Democratic Tradition Research Articles

Contemporary Models of Organization of Power and the Macedonian Model of Organization of Power

This paper is a critical analysis of the model of organization of power, which intends to prove that the traditional dichotomy parliamentary - presidential system has a relative methodological value in view of the character of the contemporary organization of power models. The Macedonian organization of power model is no exception to this statement. The political system is not determined only by the constitutional framework. It is also determined by the (un)democratic tradition, the model of political culture, the electoral and party system. In this sense, the same normative model works differently in different countries or different periods of development of the same political system. This is especially evident in the relations between Parliament and Government. The dominance of the executive government is not characteristic only of the organization of power model in the Republic of Macedonia, it is a global tendency as well. In that sense, the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia shares the “fate” of the representative bodies in the contemporary parliamentary system. However, in the absence of a democratic tradition, the presence of subject political culture, strong elements of partocracy and party state, fragile and fragmented civil society and weak general public, the dominance of the executive over the legislative government acquires dramatic dimensions.

Heads I Win, Tails You Lose Double

The foundation of modern capitalist economies is the theory of the New Classical School (NCS). In spite of their success in the last two centuries, capitalistic economies have experienced several unpleasant developments, like highly uneven distribution of income, instability etc. The NCS theory considers these events as the inevitable side-effects of the function of the powerful economic system it advocates. Others question whether this is true, or the NCS just tries to justify the traditional conflict among economic classes with a sophisticated theory. This article intends to review in general the main points of this dispute, and specify the role of the financial sector on this matter. The NCs prescribes an individual and social framework that intends to make economics as precise as a natural science. In addition, it makes basic assumptions about the behaviour of the key economic agents. It concludes that agents have homogeneous expectations, and the economy tends automatically to general equilibrium and full employment Some of the shortcomings of the NCS theory are: First the way it prescribes the economic environment is not in line with the intellectual honesty of a science. Second, some of the assumptions of the NCS, lead to erroneous conclusions about the consumption patterns of the society. Third, it assumes that market failures can be corrected by the market mechanism itself. However some market failures create monopolies which damage the environment and deplete non-renewable resources. Fourth, real world markets are a wide mixture of market imperfections, which are bound to happen. In this environment the “second best theory” poses a serious doubt about the validity of the dictums of the NCS Fifth, under the framework of NCS there is strong evidence that production technologies evolve against the interests of the labour class. The role of the financial sector is to transfer funds from the surplus units to the units with deficit of funds This function has many beneficial results for producers and consumers For these reason, the New Classical School advocates that financial markets should be allowed to innovative as much as possible. The validity of this view depends on the realism of the assumptions of NCS concerning rationality and the availability of information. In the planning of projects, agents face complex inter-temporal problems, which render their strategic plans not optimal. The NCS theory, argues that business cycles occur because of the of shocks external-to-the-economic-system. Opposing theories, based on the real world environment, attribute several business cycles to monetary factors. In the text we deal with this claim extensively. Essentially, agents become optimistic during the expansion phase of the cycle, and banks practice “predatory lending” during the early downturn, in anticipation of economic policies intending to prevent the cycle and restore full employment. These practices create an inordinate stock of debt which over time leads to a financial crisis. The role of the financial sector, as described above, obscures the effects of corrupt actions that frequently take place. There is plenty of evidence on this claim from our experience before and after the onset of the crisis of 2008 The long term implications these actions are the weakening of the competitive spirit in the markets, and the threat to our democratic traditions. There are plenty of suggestions concerning the restraints that should be imposed on the financial sector. In my opinion the fairest suggestion is that the sector should be required to assume more of the risk it deals within the planning of investment projects, rather than be allowed to only take most of the advantages of its benefits. The investigation of this topic is a demanding obligation for the area of financial economics.

School Governing Body Election Deficiencies – Deliberative Democracy Knocking at the Door

As forums, School Governing Bodies have the makings of a great and unique South African democratic tradition as they reflect local deliberations, participative decision-making by stakeholders in education. The main contention of this article is that the SGB election processes at many public schools in South Africa are deficient. Legal analysis reveals the extent of non-uniformity of SGB election regulations among the nine provinces, as well as unlawful regulatory provisions, the unfair and undemocratic administration of the election process and misconceptions about democracy are causal factors that result deficiencies in SGB elections. The qualitative evidence affirms that parents are concerned about the insufficient information about candidates before and during elections, thus preventing voters from making informed decisions. Undemocratic features in the election process results in the election of unsuitable or incompetent candidates which has a detrimental effect on the governance of public schools. It is therefore recommended that a new set of nationally uniform SGB election regulations, which allows for transparent deliberation between candidates and voters should be promulgated before the next SGB election in order to address these shortcomings.
 

