Democratization Research Articles

Participation in Energy Transitions: A Comparison of Policy Styles

Stakeholder and public participation in policymaking for energy transitions is one of the most promising approaches to fulfilling the promises of a democratic sustainability transition. Over the years, many studies have been published about concepts, methodologies, and empirical results of participatory approaches and implementations. In this paper, we focus on the compatibility of participatory processes with different policy styles of democratic governance. We conducted a systematic literature search comparing different concepts of democratic governance and applying them to public participation, in particular that associated with energy transitions. Our main objective in this paper is to link the requirements for a sustainable energy transition to governance processes and structures; we further aim to delineate suitable formats for stakeholder and public participation. Our analysis provides a basis for a wide-ranging and multi-perspective research agenda that promises to provide a deeper understanding and explanation of complex governance arrangements for energy transitions. The five democratic policy styles that we selected for this review are: autocratic, adversarial, collaborative, reflexive, and inclusive governance. We conclude that none are adequate on their own, and so we put forth a novel hybrid we call the “mediative approach.” From this approach, we derive a new research framework for addressing the current challenges of democratic decision-making in energy transitions. Three pressing questions emerge, one relating to the interplay of top-down and bottom-up modes of governance; a second to the conditions for actor collaboration; and a third to the perception of democratic legitimacy by affected parties.

Labor-inclusive corporatism after democratic transitions: Institutionalization in South Africa and Brazil

Abstract Under what conditions has corporatist policymaking become institutionalized in newly transitioned democracies? I argue that transitions have provided temporary opportunities for unions to push for laws they can later use to protect their place in economic councils. The relevant sets of legal rules, which I call compulsory deliberation, enable non-‘State official’ members to resist governmental disruption of such councils despite them composing the Executive’s structure. I compare South Africa and Brazil, two ‘most similar’ cases that featured sequences of chronically unstable labor-excluding councils under authoritarian regimes. I argue that the former broke out of this trajectory while the latter did not because South African unions developed aspirations for durable policy influence before the transition, whereas Brazilian ones only did so afterward and thus mobilized too late. Although Brazilian governments have enacted dozens of regulations covering as many councils, these have only served as short-term instruments for marketing policies.

Education and Democratic Consolidation: A Report on Early Results

This article reports on the early results of a research project examining the interplay between education and democratic consolidation, with a particular focus on how this relationship is significantly influenced by a country’s economic status. It addresses a gap in the literature by investigating the role of education across diverse economic contexts, challenging the prevailing notion that education uniformly promotes democratic stability. This study replicates and extends Milan Svolik’s research, which concentrated on economic factors. By analyzing data from 98 countries between 1950 and 2008, the study demonstrates that transitional democracies face a higher risk of authoritarian reversal compared to their consolidated counterparts. The findings suggest that while education generally benefits democracy, its impact is more pronounced in transitional democracies, steering them toward democratic stabilization and progress. Moreover, the democratizing effect of education is even more potent in transitional democracies with low economic development. This pattern underscores the critical role of education as a strategic asset for reinforcing democratic stability in economically diverse contexts and advocates for targeted educational policies in transitional democracies that are most susceptible to authoritarian regression.

Early state socialism and eugenics: Premarital medical certificates in Czechoslovakia, East Germany, and Poland in the aftermath of World War II

The article discusses the immediate post-war persistence and subsequent rejection of eugenics in East-Central European socialist states, exploring the case of premarital medical certificates. Building our analysis on published and archival sources, we show that immediately after the war, policies formulated at the governmental level were informed by eugenic ideas in medical expertise. Premarital medical certificates were aimed at combatting contagious diseases and thus securing a healthy population. Their legal status varied: in Poland, they were formally introduced; in the Soviet Occupied Zone and East Germany, Nazi law was abolished, but local officials still advocated for the introduction of certificates; and in Czechoslovakia, medical certificates were planned but not introduced. Despite these differences, after a short period between 1949 and 1950, the attempts to put a measure into practice ended in all three countries. We argue that the communist takeover and consolidation of power played a decisive role. After 1950, premarital medical certificates were not discussed again in Czechoslovakia or East Germany; in Poland, the debate re-emerged in 1959–60 during political liberalization.

