Demonstrations Of Loyalty Research Articles

Impact of Employee Performance Appraisal System On Employee Productivity A Study of Selected of Educational Institutes

The Employee performance is the strength of organization and Employee performance has traditionally been accorded prime focus by human resource managers. As a result, a number of performance appraisal techniques have over time been devised to help establish employee„s performance. In the contemporary times, the use of performance appraisals has been extended beyond the rating of the employee„s performance to aspects such as motivation. Accordingly, by the sought to investigate effectiveness of performance appraisal systems and its effect on employee motivation.
 Performance appraisal is a widely discussed concept in the field of performance management. The importance accorded to performance appraisal systems in part arises from the nature of the current business environment, which is marked by the need to achieve organisational goals as well as remain relevant in intensely competitive markets through superior employee performance. The organisations can however control how employees perform their jobs. In addition, performance management research shows that a significant number of employees tend to have the desire to perform their jobs well as part of their individual goals as well as a demonstration of loyalty towards the organisation.

Key factors of using Crowd-technologies in the activities of Ukrainian local self-government bodies

The purpose of the article is to provide a conceptual justification of the fac-tors, conditions, and limitations regarding the implementation of crowd technolo-gies in the activities of local self-government bodies. It has been established that crowd technologies in local self-government are social technologies that involve the engagement of «informal public» in the govern-ance process through a public offer made by local self-government bodies. These technologies utilize the intellectual potential of online communities to address so-cially significant issues without entering into an employment contract. It is defined that crowd technologies in local self-government are also specif-ic public-private management technologies that introduce civil relations into bu-reaucratic practices. In this regard, it is important to distinguish various types of these technologies, including crowd-sourcing, crowd-funding, crowd-recruiting, crowd-creation, and so on. The utilization of these and other types of crowd tech-nologies in local self-government allows for addressing important tasks for territo-rial communities, such as involving the population in decision-making processes, mobilizing citizen funds for voluntary development of crowd projects through in-formation technologies, searching for talented professionals within the community, and facilitating the creation of new crowd projects by the «informal public». It has been proven that the implementation of crowd technologies as mani-festations of public-private management requires a set of necessary conditions for their integration into the practices of local self-government. These conditions in-clude: Regulatory and legal support for crowd technological activities. Generalization of experience (positive or negative) with crowd tech-nologies. Accurate identification of crowd technology objects. Institutionalization of a public actor interested in crowd technologies. Formation of civic competencies among the population as individual qualities socialized under the influence of civil society. Ensuring informational accessibility of decision-making practices by local self-government bodies and administrative services provided by them, as well as by communal institutions and enterprises. Demonstration of loyalty by local authorities towards organizing work according to the crowd technology model and the willingness of their leaders and officials to collaborate with the public. Development of integrated software products for local self-government bodies based on the principles of open-source software. It is argued that the structure of crowd potential in a territorial community is formed by two main components: the capacity and readiness of the population and local self-government bodies to participate in crowd technologies. Capacity in-cludes awareness of the organization of governance and knowledge of crowd tech-nologies, which is reflected in the societal and governmental understanding of the possibilities for implementing crowd projects at the community level. Readiness consists of the interest in voluntary participation in addressing social issues, the societal values of the population and local self-government bodies, and their moti-vational reasons for participating in crowd projects.

Strongman politics and China's foreign policy actors: maritime assertiveness under Xi Jinping

Abstract Since Xi Jinping's ascension to power, China's foreign policy behaviour—including in the maritime domain—has become increasingly assertive. While a number of systemic, domestic and individual-level factors have contributed to China's more muscular approach, adequately understanding the dramatic intensification of its assertiveness under Xi requires a careful examination of the foreign policy implications of his strongman rule. This article contributes to such studies by examining how Xi's efforts to consolidate power, particularly through nationalistic appeals and an anti-corruption campaign, have mobilized China's foreign policy actors. I argue that the political environment that Xi has fostered shapes the career incentives of individual actors, motivating them to demonstrate their loyalty through displays of assertiveness. Drawing on a case-study of China's maritime actors, with a focus on their behaviour in the South China Sea, I show how Xi's consolidation of power has elevated the stakes of zealously showcasing support for his call to ‘resolutely safeguard’ China's sovereignty claims. I find that Xi's emphasis on demonstrations of loyalty often comes at the cost of other interests, such as reassuring potential rivals, suggesting that the current political environment risks pushing foreign policy in an even more assertive direction than perhaps intended.