The Role of Consultative Democracy in a Constitutional System and the Rule of Law in China

The rule of law in China should be advanced under a systems framework. The systems framework on which the Chinese rule of law relies is shaped by the socialist democratic system. Socialist consultative democracy, which responds to the core themes of the determinant of socialism, Party leadership, the democratic tradition of New China and native resources for constructing the rule of law, is an important resource for constructing the rule of law in China. In a constitutional system of “ruling Party—political power—the people” that takes the sovereignty of the people as the logic of its starting point, consultative democracy plays the role of functional coupling. Popular sovereignty gains political legitimacy on the basis of multi- party cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the CPC, thus translating the will of the ruling Party into the will of the state. Consultative democracy constitutes an essential process in national decision-making, affording a basis for the construction of the inherent logical sequence of “ruling Party—Consultative Conference—People’s Congress.” The democratic supervision exercised by the Consultative Conference is an extension of political consultation; from it unfolds the systems framework of the rule of law in China.

Bieber, Florian; Galija, Armina and Archer, Rory (eds) Debating the End of Yugoslavia (review)

SEER, 93, 4, OCTOBER 2015 788 (although Lyons does not use the word) evoke the oft-cited Czech tradition of ‘Švejkism’. Overall, Adjectives of Democracy is a long and slightly uneven work, whose detailed and sometimes highly technical discussions of the statistical testing of public opinion can sit uneasily with broad-brush theoretical discussions of democracy and political behaviour; explorations of the political thought of Rosanvallon and others; and historically-oriented accounts of the Prague Spring. The Czech lands emerge, moreover, as an awkward case for the empirical testing of ideas about democratic indeterminacy in public opinion: ultimately, it is unclear whether the complex patterns of public opinion revealed should be read as an example of the inherent ambiguity of attitudes to democracy in many societies, or seen more narrowly as an account of the (transmuted) legacy of one country’s democratic tradition across different regimes. The richness of the book’s empirical findings and the originality of its Rosanvalloniantakeonpublicopinionresearch,however,morethancompensate for such flaws. Adjectives of Democracy will certainly be an important point of reference both for researchers concerned with the development of democracy in the Czech case and those seeking to ask more searching questions of the longerterm evolution of public opinion in East and Central Europe. UCL SSEES Seán Hanley Bieber, Florian; Galijaš, Armina and Archer, Rory (eds). Debating the End of Yugoslavia.SoutheastEuropeanStudies.Ashgate,FarnhamandBurlington, VT, 2014. xiii + 261 pp. Illustration. Notes. Bibliographies. Index. £65.00. Nationalism enjoys growing appeal in the present European timeframe. Post-nationalist formations like the European Union are being thrown onto the defensive as a result. Perhaps it is the apt moment for the appearance of a book exploring how academic scholarship has treated the dissolution of another experimental post-national entity, Yugoslavia, and subsequent wars in many of its constituent parts. In a short but incisive chapter, Eric Gordy indicates that since 1991 researchers have ‘concentrated overwhelmingly on the top level of institutions, especially political and military’ (p. 11). Elsewhere in this volume, there are at least two chapters in this tradition, a reassessment of Miloşević as a ‘saviour’ of the Communist regime and the attitude of Serbian political elites to the VanceOwen Peace Plan. Such studies are justified because, as Gordy himself is the first to admit: ‘the failure of the Yugoslav state was a massive failure of institutions at many levels and the violence that accompanied the failure was organized […] through institutions’ (p. 11). REVIEWS 789 But a number of authors contend that there is insufficient understanding of socialchangeandthewaysinwhichitcontributedtopoliticalandsocialdivisions. Rory Archer seeks to revive interest in the impact of social class on the microexperiences of war. He believes that phenomena like ‘eliticide’ in Bosnia and the impoverishment of the middle classes, have been explored but not sufficiently in relation to class structures. Armina Galijaš, for her part, makes a case for the study of everyday lives, Lebenswelt, or everyday structures, attitudes, codes and norms of life. The rapid development of rent-seeking and formation of criminal elites and their consolidation in the upheavals of the 1990s is a neglected area crying out for research (however exacting that might prove to be). Gordy believes that there are models available from Russia and Sicily which help to shed light on the uglier features of political and social change in post-1989 Southeast Europe. This timely-collection of good-quality essays on the state of scholarship in the post-Yugoslav sphere finds that too much of the scholarship is characterized by methodological shortcomings. Josip Glaurdić homes in on plentiful leftist critiques of international policies towards Yugoslavia and its successor states. He find that much of this ’scholarly work’ is characterized by ‘source selection bias, distortions of the record of events, and serious mistreatment of historical evidence’ (p. 26). Crude imperialist stereotypes were used to perpetuate hostility towards the role of assertive German diplomacy during the initial stage of the break-up of Yugoslavia. He finds that even the most cited scholarly book on the dissolution of Yugoslavia managed to display a high level of factual imprecision concerning key events. Glaurdic also pleads for care in assessing the body of work of The Hague Tribunal (ICTY). He points out that...

