Diplomatic Exchanges Research Articles

Nagapattinam Port: the Catalyst of Cultural and Diplomatic Exchange Between Indian Sub-continent and Indonesian Archipelago

Abstract: -This paper explores the dynamic interactions between the Shailendra dynasty of Southeast Asia and the Chola dynasty of South India from the 8th to 11th centuries CE. The Shailendras, who were known for deep ties with cholas. The Cholas, expanded their influence across South India and beyond, maintained a significant relationship leading to cultural, economic, and religious exchanges. The paper highlights Nagapattinam's pivotal role as vibrant trade hub that facilitated these exchanges. Through the exchange of gifts and the construction of Buddhist institutions, like those which were funded by the Srivijayan rulers. The study demonstrates how these reciprocations fostered a shared cultural heritage and strengthened maritime trade networks. This trade-off underscores the role of economic and cultural hubs in bridging regions leading to enhancing diplomatic relations.

The KMT versus the CCP: Dueling Chinese Nationalisms and the Politics of Colonial Rule During Hong Kong’s 1956 Riots

During October 10–12, 1956, British Hong Kong was engulfed in a downward spiral of violence that pitted Kuomintang (KMT) supporters against men and women affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), forcing the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of China (ROC), and Great Britain to engage in a series of tense diplomatic exchanges that could have escalated into a wider geopolitical conflict. The actions of KMT supporters precipitated the 1956 riots, thereby granting opportunities to the PRC to repeatedly and strongly criticize the colonial government for allegedly failing to protect Chinese who were loyal to Beijing. While the PRC did not intervene militarily to protect its supporters, the 1956 riots revealed to London the precarious nature of colonial rule and underscored the fact that the colony’s very existence was dependent upon the acquiescence of Beijing.

Integrating Jun Porcelain Culture into Modern Information Management Systems: A Study on Expanding Cultural Diplomacy Through Innovative Symbol Reconstruction and Digital Communication Techniques

This study explores the relationships between Jun porcelain cultural heritage, modern information management systems, and cultural diplomacy in the digital age. The purpose is to understand how these variables intersect and influence contemporary cultural dynamics, shedding light on the complexities of tradition, innovation, and technology in shaping cultural practices and identities. Through qualitative interviews with 13 experts from cultural institutions, information management professions, and diplomatic spheres, and a comprehensive literature review encompassing databases such as JSTOR, ProQuest, and Google Scholar, this research seeks to elucidate how these variables intersect and influence contemporary cultural dynamics. The choice of qualitative interviews and literature review was made to provide a nuanced understanding of Jun porcelain cultural heritage, information management systems, and cultural diplomacy, leveraging the strengths of qualitative inquiry in capturing rich insights and contextual nuances. These methods offer advantages in uncovering the multifaceted nature of cultural practices, identifying key themes and patterns, and providing new insights into the dynamics of cultural heritage preservation, communication, and diplomatic exchange. The qualitative interviews and literature review revealed several key insights into the relationships between Jun porcelain cultural heritage, modern information management systems, and cultural diplomacy. Themes such as democratization of cultural access, digital inequalities, and cross-cultural dialogue emerged from the analysis, shedding light on the complex dynamics at play. The study builds upon existing research by offering nuanced perspectives on the intersections between tradition, innovation, and technology in shaping cultural practices and identities in the digital age. This research provides recommendations for cultural institutions, policymakers, and information professionals, including developing ethical frameworks for digital preservation, promoting inclusive cultural access, and fostering cross-cultural dialogue through digital diplomacy. Future studies should explore social media's impact on cultural diplomacy, the role of digital archives in preserving intangible cultural heritage, and emerging technologies' implications on cultural heritage interpretation. These efforts will advance understanding in cultural heritage preservation and information management in the digital age.

