This paper examines the current dual political system in Sub-Saharan Africa, where democracy exists side by side with some element of autocracy. It looks at the varying perspectives of history, institutions, judicial, and socio-political factors that all contribute towards influencing regimes’ outcomes across the region. Colonial and post-colonial eras have observed the birth of different state structures, often centralized, exclusionary, and resistant to diverse governance. These structures have played a significant role in nation building. The paper also explores how socio-political factors like international influence, economic backwardness/progress, and grassroots mobilization can play a part in shaping regime outcomes. Consequently, the paper explains the diverse political developments observed across African states, contributing to broader debates on governance, state legitimacy, and democratic transitions in postcolonial contexts.

ABSTRACT The analysis of culture as a public policy field offers valuable insights into governmental actions on cultural policy. Latin America presents a rich context to examine how global narratives shape public policies amid democratic transitions and state modernization. This study uses cognitive and neo-institutional approaches to explore how narratives and institutional reforms have influenced Chilean cultural policy. By tracing the evolution of the “culture is the task for all” paradigm, it reveals a shift from culture as a shared responsibility to a realization of rights, grounded in the concept of cultural democracy and culture as a public good. This North–South dialogue contribution carries significant implications for cultural policy. The analytical framework presented could guide future studies, enabling comparative analysis across regions and helping to reframe cultural policy in response to today’s challenges.

This research examines how political authority, legitimacy, and collective identity are discursively constructed during moments of democratic transition by analyzing Zohran Mamdani’s victory speech following his electoral success in New York City. Rather than treating electoral victory as a procedural outcome, the research highlights the role of victory speeches in transforming electoral success into morally justified and collectively owned political power. The research aims to explore how Mamdani’s discourse reframes political authority as emerging from shared working-class experience, collective struggle, and counter-hegemonic ideology. The research adopts a qualitative approach, employing textual analysis within a Critical Discourse Analysis framework grounded in Teun A. van Dijk’s socio-cognitive theory. Mamdani’s victory speech serves as the data and is analyzed to identify ideological meanings, group representations, mental models, and argumentative strategies that legitimize political authority. The findings show that the speech constructs “the people” as a legitimate political subject through representations of embodied labor, shared hardship, and collective agency. Ideological polarization, structured through van Dijk’s Ideological Square, contrasts an inclusive working-class in-group with elite political and economic out-groups. Narrative exemplars and affective metaphors function as mental models that translate ideology into lived experience, while argumentation frames governance as an ethical necessity. The research underscores the importance of victory speeches as sites where democratic power is discursively constituted and normalized. By applying a socio-cognitive CDA to post-electoral discourse, the research contributes to political discourse studies and offers insights for future research on ideological legitimation and democratic participation.

The Pedagogical Renewal Movements (MRP) emerged in Spain during the democratic transition as a reaction to the authoritarian educational system inherited from Francoism. This article examines their possibilities and contributions to contemporary schooling through the life history of a Primary Education teacher who was engaged with these movements throughout his professional career. The findings reveal how his trajectory embodies a living, critical, and situated pedagogical renewal—marked by tensions—yet capable of offering educational responses to current challenges such as social inequality, the commodification of education, capitalist logics, and the ecological crisis.

Abstract This contribution examines the evolution of the Constitutional Court of Benin (CCB) as a critical guardian of constitutionalism, political stability, and human rights in the context of Benin’s democratic transition following the 1990 Constitution. Next to actively defending the constitutional order and being resilient against executive overreach, the CCB also expanded its authority by amending the constitution to address anticipated threats to democratic principles. However, vulnerabilities in its institutional design, particularly concerning the appointment procedure and terms of office, rendered it susceptible to political manipulation. These design flaws were compounded by public mistrust of constitutional reforms, thwarting efforts to rectify these shortcomings. 25 years after its inauguration, the CCB was co-opted by political elites, culminating in its diminished efficacy. Despite this decline, the CCB’s early legacy and its partial safeguards offer valuable lessons for constitutional resistance and resilience.

