Determinants Of Public Opinion Research Articles

Public Opinion on the Minimum Age of Criminal Responsibility: The Role of Cognition and Emotions

Given that young people have a limited capacity to recognize the unlawfulness of their actions, the minimum age of criminal responsibility (MACR) presents an important subject of professional and political inquiry. In addition to the natural and legal sciences, public opinion is confirmed to influence the decision-making of legislators in the matter of criminal policy. Research on determinants of public opinion on the MACR is relatively scarce; however, some studies focusing on punitiveness in general suggest that it is influenced by both cognitive assessments as well as emotions and beliefs. Using a representative sample of Czech citizens, this study finds public support for a lower MACR to be particularly driven by their perception of children crime trend, mediated through people's negative attitude toward the behaviour of today's children.

Creating Climate Coalitions: Mass Preferences for Compensating Vulnerability in the World’s Two Largest Democracies

Combating climate change requires large economic adjustments with significant distributional implications. To build coalitions of support, scholars and policy makers propose compensating individuals who will bear decarbonization’s costs. What are the determinants of public opinion regarding climate compensation and investment? We theorize that climate policy vulnerability and climate change vulnerability induce support for distinct types of climate policy. Fielding original surveys in the United States and India, we show that people who reside in coal-producing regions prefer compensation for lost jobs. The general public privileges diffuse redistribution mechanisms and investments, discounting compensation to targeted groups. Those who are both physically and economically vulnerable have cross-cutting preferences. Nevertheless, there is considerable support across our samples for policies that compensate different coalitions of climate-vulnerable citizens, in line with theories of “just energy” transition and embedded liberalism. We trace the distinctive compensatory preferences of fossil fuel communities to a logic of shared community identities.

CONTENT ANALYSIS OF READERS’COMMENTS ON MEDIA AGGREGATOR AS FEEDBACK AND FORM OF PUBLIC OPINION ABOUT COVID-19

In the development of communication industry, mass media have evolved and brought the existence of a news aggregator. In Indonesia, a Japanese-based instant messaging apps company has expanded its platform to news aggregator named LINE Today. LINE Today allow their users to share their feedback regarding to the presented news as comments, and narrowed feedback can create the public opinion. In the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic the news outlet is currently tinged with news about it. This research would like to explore how the public opinion of Indonesian about Covid-19 through the news comments in LINE Today. With quantitative content analysis method, the most commented news about Covid-19 in LINE Today constructed with three kinds of feedback trigger and three determinants of public opinion. The result has shown that the Covid-19 news comments in LINE Today are mostly triggered by the relationship between the commentator and the news subject. Indonesian public opinions regarding to the news about Covid-19 in LINE Today Indonesia are mostly determined by their belief not by fact.

Understanding economic and cultural underpinnings of anti-immigrant attitudes: multilevel evidence from the Asian Barometer Survey Wave IV (2014–2016)

AbstractA large body of research exists concerning determinants of public opinion on immigration and immigrants, primarily based on Western countries. Given that South–South migratory flows have increased dramatically in recent decades, we contribute to the literature by analyzing cross-national probability data in the Asian context. Using multilevel modeling, we derive and test economic and cultural hypotheses concerning natives’ support for restrictive immigration policy. Results show that at the individual level, along with xenophobic tendency, personal financial insecurity, unequal material distribution in society, and sociotropic economic concern all significantly predict the outcome. As a theoretical contribution, contextual effects are also reported: living in a subnational region with more national pride and with higher parochialism is positively associated with it.

Creating Climate Coalitions: Mass Preferences for Compensating Vulnerability in the World’s Two Largest Democracies

Combating climate change requires large economic adjustments with significant distributional implications. To build coalitions of support, scholars and policymakers propose compensating individuals who will bear decarbonization's costs. What are the determinants of public opinion regarding climate compensation and investment? We present theory to explicate how distinct sources of vulnerability influence preferences for different types of climate policy. Fielding original surveys in the United States and India, we show that people who reside in coal-producing regions prefer compensation for lost jobs. The general public privileges diffuse redistribution mechanisms and investments, discounting compensation to targeted groups. Those who are both physically and economically vulnerable have cross-cutting preferences. Nevertheless, there is considerable support across our samples for policies that compensate different coalitions of climate vulnerable citizens, in line with theories of `just energy' transition and embedded liberalism. We connect the distinctive compensatory preferences of fossil fuel communities to a logic of shared identities.

