Diaspora Politics Research Articles

Lithuanians and Ukrainians living in exile: traces of political relations in the West

In raising the issue of Lithuania’s freedom the political diaspora of Lithuanians understood that seeking to maintain the relevance of this problem on the international plane it is important not only to further strengthen relations with other Balts of a similar fate but also to establish contacts with the emigrants of other Eastern European nations which live in dependence of the Soviet Union and by communicating with them to seek for concerted actions in the joint liberation activity. Developing relations between the Lithuanian diaspora and the Ukrainian one became one of the directions of such cooperation. The Diplomatic Service of the Republic of Lithuania followed the principle according to which close relations linking only the Baltic States were possible, excluding Belarus and Ukraine which were in the composition of the Soviet Union before World War II; this fact definitely confirmed the international recognition of the statehood of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. However, taking into consideration the emerging movement of the United States of Europe whose germs dated back to the period before World War II, and which promoted the idea of uniting the states of Eastern and Western Europe, including also Ukraine, the principles which were becoming predominant changed. Supporting the idea of unification, the Ukrainian side, at the beginning offered to apply this model in Eastern Europe, which, seeking to achieve liberation should strive for unity, come together and play an active part beginning with a smaller nucleus. The block formed on the basis of the region (the Black Sea and the Baltic Sea) was seen in which, apart from Ukraine, there should be Belarus (often referred to as Belorussia), Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, and Poland – as an ally of the block. Therefore, approving of nonrecognition of Lithuania’s and other Baltic countries’ joining the USSR, it became important to support liberation of other nations under Soviet domination, including that of Ukrainians. Main factors of the Lithuanian diaspora – the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania or VLIK, the Lithuanian Freedom Committee (LLK), and later (from the 1960s) the Lithuanian World Community, in cooperation with the Lithuanian American Community – became engaged in a search for political relations with the Ukrainians who did not deny historical links and supported the idea of liberation. They expressed the expectations of their Motherland – Ukraine – in the West through the following organisations: the Ukrainian National Council (UNR), the Ukrainians World Congress, the Ukrainian American Congress. Raising the issue of independence of Vilnius and Lvov brough the positions of both the Lithuanian and Ukrainian diasporas closer together. Hence, it can be stated that since the end of the 1940s, Lithuanian political factors, in establishing contacts with the above-mentioned Ukrainian leaders in the West, spoke for promoting cooperation between themselves in the context of Eastern Europe. The course of the process itself was planned until full independence of Lithuania and Ukraine had been achieved, and after freedom for the nations had been regained, it was assured that cooperation would not be withheld and their historical friendship, which had become a tradition, would continue: cultural, political links would further be developed and strengthened and relations between both states would be fostered in the spirit of partnership that had been formed. It is very important that both Lithuania’s and Ukraine’s aspirations towards emancipation from the iron grip of Communism were professed while the diasporas of both nations conducted public anti-Soviet campaigns in the West. The Helsinki process that started in 1975 provided the movement of liberation of Eastern European nations, including Lithuanians and Ukrainians, with the new impetus. New forces that joined the movement did their utmost to strengthen relations between both nations and the dissidents who arrived in the West expanded their cooperation underlying the importance of a unified fight against the communist regime. At the same time the expectations and conviction of the Eastern European nations that Western democracy could be the best example of governance to that part of the old Continent were expressed.