Islamic Authority and Centres of Knowledge Production in Europe

Abstract The centrality of the Qurʾan and Hadith (reports describing the words, actions, or habits of the Prophet Muhammad) in Islamic teachings has resulted in a rich tradition of textual scholarship. Scholars trained in the major Islamic sciences at the leading centres of Islamic learning command a high degree of influence over how Muslims understand their faith. Yet the authority exercised by Islamic scholars is not only contingent on their demonstration of loyalty to the text but also depends on their ability to relate Islamic teaching to social reality. This article shows how the changing socio-economic profile and attitudes of second- and third-generation Muslim immigrants are marking a gradual shift away from textual literalism within Islamic centres of learning in Europe: scholars demonstrating an ability to relate Islam to European reality are gaining visible traction among young European Muslims.

Not by Valor or Victory Alone: Religious Agency in the Apotheosis of the Chinese Warrior Hero

In the civilizations of the classical West, as exemplified foremost by that of Greece, as well as in that of early imperial China, the idea that humans who excelled exceptionally in war could merit deification was an abiding operative assumption. Given this premise, unsurprising then is the fact that such individuals should be found to have exhibited certain defining traits in common, including exceptional bravery and skill in leadership as well as—at least up until the point of their own deaths—an outstanding record of battlefield success. In addition, whether in Greece or in China, we find that the elevation of the exemplary warrior to the status of a god occurred under religious auspices, or was abetted by a belief structure that at least exhibited many of the core customary functions of a conventional religion. However, if we must regard the normative Chinese paradigm of martial divinization as having consistently departed in conception from its counterpart in the West, then surely the determinative difference is the premium placed on the Chinese demonstration of loyalty. In China, inasmuch as there were credentials for deification, the individual warrior’s unfailing subscription to the virtue of loyalty seems to have superseded all else, and the pathway to immortality as a god was forever obstructed without it.

Отношение городского населения к религиозным институтам (на примере Дагестана).

The growth of importance of religious component in modern Russian society caused growth of interest to the problem of religiosity and its different types taking place in different social groups as well as defining place of religion as marker of self-identification of individual. The problem of religious tolerance among followers of dif-ferent religion is also actualized. In this context we must define degree of loyalty to reli-gious organizations for example to Religious Organization of Muslims of Daghestan (ROMD). According to the results of the research it is found out that mass consciousness of citizens is characterized with low level demonstration of loyalty to both representatives of their religious society and most important institute of Islamic clergy – Religious Organization of Muslims of Daghestan. The monitoring research of degree of loyalty to cult organizations constants that there is significant decline of part of respondents demonstrating positive attitude and estimation of activity of religious organizations and clergy and there are objective and subjective reasons for above mentioned conclusion. Moreover it is found out that there is lack of balance between interests of believers to realize their religious obligations and active religious behavior at the same time. Lack of loyalty to religious institutes is caused by the fact that they disagree with orientation of clergy to participate in different social activities and it causes protest of the society.

Engaging the Ottoman Empire: Vexed Mediations, 1690–1815. Daniel O’Quinn. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019. Pp. 468.

<i>Engaging the Ottoman Empire: Vexed Mediations, 1690–1815</i>. Daniel O’Quinn. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019. Pp. 468.

Performing Emotions in Early Europe ed. by Philippa Maddern, Joanne McEwan, and Anne M. Scott