POLITICAL CRISIS AND SOCIAL PROTEST IN THAILAND

The article focuses on socio-political activism, main features of socio-political contradictions and the couses of the recent social protests in Thailand. Thailand has the longest democratic tradition among ther countries of South-east Asia. Yetbackin 1932 the country has changed the absoulute monarchy to a constitutional one. However in the XXth century Thailand had lived through more than five decades of authoritarianism. The number of military coupd'etats which took place in Thailand now equals to almost twenty. At the same time, despite such a long authoritarian rule the country witnessed the formation of various elements of civil society. In the second part of the XX century the student protests of 1973–1976 became the most vivid example of civic activism. The social protest in Thailand reached its most active phase in the first decade of this century when the country splitted into two camps – one of thes-o-called «Red Shirts» and Another One of the «Yellow Shirts». The «Red Shirts» supported billionere Thaksin Shinawatra, a Prime Minister of Thaialnd in 2001–2006. The «Yellow Shirts» opposed him. Thet women tioned camps created new social movements – «People's Alliance for Democracy» («Yellow Shirts») and «United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship» («Red Shirts»). Since 2006 Thailand has seen several stages of the development of the social protest. The most recent one starte din November 2013 and end edin May 2014 when after more than half a year of mass meetings in the country's capital Bangkok the military took power again.

Democratic Therapeutic Community in a Network of “Enabling Environments”: Transformations of Psychotherapeutic Residential Services in Social Postmodern Crisis

The purpose of this article is to present a model for new democratic therapeutic community programmes for seriously ill patients, based on social networks. This model is based on the concept of the Democratic Therapeutic Community in a network of “enabling environments”, in a social context of crisis. It represents an evolution of the tradition of Supported Housing as Therapeutic Environment for people with severe and persistent mental illness, in Sicily. A postmodern transition from old Psychiatric Residential Services to new Psychotherapy Community Based. These programmes have given birth to a range of new type of democratic therapeutic community, understood as a new practices of group-psychotherapy community-focused for severe and persistent mental illness. In this article the authors propose and present three type of new DTCs: 1) GroupApartment (GA); 2) Non-Residential Democratic Therapeutic Community (NRDTC); 3) Guest House of Psychotherapeutic Treatment of Crisis (GHPTC). This new model has been developed in Sicily as a response to the serious economic and political crisis of the last decade. It has encouraged mental health professionals to reconsider in the light of the new international interest in mental health ‘recovery’, the English democratic therapeutic community tradition, and the Italian health care policy choices that with the Law 180/1978, excludes possibility of permanent shelter in psychiatric hospitals, of users with severe mental illness. The Italian health care policy, with the Law 81/2014, definitively closed also the Judiciary Psychiatric Hospitals. So communitarian treatment of these forensic users will be totally in charge of territorial mental health services and of new TCs. Therapeutics processes of this programmes are given by creating ‘enabling environments’, through psychotherapeutic and psychosocial treatments between the house of users and the place of the therapeutic community, in which ‘communal living’ is developed as a contexts of care that identify itself as part of a broader social community of purpose and scope, that we use to define the ‘Local Community’. The ‘therapeutic communal environment’ offer suitable care to ameliorate the post-acute phases of mental illness, and play a role of intermediary between the services offered by the NHS and the social community, on one hand, and the caring work carried out by the family as a whole and the job context, on other hand. Three type of new DTCs have been developed from three programmes of “Supported Housing”, whit evidences of effectiveness in the scientific field of Mental Health Community-Based: 1) Cooperative Apartment (CA), 2) Supportive Leaving (SL) and 3) Crisis Resolution and Home Treatment Team (CRHTT).