Signs of political contacts between Lithuanian and Polish emigrants in 1940–1990

After annexation of Lithuania by the USSR in 1940, Lithuanian political diaspora in Western countries actively joined the movement for Lithuania’s liberation. Maintenance of relations with emigrants from Eastern and Central European countries, which became dependent on the Soviets, was considered as one of the factors of its enhancement. All this had to contribute to consolidation of powers of all the nations of the aforesaid part of Europe, which were united by the similar goal: to seek liberation and restoration of independence of their homelands. Next to close collaboration with Latvians and Estonians, who shared common destiny, the contacts of Lithuanians with Polish, their historical neighbours, were of utmost importance. Lithuanian-Polish contacts in the West may be described from three perspectives. Firstly, meetings of Lithuanian political leaders with representatives of the Polish government in exile have to be mentioned. Secondly, exchange of opinions between Lithuanian emigrant organisations and relevant Polish institutions in the West is important as well as communication of Lithuanian emigrants with famous Polish personalities in emigration. In the 1940s (1947) already, Vaclovas Sidzikauskas, a representative of the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania (VLIK), which consistently protected the right of Lithuania’s sovereignty abroad, established relations with Adam Tarnowski, a representative of Polish government in exile. The emphasis was laid on the common goal of both nations to restore the independence and on purely peaceful solution to contentious issues. In the 1950s the relations between the Committee for Free Lithuania (LLK) set up in the USA and Polish Political Council (Polska Rada Polityczna) were established. For example, during the meeting of 18 January 1954 they discussed international situation, evaluated the Soviet policies and discussed perspectives of liberation of Lithuania and Poland. Individual initiatives, which promoted the dialogue between Lithuanians and Polish, were also frequent. As early as the middle of the 1950s, the Polish journal “Kultura” published in Paris, already contained articles about perspectives of coexistence of Lithuanian and Polish nations written by Juozas Girnius, Jerzy Giedroyc, Jerzy Iwanowski, Tadeusz Kotelbach, and later by Czesław Miłosz, Zdzisław Rurarz and Tomas Venclova. The relation between Lithuanian and Polish emigrants never seized during the whole period of Lithuania’s liberalisation movement in the West. In the 1970s (October 1978), even before emergence of “Solidarity”, J. Giedroyc met Dr. Juozas K. Valiūnas, Chairperson of VLIK, in Paris. Then the idea of signing the declaration of friendship between Lithuanians and Polish was put forward. In the 1980s, when liberation of Poland and later that of Lithuania were becoming more and more realistic, the agendas of both nations started embracing the relevant issues of dependence of Vilnius region, Archdiocese of Vilnius, Western Ukraine and Belarus and it is not by chance that these issues were also included into the agenda of the Yalta Conference. The most active participants in the discussions were new social-political organisation “Pomost” on the Polish side and the World Lithuanian Community (PLB) on the Lithuanian side. The aspirations of the Lithuanian and Polish nations were expressed in the most moderate way through the Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN) founded in the USA in 1954 and consisting of Eastern and Central European nations. The latter organisation, which regularly organised meetings with the US Administration and clearly determined the goals of the nations, significantly contributed to formation of moral and political support from the West and strengthening of movement of resistance against soviet dependence in Eastern Europe. Generalising, it can be stated that political organisations, which actively participated in the movement for Lithuania’s liberation in the West, maintained contacts with Polish institutions in emigration and built bridges for future alliance of free states of Lithuania and Poland.

Extending comparative typologies of diaspora policies: Towards a "cautiously proactive" diaspora policy state

In the past two decades, the 'diaspora turn' in research and policy has led to the development of several typologies of diaspora policies around the world. This study explores and extends Francesco Ragazzi's established 2014 global typology of diaspora policies. We use in-depth qualitative analysis of Czech diaspora policies to assess the internal validity of the typology and identify new dimensions that are central to our understanding of diaspora politics. We then replicate Ragazzi's quantitative analysis with the inclusion of new data on the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Croatia and Poland, assessing the typology's external validity. We find a new cluster of diaspora policy types, characterized by a “cautiously proactive” mix of diaspora policy mechanisms based on relatively generous cultural and citizenship policies, variably accentuated symbolic policies and limited social and economic policies. We suggest that this mix has been structured by the tension between the countries' commitment to a (neo) liberal emigration regime and the continued importance of ethno-cultural conceptions of nationhood. In addition, we identify three new variables that should be included in future typologies: 1) the volume and distribution of funding for diaspora policy; 2) the symbolic recognition of diaspora in the legal system; 3) policy differentiation among different kinds of diaspora. Our mixed-method approach illustrates the importance of using nuanced qualitative data to provide a meaningful depiction of policy.