Social Trust and Public Opinion about Territorial Disputes: Evidence from a Survey in India

Abstract This article explores the sources of public opinion about territorial disputes. Specifically, it investigates the impact of one particular character trait—social trust—on the policy preferences of Indian citizens in the context of the Sino-Indian dispute over Arunachal Pradesh/South Tibet. We argue that social trust shapes how a citizen thinks about a given territorial dispute and influences which policy options this individual favors in response to another country's claim. Our empirical analysis is based on original survey data collected in the National Capital Territory of Delhi (NCT) in January/February 2017. In line with our theoretical expectations, we find that high-trust individuals are: (1) more likely to regard China's claim to Arunachal Pradesh/South Tibet as legitimate; (2) more willing to favor the onset of conflict management; and (3) more supportive of concessions. This article therefore adds to a growing literature examining the individual-level determinants of public opinion in territorial disputes.

Attitudes toward legalization of marijuana in the United States, 1986-2016: Changes in determinants of public opinion

BackgroundBased on recent research in political science, which has conceptualized political party affiliation as a form of social identity, the present study examined political ideology, party affiliation, and associated control measures as determinants of attitudes toward marijuana legalization. The research, which examined attitudes at 16 points in time across a 30-year period, anticipated an increasingly important role for party affiliation, given increased partisanship in the United States. MethodsDrawing on data gathered in the General Social Survey, the study used binary logistic regression analysis to test the explanatory effects of ideology, affiliation and control measures on support for marijuana legalization. ResultsAs anticipated, political ideology showed significance as an explanatory measure across the 30-year period, but party affiliation did not become a consistent, statistically controlled determinant until 2004, when Republicans began to express significantly less support than Democrats and Independents. In terms of demographic control measures, the study found males and younger respondents to express greater support for legalization. In recent periods of study, White and Black respondents expressed greater support than minorities apart from African Americans, while education level and region of the country showed sporadic explanatory significance. ConclusionWhile political ideology, conceived as a form of personal identity, predicted attitudes toward marijuana legalization across 30 years of analysis, party affiliation, conceived as a form of group identity, became a consistently significant predictor in the 21st century. This finding suggests increases in partisanship and group identity, which in turn suggest potential increases in the politicization of drug policy. The article concludes with limitations and recommendations for future research.

Determinants of Arab public opinion on the Caliphate: Islamist elites, religiosity and socioeconomic conditions

What are the determinants of public opinion on the issue of the Caliphate in the Arab world? My answer to this question outlines the key role played by Islamist elites, religiosity and age in influencing Arab opinion on the issue of the Caliphate in three countries during the early Age of Islamism (1980s–1990s). I do so by using Binary Logistic Regression Models on observations that I found in survey data collected in 1988 in Egypt and Kuwait, and an Ordinal Logistic Regression Model for data collected in Palestine in 1995. My results suggest that elites play a key role in spreading Islamist ideas in Egypt and Palestine, while age and religiosity are most salient in Kuwait.

Perception of the Effectiveness of Health-related Campaigns among the Adult Population: An Analysis of Determinants.

Background: Social campaigns focusing on health are commonly used within an attempt to change behavior. To date, there has not been a targeted analysis of societies’ general perception about social campaigns. The aim of this study is to assess citizens’ opinions on the effectiveness of health-related social campaigns. Methods: The data set used in the analysis was obtained from Poland’s nationwide “Social Diagnosis” study. The determinants of public opinion were assessed using a multivariate logistic regression. The independent variables included socio-demographic characteristics, lifestyle, social participation, and the use of digital media. Results: The logistic regression model was developed using 23,593 cases. Opinions about the effectiveness of campaigns depended on all the predictors included in the socio-demographic cluster, smoking, self-declared excessive alcohol consumption, physical activity, the use of mobile phones, and watching TV. A significant impact was found in all but one variable related to social participation. Conclusions: The analysis revealed that opinions about social campaigns present in the media “landscape” are influenced by many factors. Interestingly, persons exhibiting unhealthy behaviors are more resistant to health-related campaigns and surprisingly the need to make use of healthcare resources is not accompanied by an acceptance of the interventions.

