Dimension Of European Integration Research Articles

The everyday life of a security project: the “Security Union” in the EU’s “engine room”

ABSTRACT Since 2015, the European Commission has sought to highlight the EU’s promise of protection by introducing the idea of a “Security Union”. This article examines how officials and bureaucrats within the European Commission make sense of this project. So far, the few explicit studies on the Security Union focus on its historical genesis and formal policy outputs and tend to view it as a symbolic and diffuse initiative that lacks coherent implementation and potentially undermines fundamental rights. The article goes beyond that by analysing how officials and bureaucrats in the EU’s “engine room” perceive and deal with the Security Union. Drawing on research on the everyday dimensions of European integration and administrative bureaucracy, the article explores officials’ views and self-understandings as well as their routines and interactions in their daily work. For this purpose, it uses novel empirical data from personal interviews with administrative officials in Brussels. On this basis, the study highlights the importance of skilled individuals and personal interactions that can have lasting impact even when formal institutional structures erode. Moreover, it shows how everyday exchanges and experiences within the Security Union context can change officials’ self-understandings as security actors based on a broad security narrative.

Do They Get Close? Party Shifts and Changes in Parliamentary Congruence on Multiple Issue Dimensions in the Wake of the Crises

ABSTRACT This article explores congruence in the wake of the crises. It analyses (1) shifts in parties’ positions on multiple issue dimensions and (2) examines congruence between citizens and parliament in times of crisis. The article refers to three issue dimensions: left-right, migration and European integration. First, I hypothesise that shifts in party positions are more pronounced on newly contested issue dimensions, such as migration or European integration, than on the left-right dimension. Second, I argue that systemic congruence will increase over the course of time. Third, I posit that systemic congruence will increase particularly on newly contested issue dimensions, like migration and European integration. The study brings together a set of Western European countries: France, Germany, Great Britain, Spain and Sweden. The analysis is based on CHES- and ESS-data (2006–2018/2019) and explores congruence as a many-to-many relationship. In large part, the results confirm the hypotheses. First, party positions changed, and shifted particularly on the issue dimensions of European integration and migration. Second, systemic congruence increased in several cases. Third, the most profound changes are to be found on the issue dimension of European integration.

Slavkov Triangle as a Minilateral Grouping Within the European Union: A Quantitative Analysis

By taking the main aspirations of the minilateralism as a theoretical framework, this research aims to investigate the origins and prospects of the Slavkov Triangle, which was initiated as a new regional platform between Austria, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia in 2015. The main motivation of the grouping has been to enhance the cooperation of these States in various areas, ranging from energy security, transport infrastructure, youth employment and cross-border relations to the social dimension of European integration. The regional platform was regarded as problematic as an alternative to the Visegrad cooperation, since it would imply the isolation of Hungary and Poland. Forming a response to these inquiries, this article aims to find out whether the Slavkov Triangle presents a new, sustainable and alternative central European format. In this respect, the focal point of the research is to answer the question whether the Slavkov Triangle fits theoretically to the traditional ‘minilateral’ grouping definition within the European Union (EU). To reveal whether the members of the Triangle have adopted a concrete joint position in EU decision-making, this paper examines the voting patterns of the members of the Triangle by conducting a quantitative analysis of the voting record of the members of the Triangle in the Council of the EU. The empirical analysis will show the degree to which these countries vote together as a minilateral group. The time frame is designated in two-time spans. The first time span focuses on the time between 2010 and 2015, while the second time span covers voting records from 2015 (the beginning of the initiative) until 2022 November (the most recent date of the voting data that is publicly available). This would help grasp the comparative case basis of voting records of these member states before and after the Triangle. In this way, the current study empirically contributes to the burgeoning scholarly literature on regional groupings within the EU.

ЄВРОІНТЕГРАЦІЙНИЙ ВИМІР МОДЕРНІЗАЦІЇ ПРОФЕСІЙНОЇ ПІДГОТОВКИ МАЙБУТНІХ ПЕДАГОГІВ У НАУКОВІЙ СПАДЩИНІ АКАДЕМІКА ОЛЕКСАНДРИ САВЧЕНКО