Reviewed by: Performing Emotions in Early Europe ed. by Philippa Maddern, Joanne McEwan, and Anne M. Scott Amy Brown Maddern, Philippa, Joanne McEwan, and Anne M. Scott, eds, Performing Emotions in Early Europe (Early European Research, 11), Turnhout, Brepols, 2018; hardback; pp. xxx, 296; 25 b/w illustrations; R.R.P. €85.00; ISBN 9782503572376. My first thought on reading Performing Emotions in Early Europe is that this book—particularly its introduction—is something I needed in 2015. It is still useful now, but it would have been of particular use to those of us involved in preparing Emotions in Medieval Textual Media (edited by Mary C. Flannery) for the same Brepols series 'Early European Research'. That Performing Emotions in Early Europe has been so long in the production is no fault of the editorial team. The illness and passing of Philippa Maddern seriously delayed the editing and compilation of the chapters, which began life as papers in a 2011 conference under the aegis of the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for the History of Emotions (CHE). Perhaps because that conference was so foundational to the CHE's work, and because the CHE has been so central to the study of premodern emotions during the long production timeline of this book, nothing about the final product feels out-of-date. Rather, it collects varied and interesting interventions into ongoing scholarly conversations. [End Page 229] Performing Emotions in Early Europe defines performance broadly, on the basis that emotions 'are anticipated and produced through certain bodily acts and naturalized gestures' (p. xiv), and works from the shared assumption that emotional performances are not singular acts but part of systems of repetition and ritual. The scope of the contributions is broad, and includes studies of late medieval liturgical music, early modern marriage negotiations, Renaissance art, and contemporary performance of premodern drama. The introduction deserves special mention for its clarity in drawing together key threads, and its lucid theoretical framing. Philippa Maddern, Joanne McEwan, and Anne Scott draw together performance theory, emotion theories from a range of disciplines, and historicized textual readings, and the introduction serves not only as a platform for the subsequent essays but a forward-looking essay that will prove useful to scholars in many areas of the history of emotions. One noteworthy aspect is the number of chapters that build their arguments on the basis of evidence from several different media and source types. Emily Cock's essay is a particular stand-out in this respect, for its deft navigation between legal records of prostitution and fictional representations. There is a strong art history thread throughout the collection, where we find artistic representation of emotion placed in conversation with literary texts (Scott), liturgical history (Richard Read) and historical records (Louise Marshall). Several chapters are also notable for their navigation of the vexed problem of the distance between emotions invoked in historical documents and the lived experience of emotion. Susan Broomhall and Jacqueline Van Gent's chapter looks at the deployment of love as a justification, motivation, and demonstration of loyalty in documents relating to Orange-Nassau marriage negotiations. Here the authors allow space for the probability of real feeling—parental love and concern, love as desire for a prospective spouse, and so forth—alongside love as justification for political choices. Particularly interesting are cases where love is not invoked: in the event of failed marriage negotiations, a parent might cite protective love of their daughter as a reason not to pursue the marriage against the bride's inclination, while the same parent might make no mention of love for their child when pressing another, reluctant, daughter into an advantageous marriage. Broomhall and Van Gent do not use these examples to speculate on whether protective love was actually a felt emotion for either child, but examine the factors which make the public performance of such love appropriate to one situation but not the other. Similarly, Lindsay Diggelmann's chapter on emotional performance, particularly of kings, in Anglo-Norman historical records, attends closely to the bodily signals of intense emotion. Here Diggelmann focuses on the ways in which a diverse and sometimes contradictory suite of emotional performances could be construed as...

Migrant and mainstream perspectives on buying national: An Australian case study

In a globalising world, people might be expected to be less nationalistic about their personal consumption decisions. Yet support for Trump-style protectionism and ‘buy national’ campaigns appears to be spreading. How do people talk about such purchasing decisions? Applying thematic content analysis and discourse analysis to qualitative data from 27 focus groups (n = 223) conducted across Australia, this article explores the key features of discussions about ‘buying Australian’, comparing migrant/ethnic minority responses with non-migrant/mainstream responses. Perhaps surprisingly, migrants adopt the taken-for-granted imperative that nationalist consumption is good for the national economy, and articulate this choice as a demonstration of loyalty and reciprocity to their adopted country. Perhaps counter to expectations, mainstream participants are far more ambivalent in the ways they express this nationalist imperative. While nationalist consumption remains the bottom line as the appropriate purchasing orientation, their position as charter group enables them to offer more critical arguments about the authenticity of the ‘Australian-made’ logo and the quality and price of goods. For both, however, the taken-for-granted default position is that consumer nationalism is ‘the right thing to do’. Buying national is thus an instance of what Billig identified as ‘banal nationalism’, where the nation-state, as opposed to other collectives such as ‘workers’ or ‘global citizens’, is reproduced as the appropriate category for identification and collective responsibility.

