Different Forms Of Governance Research Articles

Policy utilisation of occupational safety and health research: results from a tripartite unicameral parliamentary system in Denmark

Background: Use of research evidence in policy decisions is under-researched. Especially, there is a need for more research in countries with different forms of government than bicameral legislatures. Aims and objectives: This article examines the impact of occupational safety and health (OSH) research on decision-makers in a tripartite unicameral parliamentary system (legislature and agreements). More specifically, we identify and discuss information acquisition and types of research use in policy decisions. Methods: Using both semi-structured and structured questions, we conducted 30 interviews distributed evenly within three groups of elite political actors: elected members of parliament; top-level public administrators; and social partner politicians. Analysis and reporting were subject to investigator triangulation. Findings: The three groups of elite political actors acquire information about OSH issues from different sources. The most important are: interest groups, networks and internal specialists. Findings show that elite actors generally use research knowledge conceptually and instrumentally, and to a lesser degree strategically and tactically. Many types of information influence politicians. They mostly perceive themselves as initiators of new research. The social partners primarily perceive themselves as users of new research results to initiate change and influence political decisions. Discussion and conclusion: How and when research knowledge is used differs between the three groups. It is important for researchers to tailor research communication to the particular needs of different stakeholders and interact directly with the elite actors and indirectly through lower level specialists from stakeholder organisations, and gain exposure through external sources such as the press and social media.

The Structure of the Ideal Society in “the Book of the Body Politic” of Christine de Pizan (1406—1407)

The article examines the social model of the ideal state found in the treatise of Christine de Pizan “The Book of the Body Politic” (1406—1407). In the times when the political philosophy of modernity didn’t have its own political language, the French writer of the 15th century offers readers a model of a just state, which is ruled by an educated and pious monarch, surrounded by wise advisers. This treatise is structured around the concept of the body politic and it combines different literary traditions, instructing chivalry, discussing different forms of government and describing social groups of the third estate. Christine de Pizan’s social model for the first time grants the third estate some political subjectivity, allows to act as a full participant in political processes: in the third estate the author sees supporting royalist forces. The image of an ideal society outlined in the “Book of the Body Politic” is one of the first speculative political and philosophical models of the state proposed by humanist intellectuals of the 15th — 16th centuries.

New Dynamics of the “Post-COVID-19 Era”: A Legal Conundrum

AbstractIn this Article we analyze whether and how the legal reactions to COVID-19 brought permanent changes to three main areas that are at the very basis of the study of comparative constitutional law: the horizontal separation of powers in different forms of government; the vertical separation of powers and its effects on forms of state; and the reviewability of limitations to human rights and personal freedoms by bodies exercising constitutional review. Rather than just examining and categorizing the reactions, we search for the political, institutional, factual, and sometimes even cultural rationales at the basis of each trend. Our claim is that COVID-19 was a driving force for relevant changes in the three analyzed areas, but we also recognize that these changes did not come “out of the blue,” as they were already “latent” in considered legal systems. The analysis demonstrates that the traditional categories we use to classify the forms of government, forms of state, and the mechanisms of constitutional review, although being useful paradigms to study these topics, have in themselves the potential to be “stretched,” and even unhinged, when global and long-lasting emergencies, as COVID-19, are in place.

Establishing Adaptive Governance in NFDI Consortia:

There is widespread support for patient and public involvement (PPI) as an ethical requirement in biomedical research and policy development [1, 2], including research using personal health data, such as genomic data [3]. Sharing genomic and other personal health data is important for progress in health research [4], but poses ethical, legal and societal challenges for the governance of research and the institutions that conduct and support it. These challenges arise in part from the varied interests of the stakeholders involved, including patients, researchers, and funders [5]. In recent years, there has been a rise in collaborations between research institutions that conduct joint research programs. In these research consortia, the objectives and stakeholders in research are multiplied and more varied, making governance even more complex [6]. There has been debate about strengths and weaknesses of different forms of governance of research, with proponents of adaptive governance highlighting its responsiveness and flexibility to evolving goals and needs of stakeholders [5, 7]. However, there are no set standards for involving patients in the governance of health research. Moreover, as it is a highly context-specific process, cultural, legal and social contexts of the individual institutions or consortia must be considered. Within the German National Research Data Infrastructure (NFDI), there are consortia supporting research with personal health data, one of which is the German Human Genome-Phenome Archive (GHGA) [8]. We describe GHGA’s PaGODA Project (Patient Involvement in the Governance of an Omics Data Archive), whose goals are to gather patients’ views for their involvement in the governance of GHGA by conducting deliberative forums, and to implement these views. We focus here on the process of translating the findings from the forums into the GHGA governance policy, and identify procedural factors that were important for the process.