The Safavid Buffer: Co-Sectarian Rivalry in Early Modern Ottoman Diplomacy with Sunni Asia

Abstract This paper offers a new perspective on Ottoman-Safavid-Mughal relations in the early modern period by exploring the broader historical context of Swedish envoy Claes Rålamb’s report of the advice offered by the Ottoman chief mufti (the highest-ranking legal authority) to the court in 1657. Rålamb reported that the chief mufti had advised that the Ottoman court reject a Mughal offer to form a Sunni alliance against Iran and instead urged the court to protect the Shiʿi Safavids. By examining early modern inter-imperial Sunni relations in general and diplomatic exchange among these Muslim states between 1648 and 1656 in particular, this article challenges the prevailing narrative of sectarian differences driving political conflicts. I show that in the period following the Ottoman-Safavid peace treaty of 1639, the Ottomans regarded the Safavid state as a buffer polity that helped to secure their legitimacy against potential Sunni rivals in Central Asia and India. The article explores how a shared religious identity fueled rather than discouraged competition for legitimacy and supremacy among Sunni rulers in an increasingly interconnected early modern world, leading the Ottomans to align with their sectarian rivals.

Diplomatic webs: the influential figures shaping U.S. policy in Israel, Qatar, and Iraq

Abstract Purpose This study examines the Twitter/X networks of U.S. ambassadors in Israel, Iraq, and Qatar from 2017 to 2024, aiming to assess how digital diplomacy is conducted through these platforms. Utilizing Sprinklr, we gathered 586,736 mentions involving the ambassadors’ Twitter handles, with a focus on evaluating the influence and communication strategies within these networks. Design/methodology/approach We analyzed a random sample of 30,000 tweets from the collected data using network analysis techniques. This approach enabled the examination of centrality metrics within the ambassadors’ digital networks, providing insights into the influence patterns and communicative interactions via Gephi. Findings The analysis revealed a significant influence of state actors and established political elites who predominantly engage in unidirectional communication, despite the platforms’ capabilities for interactive and reciprocal dialogues. We identified elected officials and specific non-governmental organizations as key actors shaping the diplomatic narratives, highlighting the diverse yet controlled actor interplay in digital diplomacy. Practical implications This research underscores the need for strategic adjustments in digital diplomacy practices to enhance interaction and inclusivity. Our work provides policymakers with insights into leveraging digital platforms for more effective and dynamic diplomatic exchanges. Social implications The study illuminates the role of digital platforms as critical venues for shaping diplomatic narratives by both state and non-state actors. Notably, our findings highlight the use of hashtags in advancing human rights movements and in discussions surrounding the Israel–Palestine conflict, demonstrating hashtags’ impact on global and regional advocacy efforts. Originality/value This research offers a unique perspective on the integration of traditional diplomatic roles with contemporary digital strategies, particularly highlighting the constraints and potentials within Middle Eastern contexts. We suggest ways to enhance the inclusivity and effectiveness of diplomatic engagements through improved social media utilization, thereby contributing to the evolving field of international relations and public diplomacy.

An Opera of Convenience: Musical Diplomacy and Nationalist Politics at the Barcelona Premiere of Amaya in 1934

ABSTRACT This article analyses the political background surrounding the 1934 Barcelona premiere of the opera Amaya (1920) by the Basque composer Jesús Guridi (1886–1961). During the Second Spanish Republic, amid escalating political tensions between Basque and Catalan nationalist parties and the central government in Madrid, the premiere of Amaya at the Gran Teatre del Liceu presents significant points for historiographical discussion. By interpreting the interactions between Basque and Catalan nationalists as diplomatic exchanges, this essay assesses the role conferred on musical practices in fostering solidarity and self-legitimation among sub-state actors. Drawing on archival documentation and press sources, this study provides a detailed overview of the internal mechanisms that facilitated the premiere of Amaya, with a particular focus on the strategies employed by sub-state agents to garner public recognition, musical agency, and political legitimacy.