As one of Southeast Asia's largest archipelagic nations, Indonesia's multicultural social fabric plays a crucial role in its development. This paper examines how changes in Indonesia’s political system have impacted the political identity of the Chinese community, focusing on institutional marginalization and identity reconfiguration. Despite longstanding marginalization in political, cultural, and social spheres, the post-1998 democratization reforms gradually expanded opportunities for Chinese political participation. Using a historical institutionalism framework, this study analyzes the evolution of Chinese political identity—from ambiguous status in the independence era, through assimilation under Suharto’s New Order, to gradual reconfiguration during democratization. It also discusses adaptive strategies such as political apathy, economic adaptation, and community-based identity spaces. Despite progress, challenges persist due to religious nationalism, socio-psychological barriers, and institutional constraints. Future reforms should prioritize reducing implicit discrimination and enhancing social integration to foster political equality and identity reconstruction.

This article examines the enduring impact of the Arab Spring on Sudan and Algeria, focusing on the dynamics that have rendered their revolutionary trajectories “unfinished.” Building on the theoretical frameworks of civil-military relations, authoritarian resilience, and counterrevolution, the study situates both cases within the broader post-2011 political landscape of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The analysis highlights how structural legacies of post-colonial state formation, entrenched military influence, and regional geopolitical rivalries shaped the course of these uprisings. In Sudan, the fall of Omar al-Bashir in 2019 initiated a fragile civilian–military partnership, ultimately derailed by the 2021 coup, which reignited authoritarian consolidation. In Algeria, the Hirak movement forced the resignation of Abdelaziz Bouteflika but confronted a military establishment determined to preserve its dominance. Comparative insights reveal that in both contexts, militaries acted as decisive arbiters, constraining democratic transitions through tutelary roles and institutional autonomy. External actors also reinforced authoritarian resilience by supporting counterrevolutionary forces. The article concludes that the Sudanese and Algerian cases illustrate the limits of popular mobilization in dismantling entrenched praetorian systems, underscoring the need to reassess democratization theories in light of persistent authoritarian structures in the MENA region.

The manuscript explores how the Gen Z movement in Nepal has reshaped political culture and influenced the trajectory of democratic transition. Findings reveal that Gen Z activists, empowered by digital platforms, have challenged traditional party-centric politics and introduced a value-driven, transparency-oriented and issue-based political orientation. Their demand for accountability, ethical leadership and participatory governance has generated new expectations within the democratic process. While institutional rigidity, limited youth inclusion and digital divides remain significant challenges, the movement marks a critical turning point in Nepal’s evolving democratic landscape. This research methodology uses published secondary sources. Overall, Gen Z has emerged not merely as a protesting group but as a transformative force redefining Nepal’s democratic political culture.

How does chronic terrorism affect support for democracy in fragile states? While most research examines isolated attacks in stable democracies, little is known about persistent violence in insecure, weakly institutionalised contexts. This paper addresses that gap by analysing Africa, where terrorism is widespread and democratic transitions remain incomplete. Using Afrobarometer survey data matched with terrorism events, we employ an entropy balancing strategy within an unexpected-event-during-survey (UESD) design to estimate causal effects. We find that terrorism consistently undermines democratic support – especially in countries with stronger liberal institutions and lower development. Younger and older citizens are particularly susceptible to attitudinal shifts. These findings highlight how terrorism’s political impact hinges not just on exposure, but also on broader structural vulnerabilities shaped by institutions, development, and demography. The study advances theories of authoritarian reflex and threat perception, offering new insights into sustaining democracy amid chronic insecurity.

The notorious “foot voting” from the initial years of the democratic transition has undergone its transformations and nowadays the departure from the geographic boundaries of Bulgaria does not involve a refusal to participate in the political entity. On the contrary, there are ever more numerous examples of civil commitment of Bulgarians abroad and the formation of a new citizenship beyond locations. The image of people waiting on long lines to vote in front of the state’s embassies and the multitude of initiatives in support of distance voting -- by mail or via electronic medium -- are some of the visible manifestations. Another is a multitude of solidary initiatives related to protests against the corruption and the “state captured”. The aim of the present text is to analyse the processes of emigration of Bulgarian citizens after 1989 through the prism of changing perception of identities and political activity.