Supreme Court Justicess Loyalty to the President

A statistical analysis of voting by Supreme Court justices from 1937-2014 provides evidence of a “loyalty effect” — justices more frequently vote for the government when the president who appointed them is in office than when subsequent presidents lead the government. This effect exists even when subsequent presidents are of the same party as the justices in question. However, the loyalty effect is much stronger for Democratic justices than for Republican justices. This may be because Republican presidents are more ideologically committed than Democratic justices are, leaving less room for demonstrations of loyalty.

Un archipiélago para los borbones: fiestas regias en Mallorca en el siglo XVIII = An archipelago for the Bourbons: royal festivals in Majorca in the 18th century

During the 18th century, the Kingdom of Majorca and Palma city suffered the consequences of their allegiance to the Austrian side during the War of Succession. The result was the loss of some of the elements of their identity. This was no impediment for the Majorcans to obey with the order of celebrate the Royal Oath and organize the Funeral Rites of the new dynasty. Ephemeral architectures built for these events showed the retardant artistic style also in the Court. Only a frustrated project for King Carlos III by Cristobal Vilella pretended to raise a neoclassical architecture. More innovative was the iconography, and especially that of the platforms of Oaths, in which signs of identity, history and the idiosyncrasies of the Balearics were notorious, along with the monarchist exaltation and demonstrations of loyalty. This study discusses these architectural and iconographic aspects through ephemeral artefacts raised for funerals and Royal proclamations.

The Mao Cult as Communicative Space1

The article discusses different ways of approaching the personality cult of Mao Zedong, former Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It proposes to analyse the leader cult as a form of authoritarian political communication that affected both CCP politics and popular reaction. Intended as a loyalty‐creating device to ease the identification with the communist movement for its often illiterate supporters, the cult merged the success of the revolution with the fate of a single person. Controlling the leader’s image and writings thus became a formidable task. While the cult came to assume quasi‐religious forms temporarily, it will be argued that these were not necessarily part of a political religion, but often demonstrations of loyalty in a climate of fear and utmost political volatility.

Pomp, circumstance, and wild Arabs: The 1912 royal visit to Sudan

This article examines the use of British-imperial symbolism in public life throughout the period of the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium. The visit of George V to Port Sudan in 1912 proved the catalyst for large-scale imperial display, which was subsequently reworked into the unique annual commemoration of King's Day. Through such overt imperial pageantry, the British-dominated Sudanese government actively promoted its own position within Sudan at the expense of its Egyptian co-rulers, a strategy which illustrates the political tensions along the Nile Valley. Demonstrating the government's dominance over the landscape and people of Sudan to both the metropolitan and Sudanese audiences, these imperial events aimed at consolidating Britain's hold over the country throughout the Condominium. Sudanese political elites soon became active participants in imperial displays, seeing an opportunity to secure their position through demonstrations of loyalty, and using the propagated values of imperialism and monarchy in imaginative and selective ways. Although it was a valuable tool in creating a focal point of Sudanese unity in an otherwise culturally diverse territory, British imperialism was at the same time always a limited instrument, constrained as it was by Egypt's legal claims to the territory.

Insurgent Allegories: StagingVenice Preserv'd,The Rivals, andSpeculationin 1795

Theatre is first and foremost a social experience, and thus poses fundamental questions regarding the relationship between artistic production and political reception. As audiences are transient and hybrid, one is forced to think through not only the ephemerality of response, but also its unpredictability. These challenges for cultural analysis are not confined to performance, but the analysis of specific performances can be conducted in a fashion that sheds light on more general problems for thought itself. This essay aims to do just this by looking closely at roughly three weeks of theatrical production in the patent theatres in the mid-1790s. The period in question – from October 21, 1795 to November 8, 1795 – is not a random selection, for during this brief period the license for one of the most popular and successful plays in the traditional repertory, Thomas Otway's Venice Preserv'd, was revoked and the play was consigned to theatrical oblivion because it was deemed too incendiary for the London stage. However, the precise nature of the play's alleged threat to British society was itself a contested issue and raises key questions about intention and the destruction of tradition. After the Pitt government eliminated Venice Preserv'd from the cultural horizon, a fascinating series of events transpired in the London theatres that allow us to re-structure the questions pertaining to the relationship between governance and art. In the demonstrations of loyalty and disloyalty which suffused not only the productions of Venice Preserv'd in late October, but also productions of Richard Brinsley Sheridan's The Rivals and Frederick Reynolds's Speculation in early November, one can discern an instability in the notion of patriotic or national affiliation which, I want to argue, was far more threatening to William Pitt's governance than any particular expression of anti-government sentiment.