Psychological Techniques for Counselling Individuals on Sexual Attitudes and Discrimination

The importance of studying the psychology of sexuality and exploring counselling techniques for individuals dealing with sexual attitudes and discrimination is steadily growing on a global scale. In recent years, democratic reforms, the rise of the feminist movement, increased communication freedom between men and women, the surge of research across various scientific disciplines, and other factors have all contributed to the growing public interest in this branch of sexology. The present era is shaping new laws and patterns, which are still being defined within today’s science. Emerging are new types, categories, subdivisions, and fields that form the structural framework of this scientific field. The categories within the psychology of sexuality are regularly reassessed. Today, the development of sexology as a scientific field demands focused attention from both the scientific community and the state. This includes the publication of specialized literature, the training of university-level educators, the creation of master’s programmes, and the formal recognition of the psychologist-sexologist profession (psychologist-consultant in sexology), along with the opportunity to defend master’s and doctoral theses in this discipline. This reflects the dual challenge of clearly defining the scope of the psychology of sexuality while emphasizing the need for psychologists to be actively involved in sexology. The article highlights the psychologist’s role within sexological support services, presents various models of psychological counselling for individuals facing sexual attitude issues and discrimination, and outlines ethical principles in psychological counselling.

Purging Disloyal Courts in Democratic Transitions and Judicial Preferences

ABSTRACT∞ In this article, I examine court-purging in democratic transitions through the lens of judicial preferences. Specifically, I address the debate on how court-purging during a democratic transition affects the likelihood of future court-purging. I argue that the prevailing assumption is one of static, sincere judicial preferences. In contrast, I explicitly recognize the role of dynamic judicial preferences and incentives. This recognition suggests that transitional court-purging could be minimal and cautious, while the broader judicial context may eventually achieve the same policy outcomes. The dynamic perspective is crucial for understanding past court-purging strategies and for informing the conceptual debate about the rule of law in transitional justice.

Perfiles partidarios de los gabinetes en Panamá (1989-2023)

Objective/context: This article analyzes the partisan profiles of cabinets in Panama from the transition to democracy to the present day. Methodology: Using an original methodological approach, a case study is conducted to empirically measure the degree of partisanship among the ministers who have served in Panamanian cabinets since the democratic transition. Conclusions: The data reveal that Panama is a case of cabinet partisanship, despite the growing presence of independent ministers. The most prominent party members are rewarded with positions in the government and leadership of the most significant ministries. Originality: This work provides empirical evidence, based on a database compiled by the author, about the differences in party affiliation among various ministers. While some are strong figures within the party, others are newcomers. It offers previously unexplored data on a case study that has been scarcely addressed in the literature.

Navigating the Evolving Landscape of Higher Education: A Critical Examination of Governance and Policy

The contemporary university has evolved into a multifaceted institution, serving not only as a hub for research, professional training, and knowledge dissemination, but also as a pivotal component of economic machinery and societal advancement, especially within the context of globalization and intense competition. These institutions are now expected to significantly contribute to the socio-economic development of their surroundings, striving for excellence and competing within an increasingly interconnected global framework. To meet these heightened expectations, universities have undergone profound transformations over recent decades. This period of change is particularly notable within the Spanish context, mirroring the broader societal shifts since the onset of the democratic transition in 1975 through to the present day in 2024. This era has necessitated substantial reforms in university governance, equipping these institutions with the requisite tools to navigate and address emerging challenges effectively. A pivotal moment in this transformative journey was the enactment of the University Reform Law of 1983. Grounded in constitutional principles, this law marked a significant milestone in updating and revitalizing university education in Spain. After this, the Organic Law on Universities of 2001 further aligned the Spanish university framework with the broader European educational landscape, reinforcing the integration and competitiveness of Spanish institutions on a continental scale. However, to comprehensively grasp the magnitude and implications of these changes, it is essential to extend our analysis beyond the immediate past and explore the historical trajectory of Spanish universities over previous centuries. By examining this extensive historical context, we can better understand the foundational elements that have shaped the current state of higher education. This article aims to meticulously analyze the evolution of the Spanish university system, delineating the chronological progress, identifying persistent challenges, and engaging in a critical discourse on potential solutions. Through this examination, the article seeks to provide a nuanced understanding of the interplay between historical legacies and contemporary reforms, offering insights that are essential for shaping the future trajectory of higher education in Spain.