Governance determinants of health: exploring the structural impact of politicalization, bureaucratization and medical standardization on health inequity

PurposeUnequal social conditions that provide people with unequal opportunities to live healthy lives are considered unjust and associated with “health inequity”. Governing power is impacting people's lives through laws, policies and professional decisions, and can be used intentionally to combat health inequity by addressing and changing people's living- and working conditions. Little attention is paid to how these ways of exercising governing power unintentionally can structure further conditions for health inequity. In this paper, the authors coin the term “governance determinants of health” (GDHs). The authors' discussion of GDHs potential impact on health inequity can help avoid the implementation of governing strategies with an adverse impact on health equality. This paper aims to discuss the aforementioned objective.Design/methodology/approachThe authors identify Governance Determinants of Health, the GDHs. GDHs refer to governance strategies that structurally impact healthcare systems and health equality. The authors focus on the unintended, blind sides of GDHs that maintain or reinforce the effects of socioeconomic inequality on health.FindingsThe power to organize healthcare is manifested in distinct structural approaches such as juridification, politicalization, bureaucratization and medical standardization. The authors explore the links between different forms of governance and health inequalities.Research limitations/implicationsThe authors' discussion in this article is innovative as it seeks to develop a framework that targets power dynamics inherent in GHDs to help identify and avoid GDHs that may promote unequal access to healthcare and prompt health inequity. However, this framework has limitations as the real-world, blurred and intertwined aspects of governing instruments are simplified for analytical purposes. As such, it risks overestimating the boundaries between the separate instruments and reducing the complexity of how the GDHs work in practice. Consequently, this kind of theory-driven framework does not do justice to the myriad of peoples' complex empirical practices where GDHs may overlap and intertwine with each other. Nevertheless, this framework can still help assist governing authorities in imagining a direction for the impacts of GDHs on health equity, so they can take precautionary steps to avoid adverse impacts.Originality/valueThe authors develop and explore – and demonstrate – the relevance of a framework that can assist governing authorities in anticipating the impacts of GDHs on health inequity.

Semantic structure of the concept "patriotism" through the prism of linguocognitivistics

The verbalization of the concept of "patriotism" is a fairly common phenomenon in the sociolinguistic space. In this regard, there is no doubt that the meaningful behavior of the structure of the sema patriotism and its derivatives is a subject of scientific interest. Being international in use, the lexeme representing the presented concept has semantic correlates in regions with different forms of government (for example, allegiance), historical and spiritual baggage. The author notes that the seme patriotism is predisposed to the explicative formation of a whole spectrum of meanings capable of accommodating lexemes within a specific context in the content space, both direct, primary meaning and secondary, projective meanings fixed in communicative practice. The author states that the semantic structure of the presented concept is characterized by a connotatively positive use, transmitting to the addressee not only a system of values, but also characterizing a class of people (patriots). The article states that the associative space of the presented unit of language and its derivatives is anthropocentric, and the implicitly present structural elements find expression in implicates that make the realization of the nuclear meaning in one of its many variants unique. The research is based on the methodological foundations and principles of the analysis of language as a mirror of national culture, developed in modern cognitive linguistics.

Historical changes in politeness norms

Abstract Although French courtly models spread to Europe, little research has compared the development of politeness in France with more remote European linguacultures. To fill this gap, I examine folk understandings of historical politeness in Finnish and French linguacultures. Concentrating on cultural outsiders’ own understandings – that is, French people living in Finland and Finns who live or have lived in France – my study lies within the framework of a discursive approach, and draws upon data from five focus-group discussions and their dialogical discourse analysis. My study shows that the different forms of government, levels of urbanisation and branches of Christianity reportedly influenced differences in Finnish and French politeness. Yet, during participants’ stays in these respective countries, an affinity towards politeness was described as stemming from globalisation. Future research should examine if the frames of expectations of politeness in Europe are generally moving closer towards one another.

Justifying types of representative democracy: a response

ABSTRACT This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform.