In her research work, O. Savchenko identified new conceptual foundations of pedagogical education related to its European integration processes: reforming the content of professional training of future teachers in the context of school education innovations and higher education standardization processes; introduction of the humanistic paradigm of education and upbringing of students; design of the individual educational trajectory of the applicants; implementation of a competence-oriented model of education in pedagogical higher education institutions. The scientist emphasized special attention on personally oriented professional education, designing the individual trajectory of professional development of each student during the of his studies. Unfortunately, this leading idea was not sufficiently implemented in practice for a long time. And only in modern conditions do we realize that the transition of university education to a student-centered model is becoming a through line of changes. This is reflected both in the development of educational programs based on the requests of education seekers, and in their more active involvement in the design of their studies, the creation of opportunities for choosing and constructing individual educational trajectories, and the development of a system of independent student evaluation of teachers' activities. In the scientific heritage of O. Savchenko, the problem of the formation of the «ability to learn» in future teachers, which she considered a meta-skill, is highlighted. The scientist claimed that mastery of this skill programs the acquisition of individual experience to become a successful teacher who knows how to prevent overloading of students, rationally use time, calmly and stress-free navigate in various life situations, independently search for sources of information, ways to solve non-standard problems. And in general, the ability to learn, according to O. Savchenko, changes the style of thinking, determines the ability to learn throughout life, creates guidelines for long-term and personally important learning incentives. The analysis of academician O. Savchenko's scientific heritage allows us to state that the scientist actively studied the experience of training future teachers in European countries. She had a unique ability to see better than others the examples of European practices of training future teachers and to submit her own ideas for their implementation in higher education institutions. The works of the famous pedagogue are an example of a successful combination of general theoretical provisions with practice, which testifies to high scientific achievements in the Ukrainian educational space. Key words: professional training of future primary school teachers, academician Oleхandra Savchenko's scientific heritage, European integration dimension, scientific achievements of an outstanding pedagogue.

Legal bases of European interstate integration in the context of interfaith relations

Since ancient times religion has influenced not only the lives of individuals and societies but also world politics and international relations. The confessional factor plays a crucial role in relations between states. Since states often use the confessional environment to realize their geopolitical interests, the aim of this article is to analyze the role and place of state-church relations in the processes of European integration and determine the legal basis for the activity of interfaith organizations. The methodological framework of this article is based on an axiological approach which allows the authors to analyze the influence of religion on the law-making processes and the formation of a system of norms and values of society. The authors apply the dialectic method to examine the "civilization-culture" continuum of law and substantiate its dependence on religion in developing a common vector of European integration processes. The author also used the methods of analysis and synthesis to identify the interaction of legal and religious norms and to characterize the influence of the church on relations in society. In the framework of the study, the comparative legal method was also partially used, which played a key role in determining the influence of religion on the formation of legal norms. The article concludes that the church has become the activating factor for the formation of the axiological dimension of European integration.

Europe's constitutional unsettlement: testing the political limits of legal integration

Abstract Law is central to what the European Union is and how it works, but the mismatch between the legal and political dimensions of European integration is undermining the EU from within and limiting its ability to project its power beyond its borders. This article aims to explicate the clash between Europe as a community of law, on the one hand, and Europe as a political project, on the other, by focusing on two crises. The first is the crisis that has arisen in relation to Poland's backsliding when it comes to democracy and the rule of law. The second crisis is the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The two crises are interlinked. An effective response to Russian aggression requires of the EU the kind of solidarity, confidence and unity of purpose that has been undercut by Poland's rule-of-law crisis and by the inadequacy of European responses to it. Thus, both crises unsettle the EU's constitutional settlement, revealing the political limits of legal integration. We find that, if Europe's leaders are to better align the EU's legal order with its political goals and capacity to act, then they will need to acknowledge, and work within, the constraints the EU faces as a union of nation states.

From European critical infrastructure protection to the resilience of European critical entities: what does it mean?

ABSTRACT The article is a public policy analysis of the development of legislation on critical infrastructure in the European Union (EU), covering 27 developed countries. More precisely, it concerns the 2022 CER Directive “on the resilience of critical entities’. This directive replaced the 2008 ECI Directive ‘on the identification and designation of European critical infrastructure and the assessment of the need to improve their protection’. We ask what is at stake in this process of moving from one directive to another. Why has the concept of protection been replaced by the concept of resilience, and why has the concept of critical infrastructure been replaced by the newly invented euro-concept of ‘critical entity’? In the concluding section we discuss the European integration dimension of this new directive; what does this development in the CI domain tell us about the current dynamics of European integration, and how it could be explained?