Book Review: Historicizing Sunni Islam in the Ottoman Empire, c. 1450–c. 1750

The book examines Ottoman Sunnism’s evolution, orthodoxy, and spatial dimensions. Divided into three chapters, it critically engages with historical narratives, doctrinal debates, and socio-political dynamics shaping Ottoman Sunnism. Chapter I reevaluates Sunnī orthodoxy by tracing its historical dialogue with the past and the present. It examines the emergence of a new hadith culture in the sixteenth century, challenges conventional views through Shāhzādah Qorqud’s writings, explores the influence of Ibn Taymiyyah on Ottoman thought, redefines knowledge boundaries in Ottoman catechisms, and scrutinizes perceptions of heresy in Ottoman society. Moreover, Chapter II focuses on the spatial dimensions of Sunnitization, exploring how pious communities were constructed within urban institutions and convents. It investigates the transformation of spaces like the ʿimārah into mosques, the integration of Abdāl-affiliated convents into Khalwatī darwīsh networks, and the role of imāms in congregational prayers during the Ottoman Sunnitization era. Chapter III delves into the contextual and genre-specific nature of confessional politics, shedding light on the complexities of Sunnī-Shiʿī’ relations and Ottoman-Safavid diplomacy. It reexamines the portrayal of Qizilbash actors in Ottoman borderlands, evaluates Ottoman historical writing through the lens of Islamic history, and explores Islamic discourse in Ottoman-Safavid diplomatic exchanges.

The rise of China’s status: a relational approach

To what extent has China’s status risen, and how? Despite the pivotal role of China’s status in shaping its foreign policy and global phenomena, there is no scholarly consensus on where China is ranked in the global hierarchy and how it attains such a position. Building on empirical studies that use diplomatic exchanges and extending them by employing social network analysis, this article provides the first systematic analysis of China’s standing in the global status hierarchy. My findings show that China’s status has experienced significant growth with a substantial increase in the number of diplomatic recognitions received. While the United States garnered more recognition than China, the gap between the two has narrowed significantly over the last three decades, and, when considering the quality of diplomatic ties, China’s status even surpassed that of the United States by 2005. Additionally, my findings suggest that both exogenous and endogenous factors worked in concert to elevate China’s status. The rise of China’s status did not occur automatically with its economic or military capabilities’ growth. Instead, relational dynamics were also important: recognition from the most prestigious country, the United States, in the 1970s triggered a domino effect, prompting other countries to recognize China. Furthermore, China’s emphasis on aligning with the developing Third World enables it to uniquely position itself in diplomatic networks by engaging with both well-connected and marginalized countries. This diplomatic portfolio, in turn, equips China with significant social and brokerage power, suggesting that its influence is far more formidable than its material capabilities alone would imply.

SOME COMMENTS ON THE RELATIONS OF THE BUKHARA EMIRATE WITH THE OTTOMAN STATE IN THE 1950S AND 1960S

This article examines the diplomatic and political relations between the Bukhara Emirate and the Ottoman State during the 1950s and 1960s. Despite significant geopolitical changes in the mid-20th century, these relations were characterized by a mix of traditional alliances and modern strategic interests. The study explores key diplomatic exchanges, trade agreements, and cultural interactions that defined the bilateral relations of this period. By analyzing historical documents, treaties, and correspondences, the article sheds light on the motivations and implications of the Bukhara Emirate's foreign policy towards the Ottoman State. Furthermore, it highlights the impact of these relations on regional stability and the broader geopolitical landscape. Through this investigation, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of the historical dynamics that influenced the interactions between these two significant political entities in the mid-20th century.

Clash of Diplomatic Cultures between Europe and China around 1800: A Rereading of the Macartney Mission

Abstract This essay revisits some familiar diplomatic encounters between European nations and China in the decades around 1800. It proceeds from a theoretical distinction between diplomacy within an international society and diplomacy between international societies. The set of ideas, principles, and institutions of diplomatic interaction within an international society may be summarily termed its diplomatic culture. Diplomacy between international societies lacks a shared diplomatic culture, involving instead negotiations between different diplomatic cultures. The European embassies to China around 1800 epitomize diplomacy between international societies. The essay examines in some detail the attempts on both sides to make sense of the diplomatic exchange, in which they were engaged: translating documents, documenting actions, and interpreting the events by poetic means. All these attempts turned out to entrench differences rather than induce agreements. This predicament was to be resolved only by violence.