Making meaning from the “yo no se:” Agency and truth-telling in Salvadoran women

In this article, we provide lessons learned from studying the ‘reticent’ participants–those whose answers to our questions ranged from “I don’t know” to “minding my own business” to an overpowering silence. These questions were posed to different Salvadoran women residing on Long Island, NY, and were based on two separate research projects–one examining diaspora politics and the other looking at community-policing relations. While combing through the interviews for patterns and themes for our respective research projects, we found combining our analyses helped us discover there is a lot to learn from the “yo no se” (“I don’t know”) responses. We argue this response is an entry point for us, as researchers, to strengthen our qualitative toolbox and, here, we provide tools for how to do this. We call on qualitative scholars to not ignore the silences or “I don’t know” responses and instead see this as a journey to discover the ‘aha’ moments.

Transformasi dari Politik Jarak Jauh ke Politik Identitas di Gerakan Surah Buku Yogyakarta

This article discusses the transformation of the Aceh diaspora political movement in Yogyakarta. By taking the community of Gerakan Surah Buku, this article strengthens Missbach's (2012) argument that the long-distance politics of the Acehnese diaspora has shifted to identity politics, meaning that the long-distance politics of the diaspora has not completely disappeared, but has undergone changes. The position of this article then tries to show these changes through ethnographic research in one of the literacy communities, Gerakan Surah Buku, Yogyakarta. This article shows that the form of identity politics is not only the effect of the shift of long-distance politics, but has become an alternative and creative articulation of the remnants of the previous Acehnese diaspora long-distance political movement. This research uses auto-ethnography, a research method that allows researchers to be directly involved for a long period of time. The article also shows how ethnic identities that are struggling in the diaspora have formed a hybrid culture in articulating trending issues in youth activism movements, such as human rights, peace, justice and freedom.

Raising the Jewish nation: prescriptions of modern motherhood in folksgeszunt to Jews in interwar Eastern Europe

The Society for the Preservation of the Health of the Jewish Population (OZE) was an organisation dedicated to providing medical aid to Eastern European Jews ravaged by war, revolution, poverty...

Moving Beyond Official Cultural Diplomacy: Unleashing the Potential of Moroccan Students as Unofficial Cultural Ambassadors

Cultural diplomacy plays a pivotal role in international relations, enabling states to project their soft power and shape their global image. This paper explores the current state of Moroccan cultural diplomacy, highlighting the need to go beyond official approaches and embrace unofficial cultural diplomacy. While extensive research exists on official cultural diplomacy, little attention has been given to the contribution of Moroccan study-abroad students in bolstering their country's cultural diplomacy and soft power. More specifically, this paper argues that Morocco's cultural diplomacy is primarily politically oriented and institutionally based, relying heavily on the monarchy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The strategic utilization of Morocco's cultural and religious heritage and diaspora politics showcases the government's efforts to secure its regional and global influence. However, these initiatives are largely driven by official institutions and lack the involvement of ordinary citizens. By examining the limitations of official cultural diplomacy, this paper argues for the inclusion of Moroccan study-abroad students as unofficial ambassadors in the service of their country’s cultural diplomacy. Drawing inspiration from successful examples of unofficial diplomacy, this paper advocates for the active participation of Moroccan study-abroad students as unofficial cultural ambassadors. Their unique perspectives, connections, and grassroots status can offer valuable contributions that official diplomats may not possess. This research paper contends that Moroccan study-abroad students have many resources of power that qualify them to leverage their country’s cultural diplomacy. These resources are informality and grassroots engagement, volunteering and community service, and the power of the virtual sphere. By utilizing these power resources, these students have the potential to foster cross-cultural understanding, build relationships, and enhance Morocco's soft power. In conclusion, this paper highlights the need for a paradigm shift in Morocco's cultural diplomacy, advocating for a combination of both official and unofficial cultural diplomacies.

