnessed a growing disability rights movement, the passage of the ADA, and incremental improvement in laws and policies providing greater integration into mainstream society. …