Public Opinion on Peace as a Reflection of Social Differentiation and Politicisation of Identity in Sri Lanka

This article provides a critical analysis of the public opinion on peace in Sri Lanka, with consideration to two determinants: social differentiation and politicisation of identities. Specifically, it aims at developing arguments about the correlations between public opinion, social position, and political mobilisation. Inspired by Bourdieu's concepts of habitus, social space, and political field, this article develops an empirical analysis of the links between ethnic identity and public opinion on peace, and between social differentiation and opinions within the Sinhalese majority community in Sri Lanka. This article argues that ethnic polarisation and politicisation were the foremost determinants of public opinion during the peace process in 2002-2009.

A volatile relationship: The effect of changing gasoline prices on public support for mass transit

The determinants of public opinion toward public transit is a little-researched topic, though a better understanding of what makes consumers willing to support transit may reveal which attributes of transit consumers value most. One determinant of people’s willingness to support investments in mass transit may be the price of fuel for transit’s principal competition, the private automobile. In this paper, I examine the relationship between the cost of gasoline and stated willingness to invest public money in mass transit improvements. I hypothesize that fuel price volatility—in addition to price itself—is a determinant of support for more mass transit funding, controlling for other factors. As the price of gasoline becomes more uncertain, the public should, all else equal, support investment in mass transportation, a form of transportation that may provide some measure of protection from the price of fuel. Results suggest a strong effect of price volatility on consumers’ willingness to support transit expenditures.

The welfare state, migration, and voting rights

This paper proposes a political economic analysis of public opinion in European Union countries toward migrants from poor countries. By focusing on redistributive policy, the analysis sheds light on specific determinants of public opinion. The theoretical analysis, based on the median voter framework, shows that one of the key variables affecting public opinion is the voting rights of migrants. Where migrants do not have the right to vote, their presence negatively impacts the poorest natives. In countries where migrants enjoy voting rights, they are able to vote on redistributive policy; therefore, the impact of migration on natives’ welfare is fundamentally different. After the theoretical analysis, the paper proposes an empirical analysis of Europeans’ attitudes toward non-Western migrants in European Union countries. This empirical analysis confirms the decisive impact of migrants’ voting rights. It shows that, in EU countries, the more educated natives are significantly less favorable to migrants from poor countries when the latter have the right to vote.

Individual and country-level factors affecting support for foreign aid

The determinants of public opinion on foreign aid in donor countries have received little attention. This paper examines support for foreign aid with a large, multi-level, cross-national study. Hypotheses are tested with multi-level models, including both individual-level and country-level variables, to predict positive attitudes. Two datasets are used to measure attitudes in donor countries: (1) the 1995 World Values Survey, which has information from approximately 6,000 individuals in nine countries and asks a rich battery of questions at the individual level; (2) the 2002 Gallup Voice of the People survey, asks fewer questions of individuals but contains 17 donor countries. Using both surveys combines their distinct strengths and allows tests of individual- and national-level theories across disparate samples. Results generally support the predictions that attitudes toward aid are influenced by religiosity, beliefs about the causes of poverty, awareness of international affairs, and trust in people and institutions.

Near Is My Shirt but Nearer Is My Skin: Ideology or Self-Interest as Determinants of Public Opinion on Fiscal Policy Issues

SUMMARY Empirical studies often derive that personal attitudes toward policy measures are dominated by ideology instead of narrow self-interest. In the present field study we carried out a telephone survey with 1,003 respondents all over Austria. Instead of measuring selfishness indirectly by using more or less ‘objective indicators’ for self-interest, we requested that respondents directly assess whether they expect to be affected by policy measures. Our results indicate that subjectively measured self-interest explains attitudes toward economic policies at least as well as ideological conviction. In some cases ideology appears to determine whether people feel affected by a proposed policy measure. This supports the notion of a co-incidence of self-interest and moral arguments in low cost decisions.

Anticipating public attitudes toward underground CO 2 storage

Carbon capture and storage (CCS) may play a central role in managing carbon emissions from the power sector and industry, but public support for the technology is unclear. To address this knowledge gap, and to test the use of discrete choice analysis for determining public attitudes, two focus groups and a national survey were conducted in Canada to investigate the public's perceptions of the benefits and risks of CCS, the likely determinants of public opinion, and overall support for the use of CCS. The results showed slight support for CCS development in Canada, and a belief that CCS is less risky than normal oil and gas industry operations, nuclear power, or coal-burning power plants. A majority of respondents indicate that they would support the use of CCS as part of a greenhouse gas reduction strategy, although it would likely have to be used in combination with energy efficiency and alternative energy technologies in order to retain public support.