This article recuperates an overlooked history of a photographic archive created in 1965 to document the cultural diversity of the Portuguese colonies for an ethnological museum in Lisbon during the concluding decades of the country’s last colonial regime (1933-74). Five decades after the country’s democratic transition and the decolonisation that accompanied it, I explore this stillborn archive, which has remained in its institutional successor, and historicise a systematic practice of field photography created as a resource for ethnographic research in a late-colonial setting. I investigate the development of this research-based ethnological museum by examining the case of António Carreira (1905-1988), who, as a metropolitan-based colonial field officer, colleague and subordinate, played a series of critical roles in its institutionalisation. Thinking through Carreira’s five annual missions to Angola (1965-69) conducted during the Portuguese colonial wars (1961-1974), in this article, I engage with images and archival devices rendered obsolete by a capricious political transition to demonstrate their potential to unravel some of the paradoxes of developing modern sociocultural anthropology in a late and contested colonial context.

ABSTRACT This article analyses the evolution of Spain’s defence planning between the democratic transition and the institutionalisation of capability-based planning (CBP) in 2005. It argues that, even as Spain procedurally converged with the NATO model, persistent domestic constraints – reactive strategic culture, shallow civilian engagement, fragile civil–military relations and chronic budgetary improvisation – produced a structural strategy – capabilities mismatch. Using a neoclassical-realist lens, the article shows how systemic pressures were refracted through domestic filters that diluted coherence and hindered capability development. The analysis traces three phases: (1) foundational reforms (1977–1984); (2) institutional consolidation under fiscal constraint (1984–1994) and (3) the shift towards CBP (1994–2005), culminating in the 2003 Strategic Defence Review and Ministerial Order 37/2005. Spain’s case demonstrates that planning innovations can align national procedures with allied frameworks but cannot substitute for sustained political leadership, institutional integration and predictable funding.

Abstract Scholars debate whether the presence of multiple parties in the legislature stabilizes dictatorships or promotes their demise. We show that authoritarian regimes face a dilemma: allowing for multipartism reduces the risk of bottom-up revolt, but facilitates protracted top-down democratization. Concessions to the opposition diminish the long-term benefits of authoritarian rule and empower regime soft-liners. We test our theory in Latin America—a region with a broad range of autocracies —using survival models, instrumental variables, random forests, and two case studies. Our theory explains why rational autocrats accept multipartism, even though this concession may ultimately undermine the regime. It also accounts for democratic transitions that occur when the opposition is fragmented and without a stunning authoritarian defeat.

Since Indonesia’s democratic transition in 1998, digital media has profoundly reshaped the country’s political communication landscape. From elite-dominated television to grassroots-driven social platforms, the evolution of digital infrastructure has influenced how political messages are created, disseminated, and consumed. However, scholarly insights remain fragmented across scales and actors. This study aims to critically examine how digital media has transformed the logic of political communication in Indonesia across national and sub-national contexts between 2004 and 2024. Using a systematic literature review approach, 122 peer-reviewed articles were identified through searches in Scopus, Web of Science, and Garuda, using PRISMA 2020 protocols. Thematic and bibliometric analyses were conducted using NVivo and VOSviewer software to map key trends and actor dynamics. The findings indicate four dominant patterns: (1) the central role of television in national agenda-setting persists, but is increasingly contested by algorithm-driven social platforms; (2) significant variation exists at the local level, where WhatsApp and community radio play key roles; (3) new political actors including influencers and digital volunteers reshape campaign narratives; and (4) big-data tools enable hyper-targeted messaging, raising ethical concerns. These findings demonstrate how Indonesia’s digital ecosystem mediates both centralised control and decentralised participation. The study contributes to debates on hybrid media systems and democratic deepening in emerging political contexts. Keywords: Big data, democratic transition, digital media, Indonesia, political communication.