The Role and Impact of FDI in Development of Indian Education Sector

In India, education is the key to the task of nation-building. It is also a well-accepted fact that providing the right knowledge and skills to the youth can ensure the overall national progress and economic growth. The Indian education system recognizes the role of education in instilling the values of secularism, egalitarianism, respect for democratic traditions and civil liberties and quest for justice. The ongoing demand to strengthen the Indian education sector has opened up many avenues for people of India as well as non-residents of India (NRI) to invest in education sector.Mumbai, Nov. 2013: India, which has the third largest higher education system in the world in terms of enrolments, after China and the US, needs more FDI to meet its target of doubling the Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) by 2020, a global consultancy firm has said in its report. The private sector’s role in the higher education sector has been growing at a rapid pace over the last decade and needs to further expand at an accelerated rate in order to achieve the GER target, Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu India said in a recent report titled ‘Indian Higher Education Sector: Opportunities aplenty, Growth unlimited. It says higher education is the one of the largest opportunity in the Indian education sector and it is important for foreign direct investment (FDI) to flow in this sector in order to transform Indian higher education institutions into the world’s top league. Success in leveraging knowledge and innovation that could contribute to hi-tech manufacturing and high value-added services is only possible with a sound infrastructure of higher education. As per projections, the sector is expected to register a CAGR of 12% from 2008 to reach a size of $31.47 billion, the report says.With the estimated number of students at 16 millions enrolled in the academic year 2010-11 in the formal system, consisting of regular universities and colleges and excluding the enrollment in open universities and distance learning, the Indian higher education system stands only third in the world after US and China.India is also believed to have the largest higher education systems in the world in terms of number of institutes. The university and higher education system comprises 610 universities and in addition, there are 33,023 colleges. An estimated $13 billion is spent outside the country.The government has set an aggressive target of doubling the GER (gross enrollment ratio) in higher education from the existing 15% to 30% by 2020. To meet such a target, huge investment will be required in terms of capital and operating expenditure which the government alone will not be able to provide. Thus the role of private sector in higher education has significantly increased in the last decade. However due to various impediments the amount of FDI attracted by this sector since 2000 is dismally low at just $ 400 million.This paper quantifies the impact of FDI in Indian education sector. It aims to gain an insight into current scenario which implies need to have more FDI to achieve GER target. The results hold that increase in FDI will have significant relationship with increase in employment & improvement in infrastructure.

DIREITO AO DESENVOLVIMENTO HUMANO ENQUANTO BEM JURÍDICO GLOBAL

The objective of this paper is to analyze the right to human development as a global legal heritage. The acceptance of democracy as a universal value, the accelerated process of globalization and the need for enforcement of fundamental rights, among other henomena, demand the ability to address local problems or wide repercussions, and seek solutions, elongated and oriented manner through dialogue and instruments of the democratic tradition constantly updated. Legal guarantees accompany this dynamic. Initially will be addressed the limits and needs related to the Global Law; in a second moment, considerations will be made about the human rights these days, as well about as the human right to development and; finally,present the relation between to the right to human development with democracy. It was used for the development of this research the inductive method, operated by the techniques of operational concepts and literature.

Direct Mayoral Elections in Slovenia and England: Traditions and Trends Compared

Direct mayoral elections have in recent decades become an important and popular feature of many local governments across Europe. The direct election of the mayor enhances the accountability and transparency of local political leadership and gives voters the opportunity to gain important influence on local politics. This contrasts with councillors who choose the mayor in single-party private settings. This article provides a case study analysis of two directly elected mayors in contrasting political settings, namely England and Slovenia. Whereas England is regarded as the mother of all Parliaments, Slovenia’s democratic traditions are more recent. Yet nonetheless Slovenia displays all the features of a strong local democracy where an independent mayoral system operates within a nonpartisan political setting. By contrast, whereas England provides the longest-standing case of local democracy in Europe, directly elected mayors have only recently been introduced into the political system, the outcome of which has been mixed in terms of successfulness and acceptance by national political parties within municipalities.