Lithuanian Diaspora in Uruguay During the Beginning of the Cold War

This article studies the problems behind the involvement of the Lithuanian diaspora of Uruguay in the political processes at the beginning of the Cold War (second half of the 1940s – early 1950s). The author considers the history of the formation of the Lithuanian diaspora in the South American country starting from the later period of the Russian Empire and its status in the interwar period in the context of the development of the Lithuanian statehood. Additionally, the article describes the emergence and solution of the problem of refugees and displaced persons after World War II in the international context. It is noted that the refugees and displaced persons were mostly representatives of the Soviet Union (including the Baltic states that became part of the USSR in 1940), Poland, Yugoslavia, and other countries of Eastern Europe. The study proves that in the new historical conditions, there was a change in the social composition of the Lithuanian emigration of Uruguay, which was replenished with political opponents of the Soviet regime, collaborators fleeing retribution, and “Westerners” (defectors). Formed as a result of a global conflict and a new system of international relations, this type of diasporas was called “communities of exiles”, “exiled communities”, or “political diasporas”. The politicised nature of such diasporas, which included post-war Lithuanian emigration to Uruguay, led to its participation in the information confrontation with the USSR in the framework of the Cold War that had begun. In this regard, the author examines the attitude of the Uruguayan authorities to the “emigration governments of the Baltic countries”, and, more particularly, the so-called “Lithuanian government” headed by Mykolas Krupavičius in the USA and his “mission” headed by Kazimiro Grauzhinis in Uruguay. The specifics of the situation with the problems of repatriation in the USSR, which is revealed using materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and emigration periodicals, showed the reaction of the Soviet leadership to the position of Uruguay in relation to Soviet displaced persons (including within the new borders). The author concludes that in the context of intra-diaspora splits, immediately after the war, the nationalist-minded part of the Lithuanian emigration was an active participant of all anti-Soviet campaigns, using finances and all possible information resources for this (primarily, the United States). Hence, the unconditional orientation towards Washington of this part of the diasporas, including the Lithuanian one, which was called upon to sow anti-Russian sentiments and support the negative image of the USSR in the public opinion of the West, becomes obvious and logical.

U.S. mobilization of its domestic diaspora: Strategic leveraging of an un[der]tapped foreign policy resource

AbstractThe historic diaspora diplomacy literature has generally characterized politically active diaspora as foreign agents leveraged by their ancestral homeland to shape the foreign policy of their host nation. As such, diaspora groups have generally been assessed as net negatives on the foreign policy of their host nations, or as working against the common good of the host nation. This work seeks to challenge this narrow conceptualization and demonstrate that, when considered within a broader historical timeline, granted agency, and contextualized within a networked society, emergent mechanisms for state mobilization of diaspora groups to achieve foreign policy objectives become apparent. This work is focused exclusively on political diaspora groups within the United States and investigates select case studies to demonstrate the evolving nature of U.S.–diaspora relations and the opportunities presented as a result. The work concludes with several policy recommendations, derived from lessons learned within the case studies.Related ArticlesBayes, Jane H., and Laura Gonzalez. 2011. “Globalization, Transnationalism, and Intersecting Geographies of Power: The Case of the Consejo Consultivo del Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior (CC‐IME): A Study in Progress.” Politics & Policy 39(1): 11–44. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00281.x.Huijgh, Ellen. 2017. “Indonesia's ‘Intermestic’ Public Diplomacy: Features and Future.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 762–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12221.Singh, Amit, and Amit Sarwal. 2017. “Paraspara, Encounters, and Confluences: India's Soft Power Objective in the Indo‐Pacific Region.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 733–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12222.

Performance, Art, and Politics in the African Diaspora: Necropolitics and the Black Body by Myron Beasley (review)

Performance, Art, and Politics in the African Diaspora: Necropolitics and the Black Body by Myron Beasley (review)

Alexander Kitroeff, The Greeks and the Making of Modern Egypt; and Angelos Dalachanis, The Greek Exodus from Egypt: Diaspora Politics and Emigration, 1937–1962

Review of Alexander Kitroeff, The Greeks and the Making of Modern Egypt. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2019. 256 pp; Angelos Dalachanis, The Greek Exodus from Egypt: Diaspora Politics and Emigration, 1937–1962. New York: Berghahn, 2017. 288 pp.