ABSTRACT Though left-wing populism has lived an ephemeral life in Southern Europe, we know surprisingly little about its policy record in office. Widely considered one of the main faces of left-wing populism, Podemos’ participation in a coalition government (2020–2023) provides a relevant case-study in this regard. Substantively, this article asks to what extent it managed to shape the government’s program and whether its proposals translated into policy output. Methodologically, it conducts a pledge-based analysis of the coalition agreement, comparing it with party manifestos and tracing the fulfilment of pledges originating from Podemos. Results suggest that, in line with coalition pay-off theories, Podemos secured a non-trivial share of distinctive commitments, roughly consistent with proportional bargaining expectations. It also shows that its influence is most concentrated in socio-economic fields such as housing and labour market reform, while pledges related to the ‘populist core businesses’ of corruption, transparency, and democratic reform were mostly unfulfilled. Overall, this case is difficult to reconcile with simple ‘failure-in-government’ narratives, while also confirming the conventional wisdom that ‘host ideology’ matters more than populism per se.

This integrative review synthesizes scholarly literature to examine the political constraints shaping law enforcement agencies in Southeast Asia. Given the region’s diverse political systems and ongoing transformations, the study explores how power relations and political forces influence policing practices, institutional impartiality, and public trust. Using an integrative review methodology, academic databases were systematically searched, with data primarily drawn from the results and discussion sections of selected studies. The analysis identified recurring themes, contextual differences, and research gaps concerning the interaction between politics and policing. The findings reveal four interrelated political constraints. First, political interference and patronage frequently instrumentalize police forces for partisan objectives. Second, systemic corruption persists, reinforced by weak governance and limited accountability. Third, the politicization of policing intensifies during democratic transitions, compromising neutrality and professionalism. Fourth, emerging forms of digital repression and algorithmic policing are increasingly deployed to monitor information flows and suppress dissent. Together, these constraints form a deeply embedded structural web that undermines institutional integrity. This review aligns with Sustainable Development Goal 16 (Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions), particularly targets 16.3 and 16.6, which emphasize the rule of law and accountable institutions. The findings demonstrate how political expediency weakens institutional independence, erodes public trust, and obstructs the development of transparent and rights-respecting law enforcement. By situating policing within broader political power structures, this study contributes to understanding state–society relations in Southeast Asia and highlights the need for future comparative research to support institutional reform consistent with SDG 16.

Despite extensive democratic reforms and administrative decentralization, Indonesia continues to struggle with persistent voter exclusion in its remote island regions. Existing studies often attribute this issue to technical or logistical limitations, overlooking the bureaucratic and institutional roots of the problem. This study addresses that gap by examining how bureaucratic design and institutional misalignment contribute to the reproduction of electoral exclusion within decentralized yet fragmented administrative systems. Focusing on Flores Timur, an archipelagic district in East Nusa Tenggara, this research employs a qualitative case study approach, utilizing 28 in-depth interviews with election officials, civil registry staff, and local stakeholders, supported by document analysis. Findings reveal that voter exclusion from the Daftar Pemilih Tetap (Final Voter List) is structurally embedded, stemming from the institutional disconnect between the Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah (KPUD) and the Dinas Kependudukan dan Pencatatan Sipil (Disdukcapil). The absence of a shared, binding data system has created what this study terms an administrative blind spot. In this zone, no agency fully claims responsibility for data accuracy, resulting in passive but recurring disenfranchisement. The study’s novelty lies in theorizing latent disenfranchisement, a form of exclusion produced not by intent but by bureaucratic rigidity, fragmented accountability, and non-interoperable systems. Extending the concept of bureaucratic disenfranchisement, the study offers new insights and policy recommendations for inclusive, coordinated electoral reform.