Revisiting the Debates on the 2010 Constitutional Referendum in Turkey: Democratic Transition or Authoritarian Populism?

This article revisits the scholarly debates on the AKP’s constitutional amendment package that was put to vote in the 2010 Constitutional Referendum. It takes the democratic theorist Andrew Arato and constitutional scholar Aslı Bali as major representatives of the two opposing views on the political implications of the reform proposal. It compares and contrasts their arguments particularly in light of their different assessments of the amendments which concern the restructuring of the judiciary, especially the Turkish Constitutional Court. It argues that their fundamental controversy with regard to the democratic or authoritarian nature of these amendments is rooted in the contrast between Bali’s predominantly contextual and Arato’s predominantly global approach. While Bali affirms the reform proposal as a democratic step forward in transcending the persistent legacy of the Kemalist authoritarian “tutelary” regime represented by the Constitutional Court, Arato interprets it as a manifestation of the global populist-authoritarian retreat that is expresses itself most visibly through assaults against the independent judiciary. After a critical reading of these two approaches, this paper finalizes by way of introducing a new framework that would counterbalance the contextual with the global and vice versa that would arguably provide a new perspective through which one could unveil the particular characteristics of the AKP’s populist constitutional politics at the time of the Referendum.

Legal challenges of the post-third wave of democracy: The European Union

Introduction: The development of democracy in the twenty-first century is a key factor determining global relations in the context of globalization. Socio-political transformations are of great importance, as their adequacy affects the duration and effectiveness of the development of societies and the preservation of national identity. Democratization, aimed at establishing a democratic system, has undergone significant changes in different historical periods, including the French Revolution. The purpose of this paper is to identify the legal challenges of the third wave of democracy in the European Union (EU) and ways to address them.Methods: To study the legal challenges of the post-third wave of democracy in the European Union, a comprehensive methodology was used that combines various research approaches and tools such as the comparative analysis, systems analysis, historical analysis, and philosophical analysis.Results: The article highlights the current aspects and challenges experienced by the European Union in the period after the third wave of democratic reforms. The authors analyze the development of political and legal systems of the EU countries. In particular, they examine the constitutional reform, the role of the rule of law and the state of civil society in the context of strengthening democracy. Special attention is paid to the role of international organizations in supporting democratic values and strengthening the legal system.Conclusions: This article presents a valuable contribution to understanding the current challenges and prospects for the democracy development in the European Union under conditions of globalization

The Fragility of Democracy: Political Conflict in South Asia

The complex interplay between political conflict and democratic fragility in South Asia is the focus of this research paper. The study examines South Asia to understand how conflict catalyzes and hinders democratic progress. The research delves deep into the root causes of conflict, including socio-economic disparities, ethnic and religious tensions, and institutional weaknesses. It analyzes how conflict can trigger democratic reforms through popular mobilization and erode governance and institutions. The study highlights the fragility of democratic systems in the face of deep-rooted conflicts and the challenges of balancing competing interests. It underscores the need for South Asian nations to address underlying grievances to strengthen democratic institutions and foster inclusive dialogue to navigate conflict constructively and secure a stable democratic future. The research employs a qualitative approach, relying on a comprehensive literature review and case study analysis to draw insights into the multifaceted relationship between political conflict and democratic development in the selected region.