Diaspora Mobilization and Identity Construction of Ukrainian Immigrants in Turkey: “Ukrainians Started to Become More Ukrainian”

Abstract The article analyzes the role of Ukrainian associations on construction of immigrant identity in Turkey at the intersection of diaspora politics and diaspora-lived experiences. Ukrainian immigrant associations – whose numbers and members rapidly increased after Russia’s annexation of Crimea – became critical players in immigrants’ ethno-national identity construction. This aligned with the Ukrainian government’s changing diaspora policy and shaped immigrants’ relationship with the homeland. The associations, therefore, facilitated diaspora activism from above and below. These associations are mainly engaged in activities related to the teaching of Ukrainian language, history, and culture so that immigrants can distinguish themselves from Russians and discover their own uniqueness. They also consider the migrant status of Ukrainians in Turkey and develop an awareness of ethno-national identity by negotiating transnational identities.

Migrant remittances and diaspora policies in Africa

Recent years have seen a substantial increase in remittances from diaspora communities to their home countries, prompting developing economies to establish and enhance institutional mechanisms. These mechanisms aim to channel and leverage the emotional connections of emigrants to their native lands for economic purposes. This article concentrates on the influence of migrant remittances on the formulation of diaspora policies in Africa. It closely examines two clusters encompassing a total of 8 states recognized as leaders in terms of migrant remittances’ share in GDP and their absolute value, respectively. The article evaluates three primary categories of tools and practices that structure diaspora cooperation: formal institutional means, economic tools, and socio-cultural practices. The research applies a neo-institutional approach, conceiving diaspora policy as a network of interconnected practices across various spheres. By comparing cases within and between these clusters, it demonstrates diverse approaches to developing diaspora cooperation mechanisms. Additionally, the authors outline the most promising pathways for advancing diaspora policies while identifying existing barriers.They advocate for the establishment of distinct platforms for diaspora representation, deepening cooperation between origin and host states, and extending certain diaspora policy mechanisms to subnational and supranational levels. However, the development of diaspora politics in the examined cases is impeded by insufficient resources, weak state institutions, and state reluctance to cede control over their population's interaction with external actors. Despite the prevalent notion that the evolution of diaspora cooperation mechanisms correlates with the volume of migrant remittances, empirical analysis within the African context exposes the explanatory limitations of such a model.

Performance, Art, and Politics in the African Diaspora: Necropolitics and the Black Body , by Myron M. Beasley

Performance, Art, and Politics in the African Diaspora: Necropolitics and the Black Body , by Myron M. Beasley

Bharati Mukherjee’s Politics of Diaspora in The Tiger’s Daughter

Mukherjee’s debut novel The Tiger’s Daughter (1971), critiques the Indian sixties from the perspective of a young expatriate, Tara Banerjee Cartwright, who returns to India after a seven-year stay in America only to find that the nation is vastly different from how it is pictured in her cherished memory. This article traces the journey of the protagonist from a bitterly disillusioned expatriate to a patient immigrant who reinvents herself to navigate the unfamiliar American socio-cultural terrain. It shows how Mukherjee captures the dissonance between the imagined homeland and its bitter realities to undermine the myth of return typical of the immigrant journey. In focusing on Mukherjee’s sustained meditation on the discontents and delights of being an immigrant in America, this essay significantly adds to the body of literature that analyses the novelist’s take on the immigration debates. We argue that even as early as 1971, Bharati Mukherjee’s fictional vision grapples with the spirit of transnationalism, a concept coeval with the early nineties which articulates how migrant diasporans can negotiate their identity in the hostland.