In June 2001, Serbian LGBTQIA+ civil society organizations endeavored to organize the first Pride parade in Belgrade, marking the second such event in post-communist countries in the aftermath of 1989. Despite drawing around 100 participants to Belgrade’s central square, the parade culminated in violence, with 40 LGBTQIA+ activists sustaining injuries from a group of 1,000–2000 hooligans and football fans. Existing literature often portrays the 2001 Pride event as a violent episode, focusing on a narrative of victimization that has shaped LGBTQIA+ activism in Serbia for the past two decades. However, this narrative tends to overlook or insufficiently address the political dynamics that fueled the violence. This study seeks to explore the repercussions of the limited socio-political engagement of LGBTQIA+ groups, highlighting their challenges in mobilizing broad-based, multi-sectoral support by failing to connect LGBTQIA+ rights with broader societal issues such as gender equality and minority rights. Through interviews with the 2001 parade activists, LGBTQIA+ rights experts, and political representatives this research aims to bridge the knowledge gap concerning the complex political landscape and ongoing democratic blockages faced by these groups. The authors contend that the LGBTQIA+ community’s pursuit of autonomy and professionalization, amidst a transformed post-revolution political climate, left them vulnerable to violent backlash from ultra-nationalistic factions.

This article examines the biopolitical mechanisms through which the Vox party instrumentalizes the unresolved historical trauma of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and the Francoist dictatorship (1939-1975), as a central strategy for political mobilization in the context of the post-2008 economic-financial crisis. Starting from the assumption that the "pact of forgetting" of the Spanish democratic transition suspended and crystallized, rather than resolved, the collective trauma, it is argued that this freezing produced the structural conditions for the programmatic reactivation of authoritarian imaginaries. The investigation demonstrates that the Vox party does not offer a critical elaboration of the past, but rather its performative repetition, mobilizing emotional communities grounded in resentment, fear, and nostalgia. This operation reduces political life to its emotional dimension, a mechanism we characterize as "political bare life." The analysis of the authoritarian politicization of cultural heritage, exemplified by the "Concord Laws" and disputes over sites of memory, such as the Valley of the Fallen (Valle de Los Caídos) and the Paterna Cemetery, reveals how contemporary sovereignty is exercised through the normalization of authoritarian narratives in public space. By examining the transnational dimension of the phenomenon, through the circulation of memorial repertoires, it is shown that the instrumentalization of trauma is not a Spanish particularity, but a manifestation of a global biopolitical logic. Finally, it is concluded that Spanish democracy faces not only an institutional crisis, but a fundamental crisis of critical elaboration of the past, whose overcoming requires the construction of a functional memory based on truth, justice, and reparation. Key words: historical memory; biopolitics; far-right; francoism; controversial heritage; political trauma.

This paper examines the democratic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe, emphasizing the contrasting trajectories, challenges, and impacts of democracies in the region post-communism. Whilst countries in Central Europe, such as Poland and the Czech Republic, have established stable parliamentary democracies characterized by cohesive political parties and organized electoral competition, Eastern European nations, especially those influenced by the former Soviet Union, experience volatility, fragmented party systems, and inconsistent governance structures. These differences are rooted in their distinct historical legacies and socio-political contexts and also the research further underscores the significance of political parties in consolidating democratic governance, with more stable and cohesive parties fostering predictable political environments in Central Europe. Conversely, Eastern Europe's parties often face fragmentation, leading to heightened political instability. External influences, notably from Western Europe and Russia, have played critical roles in shaping and impeding democratic consolidations. Western Europe's influence contributed to the development of more cohesive party systems and democratic institutions in Central Europe through integration, international cooperation, and adherence to European Union norms and standards. The study also explores the multifaceted challenges confronting democracy in the region, including weak civil societies, restrictions on media freedom, corruption, and external interference, which undermine democratic legitimacy and public trust. The rise of populist movements and authoritarian tendencies, particularly in Hungary and Poland, poses additional threats to democratic stability, prompting concerns over democratic backsliding and the resilience of institutions. Methodologically, the paper draws from secondary sources, official documents, empirical data, and contemporary media analyses to provide a comprehensive perspective on democratic transitions, governance, and civic engagement. It emphasizes the importance of civic participation, institutional reforms, and the role of civil society to address ongoing challenges effectively. In conclusion, the future of democracy in Eastern and Central Europe hinges on strengthening institutions, fostering civic participation, and mitigating external influences. While notable progress has been achieved, persistent challenges demand continuous efforts to consolidate democratic norms, enhance governance, and build resilient societies capable of withstanding internal and external pressures.