Pitfalls of Sovereignty: Romanian State Building on the Eve of Independence from the Ottoman Empire

ABSTRACT The present article explores the trials and tribulations of the Romanian state in building viable institutions and acquiring independence in the latter half of the 19th century. Starting from a flurry of diplomatic exchanges on the eve of the Russian-Turkish war (1877–1878), which were aimed at securing experienced General Staff officers for the young Romanian army, this article shows how intimately interconnected the domestic and international dimensions of state building were for such fledgling states and explores the inversely proportional relationship between Krasner’s notions of sovereignty – legal-international and Westphalian. The article thus proposes a more institutional-oriented approach to state building in South-Eastern Europe and seeks to bring the state and the pragmatics of its creation back into a discussion of independence and sovereignty in the region.

The Indian Media’s Interface with Diplomacy

Diplomacy and its institutions have been constantly changing. The manner in which diplomacy was practised in the earlier centuries is vastly different from how it is being practised in the twenty-first century. These changes range from the emergence of the training of messengers, the start of record keeping of diplomatic exchanges, the establishment of resident embassies, codification of formal diplomatic processes, widening domain of actors and issues, the use of multilateral conferences, use of summitry and many others. This evolution has been both a result of and further resulted in changing the larger socio-political-economic dimensions that the world has undergone. Among the myriad contextual changes, the revolution in communications, information and media technology has been phenomenal. This has brought into focus terms like the CNN effect and Vietnam War Syndrome where it is argued that media has had an influence in directing foreign policy choices of countries. Hence, this article seeks to analyse the media’s interface with the most important institution of diplomacy, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It specifically focuses on the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), India. Has the news media acted either as an impediment or an accelerator to diplomatic practice? Has the information overload caused the diplomatic fraternity to face a loss of autonomy in any manner? With the objective of seeking an answer to these questions from diplomacy’s perspective, the article explores the evolution of the External Publicity Division of the MEA, India. The External Publicity Division as it is generally known has been the nodal division leading the institutions’ interface with the media. The actuality of media’s interface with diplomacy in India’s case will be set in the backdrop of the existing literature in the fields of media, diplomacy and foreign policy.

Searching for the Exotic: Textiles, Orientalism, and Identities

Textiles, with their economic, sartorial, and identity-constructing functions, have long been at the center of cultural discourses, whether narrative or visual. Objects of desire, but also objects of curiosity, textiles have been the topic of costume books, offered in diplomatic exchanges, collected by private collectors and museums alike, and have traveled, sometimes as sample books. Their Othering function did not only differentiate between members of different civilizations, but also the members of the same society, where clothing was used to signal rank and function. The case studies presented intend to elaborate further on the role and symbolism associated with textiles, by reiterating their centrality in their various forms, whether costume albums (Cabrera Lafuente), collected textile pieces (Coman), costumes created for the burgeoning film industry (Kulpa), or as samples for a society wardrobe (Parry-Williams). The common characteristics of the specific examples build on the use of textiles to signal Othering, exotic curiosity, and even sexually charged sensuality, or Orientalist interest in the Asia Minor populations. In many of the examples analyzed, the impact of Western and Western-influenced discourses is discernible, to the point of the self-fashioning of a collector originating from interwar Romania (a former Danubian Principalities tributary to the Ottoman Empire) who commissioned a portrait of himself wearing the clothing of what he calls an “Arab sheikh.” During the 18th and 19th centuries, the Western world embraced a broadly racialized perspective, Othering non-white peoples in the colonial context. Orientalism served as an intellectual justification for imperialism, portraying the Eastern world as ‘primitive’, and in need of modernization through the civilizing mission. Colonial empires thrived on essentialist representations, establishing a binary division between The Orient and The Occident, perpetuating the Western Self and the non-western Other. Orientalism played a role in cultural imperialism by promoting homogenization, feminization, and essentialization, reinforcing the perceived superiority of Western civilization. Even though we have been living in a postcolonial world for decades, the study of Exoticism, Othering, and Orientalism remains relevant, and demands scholarly inquiry. This brings forth the need for a specific methodology inherent to each case study and, at the same time, unites them in the nuanced approach to the main applied concepts.