Evolution of the form of governance in the Republic of Armenia

The article relates to the evolution of the form of governance in the process of state and constitutional construction of the Republic of Armenia, the mechanisms of separation of branches of state power under different forms of governance, the mechanisms of ensuring balance, restraints and counterbalances, the powers of state institutions, their relations, as well as issues of mutual control. The theoretical basis of the article is the scientific works dedicated to the forms of mutual control. The normative-legal basis of the study is the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia of 1995 and the constitutional amendments of 2005 and 2015, as well as the Constitution of the Russian Federation and constitutions other states. Using both the general research methods (historical, analytical) and special legal methods (systemic-structural, comparative legal) to study the topic, the authors analyzed the constitutional legislation of the Republic of Armenia and the experience of public administration of the last thirty years, identified the existing theoretical and practical problems, conclusions are formulated

The Concept of ‘Oriental Despotism’ in Modern Japanese Intellectual Discourse

This article explores the historical semantic changes of the concept ‘Oriental despotism’ in modern Japan. In premodern Japanese political discourses, the term sensei (despotic rule) was already widely known among Confucian scholars via the ancient Chinese classic Zuo Zhuan. However, it was the introduction and wide circulation of Montesquieu’s De l‘esprit des lois (The Spirit of Law, 1748) in the early Meiji period that instilled in the modern Japanese language the concept Toyoteki senseishugi (Oriental despotism), a complex orientalist explanation of Asia’s authoritarian system of rules. Though first a concept that informed the Meiji authority of the civilizational hierarchy of different forms of government and warned of the need for constitutional democracy, Oriental despotism became, in the course of Japan’s growing encounters with its Asian neighbours after the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), the theoretical premise of a ‘stagnant Asia’ and served as an ideological justification for Japan’s expansion in Asia. This article analyses the different perspectives, arguments, and rhetorical manoeuvres of the Japanese political and social scientists who most actively contributed to the discourse on Oriental despotism from the early Meiji period to the postwar era. It identifies four independent yet related discourses on Oriental despotism in modern Japan and argues that the influx to Japan in the 1930s and 1940s of theories on society’s modern transformation had ultimately determined how this concept would be interpreted, applied, and understood in postwar Japan.

A necessary evil? Examining the complexities of care and commodification

In this article, I draw on a case study of interviews with Ontario grass-fed beef farmers about cow welfare and theorize these using the analytics of animal geographies and biopolitics. I engage with the former's work on animal agency and subjectivity, and the latter's focus on animal commodification, showing how welfare practices impact cows’ subjectivities, agencies, bodies, and interrelations. I make clear that cows exercise agency in their relationships with farmers, despite and in response to the different forms of governance that shape cows’ welfare and relationships with farmers. Analyzing welfare practices as different forms of biopower, I show how cows’ liveliness impacts their commodity value and describe the contexts in which farmers build emotional and disciplinary connections to cows. Central to my argument is that cows’ subjective and agentic features complement and complicate their commodification. Fusing animal geographies and biopolitics, I extend my analysis of cow welfare into a discussion of the emotional, economic, and ethically complex relationships between farmers and cows. Lastly, I contribute to emerging debates in literature on the complexities of caring and killing in human-animal relations through my analyses of welfare as an avenue for exploring the function of care, commodification, and killing in farmer-cow relations. Attending to these complexities, I argue, disrupts fixed logic about the ethics of animal production, while prompting us to rethink the way we relate with animals we call food.

Mistrust in public health institutions is a stronger predictor of vaccine hesitancy and uptake than Trust in Trump

Study goalThis study examines the sources of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and refusal in Americans by decomposing different forms of government trust/mistrust including trust in Trump and mistrust in public health institutions. MethodsUsing linear panel regression models with data from 5,446 US adults (37,761 responses) from the Understanding America Survey, the likelihoods of vaccine hesitancy, uptake, and trust in various information sources were examined. Results and conclusionWe find that the likelihoods of hesitancy and having negative perceptions of COVID-19 vaccines were consistently much higher among PHI mistrusters, showing even a stronger hesitancy than Trump trusters. This tendency has persisted over time, resulting in only 49% of PHI mistrusters having been vaccinated in the most recent survey wave. However, a large portion of PHI mistrusters still trusted physicians, family, and friends. These findings suggest that mistrust in PHIs is a salient predictor of vaccine hesitancy and reduced uptake on its own, which is compounded by trust in Trump.