What is the Appropriate Regulatory Response to Wardrobe Malfunctions? Fining Stations for Television Sex and Violence

Although there has been concern about sex and violence on television since the 1950s, little is known about the determinants of public opinion concerning the regulatory response to “inappropriate” television content. Here the Annenberg National Health Communication Survey (ANHCS) is used to predict support for fining television stations for violent and sexual content from a set of precursor demographic, attitudinal, political affiliation, and television exposure variables. The results show that support for fining television stations is primarily a result of the beliefs that sex and violence on television causes sex and violence in teenagers.

Old-age pensions: Individual or collective responsibility? An investigation of public opinion across European welfare states

The question of who should be responsible for the provision of retirement income is becoming increasingly important, given the general trend of ageing populations in many European countries. In this article, we study the determinants of popular preferences concerning individual or collective responsibilities in the context of old-age pensions. Using data from the Eurobarometer survey series, we investigate whether - and to what extent - people's views about who should be responsible for the provision of pensions are related to market selectivist and collectivist features of the particular welfare state regimes in Europe. Moreover, the impact of structural characteristics of pension systems and social characteristics of individuals on public preferences is investigated. The cross-national patterns of popular views on responsibilities for the provision of pensions suggest a link to the specifics of welfare state regimes, but not as decisively as one would expect. Structural characteristics of pension systems also appear to be important determinants of public opinion. However, effects of contextual variables are only found when measurements of public opinion are used, which refer to specific institutional arrangements for pension provision. Finally, the results show important divisions among social categories.

Tolerance of nonconformity and its effect on attitudes toward the legalization of prostitution: a multivariate analysis

Mala prohibita, or victimless crimes, and societal reaction to those acts, have been a topic of interest in the social sciences for many years. This study provides an in-depth examination of public support for legalization of one of the oldest mala prohibita acts, prostitution. Using a sample of over 1,500 adults from throughout the United States, this study examines public opinion toward legalization of prostitution in the United States in an attempt to determine demographic and attitudinal predictors of support for legalization of prostitution in the United States. The results from this study indicate that a substantial minority of Americans (18 percent) favor legalization of prostitution. Furthermore, there are demographic differences that affect attitudes toward legalization as well, as men, Catholics, residents from the western states, and Whites are more likely to favor legalization of prostitution than their counterparts. Moreover, age has a positive relationship with attitudes toward legalization of prostitution as well. Finally, this study also indicates that there are attitudinal determinants of public opinion toward prostitution, as those individuals who are more tolerant toward what many perceive as a deviant behavior, gambling, are also more likely to favor legalization of prostitution. The impact of these findings and the ramifications of legalization of prostitution are also discussed.

It's Not What You Ask, It's the Way That You Ask It: Question Form and Public Opinion on the Death Penalty

For all their faults, public opinion polls are of great importance to public policymaking, especially on issues that are highly visible and controversial. In the context of capital punishment, researchers have repeatedly documented the strong relationship that exists among public, judicial, and legislative opinion. During the past two decades, popular public opinion poll results in the United States have shown considerable growth in the support of capital punishment. Although criticized as grossly overly simplistic, these polls are often employed to show that legislative and judicial decision making is “grounded” in consensual public opinion. A number of studies have questioned the validity of opinion polls as measures of attitudes on this issue—with apparent support for capital punishment dropping precipitously when alternative options, such as life imprisonment with absolutely no possibility of parole, are provided. The present article suggests that we are misinterpreting poll information in a more basic way—by effectively dissuading a “no opinion“ response through the use of a standard “no filter” question format. Even without providing additional information or alternatives to respondents, the present research suggests that reliance on standard questions that simply seek a favor/oppose response can overestimate support for and opposition to the death penalty. More important, the number of people with no clear opinion on this issue can almost double, simply by employing a different question format. Put simply, one of the most important determinants of public opinion on the death penalty is the way in which we pose the question.

Determinants of Public Opinion About AIDS

Determinants of Public Opinion About AIDS