Causas in Partibus Cognoscendas: An Edition of a Vatican Document and Its Possibilities for Future Research on Papal Judges Delegate in Late Medieval Castile

This article offers a commentary, edition, transcription, and translation of a papal letter issued during Martin V’s pontificate to King Juan II of Castile: Per Litteras. Largely overlooked until now, Per Litteras is a highly interesting source because it leads us to start considering the phenomenon of papal judges delegate in the Crown of Castile in the Late Middle Ages. This paper begins by analysing Per Litteras’ contents. Given that the letter is undated, we will propose a date of production. We will then proceed to place it into the broader context of diplomatic exchanges between the Holy See and the Crown of Castile. Finally, we discuss how the document may help us understand papal delegated jurisdiction in late medieval Castile.

A Study of the Reasons Why Korean’s Sought to Purchase Books from China during the Chosŏn Dynasty (1392-1910)

<p>眾所皆知，今日的韓國、日本、越南各地收藏數量驚人的漢籍（中國刊本）。追溯此些國家搜求漢籍的歷程與緣由，不少學者歸諸「慕華」，即搜求漢籍出於外國人仰慕中國／中華文化的心理。慕華確實立足一定的史料基礎，也存在抱持此種想法而收買漢籍的例子。但是東亞各國對待中國的態度，絕非始終如一，而係複雜漫長的變化過程。本文旨在以朝鮮為中心，探究明清時期的朝鮮人何以代代相承，持續搜求漢籍。這股需要漢籍的力量來源可概分為三，一、長時段的因素，如知識養成、人才培育、制度設計、出版環境等；二、偶發性的事件，尤其是戰爭；三、古代東亞各國必須面對的實際需要，即與中國進行外交往來，需要一定的漢學素養。本文結合前述三方面的考察，試圖在慕華之外開闢新的視角，理解朝鮮人搜求漢籍的背景與緣由。</p> <p> </p><p>As is well known, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam possess astonishingly voluminous collections of Chinese books that were printed in China. When tracing the processes and reasons why these countries sought out Chinese publications, many scholars have attributed this phenomenon to the mentality of muhua, that is, the admiration of China or Chinese culture by foreigners. Muhua was arguably one established aspect of the historical data, and there are examples of individuals who adhered to this idea in their collecting of Chinese books. However, among East Asian countries the attitudes toward China were neither static nor unified and underwent a complex and lengthy series of changes.<br />In focusing on Chosŏn, this article aims to explore why generation after generation of Koreans living through the Ming and Qing dynasties continued to seek Chinese books. What drove the desire for Chinese books can be broadly categorized into three aspects: firstly, there were long-term factors such as the need to nurture knowledge, cultivate talent, design institutions, and improve the publishing environment; secondly there were unexpected events, especially wars; and thirdly, there were the practical needs each and every premodern East Asian country must face, specifically diplomatic exchanges with China, which required a certain level of sinological proficiency. In fleshing out these three aspects, this study will offer new perspectives beyond that of cultural admiration, to foster a better understanding of the background and reasons behind the pursuit of Chinese books in Chosŏn Korea.</p> <p> </p>

Beyond the Dār al-Islām/Dār al-ḥarb Paradigm

Abstract For a long time, scholarship concerning the relations between the Mamluks and Christian powers has been heavily influenced by the traditional dichotomy between dār al-Islām and dār al-ḥarb. This paradigm has often led historians to misinterpret the nature of the diplomatic documents issued by the chancery in Cairo. Taking into account new perspectives on the dialogue between Muslim and non-Muslim powers, the article examines the principles underlying the diplomatic dialogue in wartime and in peacetime through the lens of Mamluk diplomatic sources. Through this analysis, the paper illustrates how the discipline of Diplomatics can offer a direct approach to reconsidering some historiographical narratives and to understanding the real nature of diplomatic exchange and its symbolic representation.