Analysis Of The Existence Of Indigenous Peoples In The Implementation Of Nagari Government In Solok Regency (Case Study: Nagari Cupak, Gunung Talang District)

This study aims to determine the analysis of the existence of indigenous peoples in the administration of nagari government in Solok Regency and to describe what are the strengths in the analysis of the existence of indigenous peoples in the administration of nagari government in Solok Regency. This research is qualitative in nature using descriptive methods, so this writer will describe what was done in analyzing the existence of indigenous peoples in the administration of nagari government in Solok Regency, the obstacles encountered in realizing the existence of indigenous peoples and efforts to solve them. The results of this study are the State's effort to apply the same principle in village governance arrangements with different forms of government, which is an effort to keep diversity in unity. However, equating the principle of regulation in a communal society such as Nagari with the Village, in the end resulted in problems in the Nagari Government. The combination of adat and public administration in the context of a hybrid system has made Nagari the same as Desa. The enactment of Law number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages which was responded to by Regional Regulation Number 7 of 2018 has strengthened the position of the Nagari Government as a traditional village with another name. Unfortunately, there is still no customary government that is autonomous according to its special rights of origin. The regulation of Traditional Villages with other names is recognized by the state as long as they do not conflict with the principles of Village regulations regulated by law. The Nagari Government Regulation in Regional Regulation Number 7 of 2018 concerning Nagari which strengthens Nagari as a Traditional Village with another name is still a hybrid system. The existence of Nagari which was revived by the government is something that makes the Nagari people have too high expectations that their management will be able to be managed as Nagari used to be thick with traditional values. If the government does not fully provide genuine autonomy, the advice that researchers can give is the separation between traditional villages and administrative villages.

Reversals of fortune: Shared governance, “democracy,” and reiterated problem-solving

What can the deep past tell us about how “good government” is instituted, replicated, and maintained through time? After a comparative look at late prehistoric political formation in Europe, a case study from Sweden is examined. During the Iron Age, systems of participatory governance developed across Europe, perhaps in response to the autocracies of the previous Bronze Age. Heterarchical structures with systems of checks and balances provided voice for ordinary people, as well as leaders, but there were clear “reversals of fortune,” as autocracy and more egalitarian structures were interspersed through time. The so-called “Long Iron Age” is consequently seen as an extended period of tension between different forms of government, different political ideologies, and the dynamic negotiation of socio-political norms, with repercussions that extend into recent times.

Eastern question in political and geographical teaching of V.I.Lamanskii

The article deals with the views of the largest Russian Slavist Vladimir Ivanovich Lamansky (1833–1914) on the Eastern Question. Both his published works and manuscripts are used as sources. It is noted that Lamansky, on the base of the ideas of Slavophiles, formulated an original civilizational and political-geographical doctrine, which was developed in the concept of Eurasians. It is pointed out that the specific feature of Lamansky’s approach was a broad philosophical-historical and global-historical view at the Eastern Question. He showed that the significance of the Oriental Question was not limited to the rivalry with Turkey, liberation of the Southern Slavs, capture of Constantinople, and control over the Straits. According to Lamansky, the Eastern Question is an issue of civilizational rifts in Eastern Europe and Asia Minor that lead to the confrontation of two civilizational worlds: the Germanic-Romanic and the Greco-Slavic or the Middle World. The main boundaries of Greco-Slavic civilisation coincide with the borders of the Russian Empire, but the western boundary of this distinctive world remains unstable. Its definition constitutes the main content of the Eastern Question. The political configuration of the Greco-Slavic civilisation corresponds best to the idea of a unified Christian Empire, allowing for different forms of government on different territories. However, the Russian state, as the largest representative of the Middle World, realized a different type of empire - a Europeanizing state, which does not correspond to its global-historical task. The Eastern Question, therefore, was aquestion issue of mutual relations between the Germanic-Romanic and the Middle Worlds. Lamansky argued that its solution could not be purely military. A favourable resolution of the Eastern Question for the Middle World would be a consequence of its successful internal development.