Building bridges of various sorts: Old and new migrant transnationalism among Uruguayans in Spain

AbstractThis study explores emigrants' motivations to form associations, their activities and engagement with home politics, and whether diaspora policies impinge on their practices. It focuses on Uruguayans abroad, who are a relevant case of migrant transnationalism. Building upon qualitative methods, it investigates their associational life in a main destination: Spain. The findings contribute to expand our knowledge of a relatively less studied diaspora, document associations' transnational activities and evolution and revisit debates on the dynamics of diaspora politics and transnational engagements with home/host politics, which in this case remain intermittent and fragmented, albeit intense and highly localized. The notion of building bridges of various sorts emerges as a signifier that gives meaning to individual and collective engagements. This opens new research venues and contributes to analytical refinement as to incorporate migrant transnational practices that are not neatly patterned, sustained in time and simultaneously identifiable in host and home contexts.

“Fearing your own queer self”: Depictions of Diasporic Queer Experience in Grace Lau’s Poetry

The intersection of migrant and queer experiences constitutes one of the core motifs of The Language We Were Never Taught to Speak (2021), the debut poetry collec- tion by Grace Lau, a Chinese Canadian poet. Through a series of interconnected vignettes, Lau provides an insight into her experiences as both a Canadian and a Chinese immigrant, a lesbian and a failed model child, an aficionado of traditional Chinese culture and an en- thusiast of contemporary Western popular culture. The mosaic of experiences illustrates the complexity and intricacy of the author’s identity/ies. Through the analysis of three poems (“The Levity,” “The Lies That Bind,” and “My Grief Is a Winter”), supported with references to the theoretical works on Asian North American writing and queer Asian mi- grant experience, the article discusses Lau’s depictions of queerness and her experiences as a Chinese immigrant in relation to the Canadian LGBTQ+ community, white queer liberalism, and internal politics of the Chinese diaspora. It proposes to see Lau’s poetry as an example of biomythography, a form of autobiographical writing showcasing how encounters with different communities shape the subject. In the process of disentangling her complex ties with the Chinese diaspora, the white Canadian LGBTQ+ community and her own family, Lau reveals the impact of her interactions with those different groups as she can finally express her identity as a queer Chinese Canadian.

Can a ‘Realist Pan-Africanism’ Be a Relevant Tool Toward the Transformation of African and African Diaspora Politics? Imagining a Pan-African State

Can a ‘Realist Pan-Africanism’ Be a Relevant Tool Toward the Transformation of African and African Diaspora Politics? Imagining a Pan-African State

Dual‐facing bridges and brokers: Diaspora politics and Chinese voluntary associations

This commentary introduces the term ‘dual facing’ to describe the way that Chinese voluntary associations orientate themselves as collectives situated between the ancestral land (China) and their countries of settlement. The commentary uses examples of Chinese voluntary associations in Singapore and Myanmar to reflect on China's longstanding presence and expanding reach in Southeast Asia, including through its diaspora engagement with the Chinese abroad. It argues that such associations are embedded not only in the nation‐building efforts of their countries of settlement, but also the ancestral land. However, this dual‐facing orientation also means that they can become embroiled in conflictual domestic and foreign politics at both ends, potentially jeopardising how they are otherwise seen as bridges and brokers by China and in the countries where have settled.

“Us” and “others”: the Chinese diaspora in Japan and the negotiation of their membership in the sphere of Chineseness

“‘Us’ and ‘Others’: The Chinese Diaspora in Japan and the Negotiation of Their Membership in the Sphere of Chineseness” examines the way first-generation Chinese diaspora in Japan make sense of their relationships with the Chinese nation. With empirical evidence collected from both the in-depth interview with 69 informants and the media ethnographic observation with 26 research participants, this thesis contributes to conceptualize the diasporic experiences as well as the identity politics of the Chinese diaspora who live in a crucial era – while we have witnessed China’s rise and its transition from a diminishing to a returning power, as a response to this Japan has continuously articulated a “China threat” discourse, which not only further promotes its ethno-nationalistic ideology, but also directing the ethnicity-based marginality toward the Chinese diaspora in Japan. In this context, this thesis contributes to present that while these events create complex Sino-Japanese power dynamics, the presence of digital media means that the Chinese diaspora in Japan are influenced by them in a new way – “new” in the sense that the digital mediation fills those power and forces into every dimension of their lives, making their daily reality a constant identity negotiation.