Seeing Aboriginal Art: Settler Classifications of the Work of William Barak

This article sets out to demonstrate the uneven history of settler-Australians’ labelling of Indigenous cultural objects and documents as ‘art’. Using the case of William Barak (c. 1824–1903) as its example, it asks, how was Barak’s work understood prior to the major re-evaluations of Aboriginal art as ‘art’ in the 1980s? A series of fleeting moments of understanding, exchange and recognition provide a hitherto-overlooked genealogy of the shifting reception of Barak’s paintings and drawings within his own lifetime and up to the 1940s. These moments encompass his agency in diplomatic exchange, his peer-to-peer relationships in Melbourne’s colonial artworld, and the early placement of Barak’s work in cultural institutions leading eventually to the first inclusion of his work in an art exhibition in 1943. Selected examples from this trajectory demonstrate an uneven path to recognition while illustrating their ability to exceed the category of art from a western viewpoint.

A Reappraisal of the Origins of European Integration: From Wartime Planning to the Schuman Plan

Thanks to its innovative supranational features, the European Coal and Steel Community is widely recognized as the cornerstone of the European integration process. This article offers an alternative history of the European Coal and Steel Community's origins by highlighting the role of transnational expertise and public diplomacy. More precisely, this study seeks to demonstrate that the policies carried out by Jean Monnet, the mastermind of European Coal and Steel Community's blueprint, originated from the plans elaborated by the New York-based think tank Council on Foreign Relations. While advising the Roosevelt and Truman administrations, the Council on Foreign Relations formed a policy network with European policymakers sharing similar political values and goals. Although the interactions between these figures have never been studied, new findings reveal that the Council on Foreign Relations–Monnet partnership proved instrumental in improving inter-Allied coordination, managing postwar recovery and framing the idea of European unity. Eventually, the Council on Foreign Relations helped Monnet to define, adjust and promote the European Coal and Steel Community Treaty draft. In this perspective, the foundation of the first European institution derived from a long-term strategic design rooted in wartime planning and transatlantic diplomatic exchanges.

The failure to co-host the Seoul 1988 Summer Olympics: a diplomacy “of small steps” influenced by international opinion (1985–88)

ABSTRACT In the wider context of the Cold War in the 1980s, a rare exception was a proposal for the potential co-hosting of the 1988 Summer Olympics between Seoul (South Korea) and Pyongyang (North Korea). While diplomatic exchanges between the two countries in other areas had produced inconclusive results, a series of joint meetings were organised by the International Olympic Committee to facilitate North Korean participation in the Games while preventing any action that might undermine the Games’ organisation. This historical analysis of these tripartite meetings aims to reconsider the frequently essentialist position of North Korea as a ‘Games saboteur’. While the talks ultimately proved to be a failure, they did have an effect on sports diplomacy. The threat of a massive boycott by the socialist countries, which did not occur in the end, and the progress of the negotiations show that there can be compromises to the host city principle enshrined in the IOC Olympic Charter.

Foreign Relations between Kazakhstan and South Korea from the Perspective of Public Diplomacy

Thirty-one years have passed since diplomatic relations between Kazakhstan and South Korea in 1992, and economic, social, and diplomatic exchange and cooperation between the two countries are more active than ever. Korea’s diplomatic strategy for Kazakhstan is at a significant turning point under the Indo-Pacific strategy created amid the Ukrainian war and the U.S.-China confrontation. This paper examined changes in economic, social, and diplomatic cooperation relations after diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1992 under the Korean government's northern policy. From the perspective of public diplomacy, recent changes in the aspect of cooperation between the two countries were tracked. Despite the rapid development of cooperation in public diplomacy between the two countries, this paper concluded that the direction of cooperation is one-sided from Korea to Kazakhstan, and that Korean public diplomacy needs to be improved in the process of being delivered outside the border.