The Black Sea Basin regionalism: guidelines of the legal (maritime) doctrine of Ukraine (international legal dimension)

The article analyzes and evaluates advantages, disadvantages and possibilities for implementation of the Black Sea Basin Regionalism in the Black Sea basin as a guiding position of the legal (maritime) doctrine of Ukraine. The subject of the study is the analysis and evaluation of advantages, disadvantages and possibilities of implementation of the Black Sea Basin Regionalism in the Black Sea basin as a guiding position of the legal (maritime) doctrine of Ukraine. The Black Sea Basin Regionalism is defined as the interaction of states aimed at settling relations arising in the field of maritime activities in the Black Sea basin, in order to solve common problems of rational use of its natural resources. It is suggested to understand the Black Sea Basin Regionalism as a guiding principle of the legal (maritime) doctrine of Ukraine, which (given its international legal dimension) can be implemented for building Ukrainian maritime policy in the Black Sea basin and support its effective implementation. The international legal basis of Black Sea Basin Regionalism is defined as bilateral and multilateral international agreements, where both Circum-Pontic states and not Circum-Pontic states are or can be parties and are concluded on the basis of and within the framework of universal international conventions of a global nature, in order to implement the latter, taking into account the conditions of the Black Sea basin as a “special area” of the sea. Activation of maritime activities of states in the Black Sea basin necessitates further improvement of legal regulation of relations that arise and the effectiveness (rationality) of its implementation on the global (international legal dimension), regional (European integration dimension) and national (regional and interregional dimension within Ukraine) levels.

CSDP MISSIONS AND OPERATIONS AS INSTRUMENTS OF EU CRISIS MANAGEMENT - THEIR ESSENCE, ROLE AND DETERMINANTS

The aim of this article is to highlight the essence, the meaning and the role of EU civilian missions and military operations conducted under the umbrella of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The first two parts constitute an introduction which presents the institutional framework, scope and mandate of EU missions/operations as well as their nature. The subsequent parts constitute an attempt to answer the question of what distinguishes EU missions/operations and what their specificity is. In this context, the CSDP crisis management model is presented along with the significance of operations in building the EU's international identity and in strengthening the political dimension of European integration, especially in relation to security and defence policy. The main weaknesses and shortcomings of CSDP missions/operations have also been characterized. Thusly, eleven such weaknesses have been identified which, to a large extent, determine the shape, scope and nature of CSDP missions and operations carried out by the European Union

The transformation of Industrial Citizenship in the course of European integration.

The question of the social dimension of European integration has so far remained unsettled. While on the European level, the civil and political dimension of citizenship has been strengthened, the evolution of economic and social rights are unclear, contradictory-and still under-investigated. Our contribution applies citizenship as a central category of modernization theory to inquire into European integration. In particular, our focus is set on the analysis of Economic Citizenship as a specific category of civil rights in the case of Germany. We discuss these dynamics by drawing on the example of three policy fields which illustrate various levels of Economic Citizenship. In this article we are pursuing two goals: Firstly, we revise Marshall's modernization theory against the background of European integration. Secondly, we draw attention to the concept of Industrial Citizenship, which has so far been neglected as a source of further development. We argue that in the process of European integration, industrial rights develop through a double movement, meaning an individual extension of market-based rights complemented through national de-collectivization and-connected to this-a re-stratification of market correcting rights.

SOCIAL RIGHTS AFTER THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS: EUROPEAN DIMENSION

The article emphasizes the existence of the concept of "social Europe" as a social dimension of European integration. Modern understanding of social rights as a foundation for the formation and functioning of a social state has been justified. The influence of the global financial and economic crisis on the reform of the constitutional texts of European states has been studied out. The influence of the budget pact (as an independent constitutional way of overcoming crisis phenomena in the economy) on the mechanisms for realizing the social rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen has been established. It is justified that the introduction of the budget balance implies a restriction on public spending, since the only constitutional way out will be to cut costs, if the income does not cover a certain level of expenditure, and the limits of the deficit and debts have already been overcome. This implies the reduction of social programs, therefore - the possibility of violating citizens' constitutional rights to health, education, social security, etc.

Трансграничное сотрудничество: вызовы и перспективы для горизонтального измерения европейской интеграции

Трансграничное сотрудничество: вызовы и перспективы для горизонтального измерения европейской интеграции

No participation without representation

ABSTRACTHow does the degree to which European citizens see themselves represented by political parties relate to their willingness to participate in an election? We argue that the closer citizens are to the parties running in an election in terms of the socio-economic left-right conflict and the European integration policy dimension, the more likely they participate in elections to the European Parliament. The analysis, which is based on the 2009 and 2014 European Election Studies datasets, indicates that the ideological left-right distance between citizens and parties mattered for participation in both EP elections under study. Moreover, the European integration dimension has become relevant for citizens’ turnout decision over the course of the European economic and sovereign debt crisis, but only in countries that are part of the Eurozone. These findings have implications for the nature of European elections and representative democracy on the European level, and indicate that missing policy responsiveness can lead to lower voter turnout.