Enhancement of Master Students’ Professional Preparation on the Basis of Modern Technologies

In the period of passing to the world civilization and democratic tradition, the Republic of Kazakhstan pays great importance to the general values heritage of human society stored/perpetuated over the centuries and the enhancement of specialists’ professional preparations through forming healthy life style habits on the basis of modern technologies and developing physical-upbringing on the spiritual and moral base. This problem was raised as one of the actual tasks of the education system in the program “Kazakhstan-2030” of the President N. Nazarbayev, 2014; in the law of the Republic of Kazakhstan “About knowledge”, 2008; and “The State Program of the education development in the Republic of Kazakhstan for 2011-2020”, 2010. The investigation of physical upbringing, modern technology and advances of experiments in a close connection with of the national and general human values laws is one of the obligations of the professional pedagogy science resulted from the requirements of the modern society. Considering the essence of physical upbringing according to the requirements of modern society is defined by recognizing a person not as a successful offspring of the environment in which he lives, but also as a subject distinguished by his physical culture and moral relationships. Considerable changes in the society are bringing some changes to person’s purposes, manner of life and behavior and even in him as a subject. Furthermore, the literacy in the society, comprehensive investigations on the nature, essence and functions of physical culture and spiritual values and the necessity of considering the problem of using modern technology in the system of preparing master-students in the scientific pedagogical direction define the importance of our research theme.

The International Humanitarian Regime and its Discontents: India’s Challenge

In recent years, concerns over whether the humanitarian regime as we know it will survive a many-pronged challenge have spurred humanitarian organisations to embark on processes of soul-searching and innovation. With a steadily increasing aid budget and its more active and vocal role in development and humanitarian politics—and in global politics more generally—India has acquired the label of ‘emerging’ humanitarian actor. This article, however, shows that in many ways India has been a humanitarian pioneer, and connects the norms and values of the international humanitarian regime with India’s own philosophical, religious and democratic traditions. It also discusses how Indian policy-makers have critiqued the current United Nations-led international humanitarian regime and investigates how the government of an increasingly powerful and influential Commonwealth country from the South interacts with an international regime created in Europe. For many Indian policy-makers, current humanitarian practices are tainted by what they see as North American and European interventionist and highly political agendas in the South. The article concludes that while there is still a lot to be said for a global, multilateral humanitarian regime led by the United Nations, it need not be Western-biased, either in theory or in practice.

Social Work with Groups: What, Why, and Wherefore?

These excerpts are from a presentation given by the author at a meeting held on May 21, 1994, for the purpose of forming a Suffolk County chapter of the Association for the Advancement of Social Work with Groups (AASWG). Here the author conveys her deep respect for the rich “breadth” in social work’s way of working with groups. She emphasizes the importance of activity in engaging members in the grouping process, and in the democratic tradition of social work with groups she stresses the responsibility of the group’s members to make themselves a group.

Megszabva. Városi kormányzás másutt és itthon

A helyi önkormányzatokat szokásos megközelítés szerint az állami területbeosztáshoz kötik. A feladatok ellátása ugyanakkor a városiasság különböző fokait feltételezi, tekintet nélkül adott település és környezete közigazgatási besorolásának milyenségére. Az állami területbeosztáshoz nem kötött városi kormányzás kötetlen formái mindig is „körbelengik” a merevebb hivatalszervezési struktúrákat. A jelenség ebben az értelemben manapság reneszánszát éli Európában és a fejlett világ többi részén. A hálózatos formák tapinthatóak az urbanizált helyek között és közösségeikben, de ezek mindig együtt élnek merevebb struktúrákkal is. Ilyen a hierarchikus állami szerepek érvényesülése, ami egyben veszélyeket hordoz a hálózatosságra. De mind az államigazgatás szokásos struktúrája, mind a hálózati rendszer potenciálisan kikezdi magát a helyi demokráciát is. A probléma feltárása érdekében a tanulmány analitikus és empirikus módszert alkalmaz, az utóbbit összehasonlító kérdőíves felmérések adatainak elemzése útján.