India in the First World War and after

Surendranath Banerjea, the pioneer leader of the Indian National Congress, recorded in his Autobiography A Nation in Making (I925): 'The most stirring event in I9I7 was the announcement made by Mr Montagu in the House of Commons promising the grant of responsible government, to be realized by progressive stages.' Whether the 'August announcement' figured very largely on the world scene or not, it was certainly a landmark in Indian political development. The outbreak of war in I9I4 had witnessed an extraordinary demonstration of loyalty and solidarity from all sections of the peoples of India. It might have been expected that princes and peasants would rally to the Raj in the hour of crisis, but the urban middle classes also competed in efforts to support the British cause, and only a fringe element of revolutionaries tried to exploit the possibility of Britain's difficulties to overthrow the Imperial power. Yet by the middle years of the war a mood of disillusionment had set in. The Viceroy and his Council realized the need to make some gesture to reassure Indian opinion, but their approach was pedestrian. A severe critic of Indian administration attitudes was Edwin Montagu, a rising Liberal politician who had been Under Secretary of State for India, I91o-I4. The Government of India became very much the target for criticism over its inadequate support for the Indian expeditionary force disastrously defeated in Mesopotamia. When the Report of the Mesopotamian Commission was published in July I9I7, Montagu (then out of office) delivered a vehement attack on those responsible: 'The Government of India is too wooden, too iron, too inelastic, too antediluvian to be of any use for the modern purposes we have in view.' After the debate, Austen Chamberlain felt bound to resign from the post of Secretary of

Japan's Constitutions: 1890 and 1947

The Meiji constitution was in effect from November 29, 1890, until May 3, 1947, a period of fifty-six years and approximately five months. The present constitution, which may be known after the demise of Emperor Hirohito as the Showa constitution, was proclaimed in effect by Premier Yoshida Shigeru in the presence of Hirohito on May 3, 1947. The proclamation was read from a platform on the Palace plaza in Tokyo. The audience of five thousand people which stood in the rain before the platform was small in comparison with the huge crowd that surged around the imperial carriage on November 3, 1946, following the official ceremony of promulgation; but it was equally enthusiastic in its demonstration of loyalty. On both occasions, it was apparent that the embarrassed-looking, bespectacled little Emperor, and not the constitution, was the center of popular interest.

Japan's Constitutions: 1890 and 1947

The Meiji constitution was in effect from November 29, 1890, until May 3, 1947, a period of fifty-six years and approximately five months. The present constitution, which may be known after the demise of Emperor Hirohito as the Showa constitution, was proclaimed in effect by Premier Yoshida Shigeru in the presence of Hirohito on May 3, 1947. The proclamation was read from a platform on the Palace plaza in Tokyo. The audience of five thousand people which stood in the rain before the platform was small in comparison with the huge crowd that surged around the imperial carriage on November 3, 1946, following the official ceremony of promulgation; but it was equally enthusiastic in its demonstration of loyalty. On both occasions, it was apparent that the embarrassed-looking, bespectacled little Emperor, and not the constitution, was the center of popular interest.

Industrial Recruitment and Unemployment Problems

NO passage in the King's speech on the evening of May 6 won more cordial approval than his reference to; the unemployed. In the midst of the rejoicings and demonstrations of loyalty, at a time when the industrial population of Great Britain was never so large, his words reminded all that there are still more than two million unemployed. The King's wish and appeal to find them work takes us to the central problem. The development of minor interests, the provision of occupations for occupation's sake, even the provision of allotments, may do much to bring them hope and a sense of fellowship with the community. It does not touch the real need. Only as they find work and recover an established place in the scheme of things can they regain their independence and true estate of manhood or womanhood.