Edward Azar’s Protracted Social Conflict Theory and Drivers of Self-Determination: the Case of Nigeria

Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). To place the discussion in perspective, the paper reviews the existing literature on the subject and also discusses Edward Azar’s protracted social conflict (PSC) theory as the theoretical base. Upon laying the theoretical foundation, the paper situates and evaluates the agitation for self-determination in Nigeria in the light of PSC. Lastly, the paper concludes that instead of seeking self-determination or territorial disintegration, the polity of Nigeria should historically revert to the practice of congenial and connected regionalism.

Роль представницької демократії у сучасних процесах формування української національної ідентичності

Показано, що у процесі взаємодії між владою та суспільством його вихідним моментом є легітимація влади в очах громадян. Зазначено, що демократичні процедури у плюралістичному суспільстві стають базисом легітимності влади. Зауважено, що центральним елементом демократичної легітимації влади та однією з найважливіших складових комунікації влади і суспільства є вибори. Вказано, що у ході електорального процесу численні групові та індивідуальні ідентичності, що існують у суспільстві, у певний спосіб артикулюють себе в публічному просторі, у відкритому та визначеному певними правилами суперництві з іншими. Зазначено, що така артикуляція стає однією з передумов для формування загальнонаціональної ідентичності громадян держави. Доведено, що спільна національна ідея/ідеологія та демократичні засади політичного співжиття є взаємопов’язаними чинниками, оскільки саме формування спільної ідентичності через діалог, через інтеграцію цінностей прав людини, політичних та громадянських свобод до цілої багатовимірної конструкції національної ідентичності може бути фактором консолідації суспільства.

Governance of urban agriculture in African cities: Gaps and opportunities for innovation in Accra, Ghana

Urban agriculture provides one of the most promising areas for innovation in green and blue infrastructure in cities, particularly in developing countries. It can address multiple economic, social and local environmental benefits. Despite this critical role, urban agriculture often faces many challenges, including land competition, lack of urban policy directives, unfair land use planning and land tenure decisions. The presence of such barriers is indicative of critical issues of governance. This article examines various actors’ roles in different forms of governance in improving the sustainability benefits of urban agriculture. It draws policy lessons from Accra, Ghana, through empirical research conducted at two sites. The paper identifies the institutions and actors that govern urban agriculture and points to the problems and potential solutions to sustainable urban agriculture. These problems could be addressed by removing perverse incentives, conflicting regulations and unfair land management decision-making systems and providing more secure land tenure and large-scale technical support for agricultural and environmental management in a tropical urban environment.

Assessing Classic Maya multi-scalar household inequality in southern Belize.

Inequality is present to varying degrees in all human societies, pre-modern and contemporary. For archaeological contexts, variation in house size reflects differences in labor investments and serves as a robust means to assess wealth across populations small and large. The Gini coefficient, which measures the degree of concentration in the distribution of units within a population, has been employed as a standardized metric to evaluate the extent of inequality. Here, we employ Gini coefficients to assess wealth inequality at four nested socio-spatial scales–the micro-region, the polity, the district, and the neighborhood–at two medium size, peripheral Classic Maya polities located in southern Belize. We then compare our findings to Gini coefficients for other Classic Maya polities in the Maya heartland and to contemporaneous polities across Mesoamerica. We see the patterning of wealth inequality across the polities as a consequence of variable access to networks of exchange. Different forms of governance played a role in the degree of wealth inequality in Mesoamerica. More autocratic Classic Maya polities, where principals exercised degrees of control over exclusionary exchange networks, maintained high degrees of wealth inequality compared to most other Mesoamerican states, which generally are characterized by more collective forms of governance. We examine how household wealth inequality was reproduced at peripheral Classic Maya polities, and illustrate that economic inequity trickled down to local socio-spatial units in this prehispanic context.

ONE KOREA: POSSIBILITY AND BENEFITS

This paper analyze the possibility of the unification of South and North Korea and outcome of that process. In order to study the topic analysis of different journals and research papers was used. As a result of that, there is no any progress in the process of unification of two Koreas. Even though there are constant actions towards and both countries dream to have country as One, to see South and North Korea together, the world need to wait for decades. Experts explain it by too different views on the unification process and by which scenario One Korea should develop further. The fact of different forms of government and mindset of population do not make process of unification easier. It also seems that possible unification will not be welcomed by major actors of international relations because they have their own priorities and plans in the region. That is why, the world community does not need to worry about geo-politicalchanges in the map in the near future due to minimization of chances of the unification of South and North Korea.