From anti-social policy to generalised insecurity: The Greek crisis meets the decline of the European Social Model

Our article examines key aspects of the Greek crisis and explores it under the light of the ongoing decline of the European Social Model. It is argued that the austerity measures implemented as conditions for receiving consecutive ‘bail-out’ loans have had, so far, a very negative impact upon the Greek economy, politics and society. Further, it is argued that labour market reforms underway inGreeceand the rest ofSouthern Europesignal some very worrying developments with respect to the social dimension of European integration. Indeed, especially in the area of collective agreements, when we view these reforms from a European perspective we can identify the rise of wage policy interventionism by the EU; a new process that ‘combines European requirements for national wage and labour market policies with the threat of economic sanctions’ (Busch et al (2013:8). In turn this signals the intensification of the (neo) liberalisation of the European Social Model and puts under severe doubt the prospects for a more socialEuropethat will prioritize social objectives and rights over economic freedoms.

European Security Policy at the End of the Post‐Cold War Era

From today's viewpoint, 2016 may well represent the end of the post‐Cold War era and the general assumptions that are associated with it. These include the beliefs that the United States remains a European power, guaranteeing the territorial integrity of its European NATO allies, that liberal democracy represents the political system widely seen as the only legitimate normative reference point, and that the future of the European Union will be defined by continued integration into an ‘ever closer Union’. These assumptions have been shaken to the core.

The European social and economic model in a time of crisis, in the opinion of the Commission of Bishops’ Conferences (Episcopates) of the European Community (COMECE)

The aim of this article, is to present the position of European churches, which are represented in the Commission of Bishops’ Conferences of the European Community (COMECE), regarding the issue of social and economic model of the European Union in the time of crisis. Article focuses on the reflection of the Commission on social and economic model which was adopted in the EU. The main sources for the purpose of this article, were first and foremost the official documents of COMECE, dedicated to this subject, in the peak of the economic crisis in Europe (2008–2012). The main thesis of the following considerations is that, the economic dimension of European integration and socio-economic model of free market economy, which was adopted in the EU, in its current form, in times of crisis, has become the subject of strong criticism by the COMECE.

Consideration and Choice: Analyzing Party Choice in the Swedish European Election 2014

For a long time the question of to what extent party choice in the European Parliament (EP) elections is primarily dependent on voters’ orientations towards the European Union (EU) or just a mere reflection of orientations towards issues and actors in national politics has been debated. By combining insights from individual‐level models of party choice in second‐order elections with theories of sequential decision making this article investigates if, how and at what stages in the decision process attitudes to European integration matters for party choice. In line with previous work on first and second decision rule criteria in EP elections, this article develops and tests hypotheses about how voters’ orientations work at different stages of the voter decision process. The findings, based on Swedish data from a probability‐based three‐wave Internet campaign panel, indicate that many voters are in fact considering more than one party to vote for in the beginning of the election campaign. As expected, left‐right orientations function as a main decision rule with respect to which parties voters even consider voting for, while proximity on the European integration dimension mainly matters as a second decision rule in the final stage of the decision process. Using a sequential model with consideration and choice stages, the article reveals a much larger complimentary effect of EU proximity on party choice than has generally been found in previous research. This serves as a distinct contribution to the emerging research field of individual party choice in second‐order elections.

The Company You Keep: How Voters Infer Party Positions on European Integration from Governing Coalition Arrangements

AbstractRecent studies document that voters infer parties’ left‐right positions from governing coalition arrangements. We show that citizens extend this coalition‐based heuristic to the European integration dimension and, furthermore, that citizens’ coalition‐based inferences on this issue conflict with alternative measures of party positions derived from election manifestos and expert placements. We also show that citizens’ perceptions of party positions on Europe matter, in that they drive substantial partisan sorting in the electorate. Our findings have implications for parties’ election strategies and for mass‐elite policy linkages.

The epistemic dimension of European integration

This paper departs from the assumption that European integration – in addition to the dimensions of political institutions, markets, and European Union (EU) law – also comprises an epistemic dimension. This dimension contains the concepts and meanings that tell us what an integrated Europe “is,” how it works, and how we could evaluate it. Against this background, the paper develops an account to discuss the role of EU studies in the broader process of European integration. Its particular focus is on how EU studies co-produce conceptual discourses and representations of the EU together with EU politics. Moreover, these concepts and representations inform institutions that link those academic communities to the EU and make the development of EU studies a partial dimension of European integration.

THE ROLE OF EDUCATION IN THE PROCESS OF INTEGRATION WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION: DUTIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF MARMARA UNIVERSITY

The Copenhagen criteria, that have been restated with greater emphasis at the Helsinki Summit in the last month of 1999, and pointed out as absolute conditions to be met on equal grounds by all the candidate countries for membership, require harmonisation of measures in all areas with the norms of the European Union. An inseperable dimension of European integration, that has been progressing through economic and monetary issues and eventually moving towards political unification, is without doubt the area of education.