Islamic Movements Face an Emerging Threat and Tunisian Political Environment: Presidential Coup, Democracy, and Aristocracy

In 2011, the popular revolt brought about change in the Tunisian presidential palace as it transitioned from authoritarianism to a condition of liminality. However, following the Tunisian President's proclamation, only the democratic success story of the Arab Spring is under jeopardy after ten years of democratic transition. This article seeks to show how the President has increased his authority by invoking Article 80 of the Constitution. It also explains how this action violates the constitution and has a detrimental effect on the political environment. As a result, Tunisia's Islamic movement has dominated the political landscape of the nation since the 2011 uprising and is seen as the leader of the Islamic identity and democratic movement. Finally, it comes to a conclusion that a coup from the Tunisian president occurred amid Rashid Al-Ghannouchi, the Movement's founder and speaker of the Parliament, showing leniency toward Islamic doctrine. Although it appears that the situation is still precarious, Al-Nahda leadership is once again playing a crucial role in fostering a stable political environment through discussion. The main and secondary data in this article have been evaluated using the Discourse Analysis method and its Critical Discourse Analysis method.

Narratives, Expectations, and Policy Criteria for a Democratic and Socially Engaging Energy Transition

Energy transition policies can be translated into narratives about how energy systems should change (e.g., towards a centralised or decentralised system). These narratives tend to reflect expectations, priorities, and perceptions on feasibility and the social acceptability of different policy options, as well as long-term goals and trade-offs, all of which influence policy criteria. Taking as its case study Portugal and the implementation of European directives there, this study aims to characterise energy transition narratives (e.g. a swift transformation to renewables) and interrelated policy criteria (e.g., participation of local communities), focusing on expectations for a socially engaging and democratic energy transition. The analysis builds on the results of a Delphi survey with 10 expert stakeholders, a citizens’ survey (n=500), and a workshop with 19 participants. It identifies the most relevant criteria to stakeholders, as well as the importance of different underlying expectations, meanings, and attitudes shaping narratives about energy system futures. The findings indicate that criteria interrelated to narratives which highlight a promise of democratic energy governance may be less important for energy transition policies, and therefore undermine energy democracy goals. The conclusion highlights suggestions for policy and future research more likely to foster sociopolitical acceptance.

THE PRACTICAL EXPRESSION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF 'HUMAN DIGNITY' IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND ITS CONSTITUTIONAL-LEGAL FOUNDATIONS

This article examines the practical expression of the principle of "human dignity" within the context of public administration, focusing on its constitutional and legal foundations. By analyzing the role of human dignity in the governance model of Uzbekistan, the study highlights how democratic reforms and social policies prioritize individual rights and freedoms, thereby enhancing the welfare of citizens. The article delves into key constitutional provisions that emphasize human dignity as a fundamental value, reflecting the state's commitment to uphold justice, equality, and social well-being. Furthermore, the work explores the implementation of this principle through initiatives aimed at improving public administration efficiency and facilitating social justice. Special attention is given to the interconnection between human dignity and the "social state" concept, which underscores the state's responsibility to ensure equal opportunities and living standards for all citizens. The study concludes by affirming the centrality of human dignity in shaping public policies that promote individual and societal progress, thereby contributing to the overall development of the country. ‎

External factors in democratic transition in Pakistan in 2008: an analysis of the US supporting role

The political history of Pakistan has seen ephemeral intervals of democratic rule while protracted periods of military rule. A landmark development happened when a peaceful democratic transition from the authoritarian rule of General Musharraf was held in 2008. The internal factors for this transition were an independent judiciary, vibrant media, civil society, and political consensus between major political parties. This article meticulously investigates the significant role of the US as an external factor in supporting the democratic transition in Pakistan in 2008. Data is collected from secondary sources like newspapers, journal articles, books, and websites. The US supported General Musharraf's regime as part of its war on terror strategy but also urged him publicly to restore democracy. The Bush administration encouraged negotiation between Benazir Bhutto and General Musharraf and supported a political reconciliation between them, which shaped the politics of Pakistan in a new direction. When General Musharraf adopted authoritarian means, the US pressured him to democratise by different means to reinforce its interest in counterterrorism. Under heavy pressure, General Musharraf resigned as army chief and lifted the state of emergency. Later, he resigned from the presidency to escape the humiliation of impeachment, and democracy was restored in Pakistan.

Winds of change: democratic transitions and long-term democratic support

ABSTRACT Do democratic transitions affect citizens’ subsequent support for democracy? We propose that the type of democratic transition (citizen-centered vs elite-centered) shapes citizens’ support for democracy through the investment created by citizen participation in the transition and the expectations this generates about the future under democracy. We test our hypotheses using democratic transitions data from Geddes et al. (2014) and harmonized survey data of citizens’ support for democracy from nearly 500,000 respondents in 78 established and new democracies over the period 1946–2015. Our results show a consistent negative effect of elite-centered transitions on support for democracy, while the effects of citizen-centered transitions are less robust and much more context-dependent. Using an augmented difference-in-difference estimation we can underpin these findings by isolating the causal effect of transitions. Our results indicate the political socialization effect and long-lasting impact of major political events on individuals’ democratic attitudes.

South European studies from the democratic transitions to the covid-19 pandemic

Cet article retrace les tendances de la recherche sur l’Europe du Sud au cours des dernières décennies. Il s’appuie sur les archives de la revue South European Society and Politics et du Standing Group on Southern Europe de l’ECPR en présentant des données quantitatives pertinentes. Trois phases thématiques sont identifiées, respectivement représentées par les mots-clés démocratisation, européanisation et crise. Cet article montre aussi que les contours de l’Europe du Sud ont été redéfinis du fait de l’européanisation et de l’élargissement de l’UE puis comment les points géographiques focaux de la recherche sur l’aire ont changé sous l’impact des crises. Sont également étudiés les tendances en termes d’auteurs, en soulignant le rôle moteur des auteurs basés en Europe du Sud elle-même dans la production de la recherche sur la région.

The transition to direct mayoral elections in clientelistic environments: Causal public spending and service delivery effects

We examine the impact of the transition to direct mayoral elections on district spending and household public service access in Indonesia during a period of momentous national democratic reform. We leverage the arguably exogenous timing of direct local elections to specify a staggered difference-in-differences model, which we estimate using the latest methods to plausibly identify causal effects. We find that the transition to direct elections led to a consistent and large decline in capital spending in both pre- and post-election years. We also determine that the transition resulted in a moderate decrease in household service access in the post-election period. Pre-election capital spending impacts are a function of both general disruptions associated with the transition and emerging clientelism. Service access effects are completely explained by the relative extent of clientelism across districts. We conclude that the local democratic transition in Indonesia had a mostly negative impact on key spending and service outcomes, at least in the short-run and for those districts in which clientelistic practices were especially pronounced.

"China and Russia Strengthen Strategic Alliance: A United Front over U.S. Dominance"

If Russia does not swiftly enact democratic reforms, China and Russia will continue to battle for dominance of the world order for the next ten years. It is anticipated that it will involve the Global South and turn into a confrontation between the forces attempting to preserve the status quo. Leading the effort to overthrow the US-centered current order are China and Russia. It is expected that the result will be known with certainty once both teams have increased their level of competition. Rather, as the argument rages on, feelings will most likely begin to show. Effective competition management is essential for both parties to prevent destabilising factors such as inadvertent confrontations and unanticipated escalation. Whether or not China can be prevented from using force to alter the status quo unilaterally will be the primary element determining how the battle for international order plays out in the future.

The Legal Profession in Battle: Cause Lawyers Versus State-Embedded Lawyers in Hong Kong's Democratization

The existing literature has long recognized that cause lawyers play important roles in fighting for political justice. However, the implications of how the state responds to these lawyers have yet to be comprehensively explored. This article argues that the state in Hong Kong has co-opted “state-embedded lawyers” against cause lawyers for the counter-mobilizing of public opinion. Thus, both cause lawyers and state-embedded lawyers engage in political battles with polarized objectives, either for democratic reform or regime stability. Theoretically, this paper contributes to analyzing the state's response to cause lawyering and its counter-mobilization actions by developing state-embedded lawyers. Empirically, the case of Hong Kong helps enrich the existing literature by exploring the confrontational relations within polarized legal professions. The conclusion shows that such tensions can stimulate further polarization with different business paths between lawyers, consumption patterns among citizens and understanding of the rule of law and responses from mainland China.