Painting realism and medicine: the two surgical clinics of Thomas Eakins

Realism is a painting style that began with Millet and Courbet in politically convulsed France in the middle of the nineteenth century. In the second half of that century, the pragmatic and democratic tradition of the United States fostered the careers of many realist painters, including that of Thomas Eakins. Eakins, trained in France, developed his career completely associated with Philadelphia at a time when this city was in the vanguard of American emerging industry, culture and medicine. Eakins "The clinic of Dr. Gross" and the "The clinic of Dr. Agnew" are icons of these developments and symbolize a perfect union of art and medicine. Both paintings permit the viewer to appreciate the artist's mastery, originality and Americanism while simultaneously tracking the progress of surgery as evidenced by the introduction of asepsis, anesthesia and nursing. Eakins mastery is revealed by its use of some European Old Masters approaches to portray medical professionals undertaking their daily duties in their work environments with critical and unadorned vision. This combination of vision and skills led Eakins to create a highly original yet analytical art. Unfortunately, his representations were far ahead of his time and resulted in under appreciation of his paintings and a censorious reaction to their content. His contemporaries rejection of Eakins work negatively affected his career as a painter, as a teacher and even his private life. This judgment was overturned in subsequent years and by the twentieth century Eakins was recognized as an American master without parallel.

The Good Hacker: A Look at the Role of Hacktivisim in Democracy

“Hacker” is an extremely opaque, arguably insidious word. It conjures images of a computer mastermind with an appetite for destruction, theft, and a cocktail of illegal ambitions. This stereotype leaves little room for images of moral crusaders in the tradition of Martin Luther King, Jr. or Mahatma Ghandi. Yet, there are hackers who more closely resemble such icons than the cyber-criminals often associated with the hacker moniker. These other hackers have their own label — hacktivists. This article explores the role of hacktivists in democracy and discusses domestic laws that make hacktivist activities illegal. The article further explores how these restrictive laws are inconsistent with democratic tradition and international law, and how domestic law should be reformed to eliminate this inconsistency.

Digital Activism and NonnViolent Conflict

Using data from thousands of campaigns around the world, this paper explores the relationship between digital activism and non violent conflict. Executive Summary In order to analyze digital activism, we investigated hundreds of campaigns from around the world and assembled protest event data more comprehensive than any previously collected. We define a digital activism campaign as an organized public effort, making collective claim(s) on a target authority(s), in which civic initiators or supporters use digital media. With a team of over 40 coders, reviewing hundreds of cases and two decades of digital activism, we used the highest of social scientific standards to build the best available data set on one of the most important trends in global politics. Digital Activism is Civil, Non-violent, and Rarely Involves Hackers Despite prominent media coverage of hacking and cybercrime, both physical and technical violence are extremely rare in digital activism. Facebook and Twitter Dominate Global Activism, But There Are Plenty of Regional Phenomena Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube may be the most popular tools for digital activism around the world, but there are interesting regional variations. For example, E-petitions are most popular in North America and Northern Europe, regions with strong democratic traditions. Globally, there is no “killer app” that makes some campaigns more successful than others. Success Depends on Target Type and Tool Diversity If anything, using a diverse digital toolkit causes some campaigns to succeed and others to fail. Digital activism has a demonstrated, positive impact on drawing people to the streets to protest, especially when civil society groups use digital tools and changing government policy is the goal. If the objective is change in government or government policy, civil society groups have demonstrated success with just modest street protests and a few digital tools. Both recipes for success are true regardless of regime type.

MYTHOLOGY POLITIK JAWA DALAM PIDATO ANAS URBANINGRUM (ANALISIS SEMIOTIKA ROLAND BARTHES DALAM PIDATO ANAS URBANINGRUM TERKAIT KASUS KORUPSI HAMBALANG)

Anas Urbaningrum received attention from the media lately because of his messages consisting multi interpretation statements through the analogy of puppet story. Anas' speech, which is driven on semiotics review, becomes an interesting topic for a research due to its connection with national politics reality and dynamic within this political year. The result of this research shows that Anas's message indicated Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the narrator/director of Hambalang case series. The Hambalang Project gratification case is a project prepared by SBY in order to overthrow Anas as the Chairman of Partai Demokrat that was legally gained. KPK becomes SBYs assistant to smoothen the operation and to prepare the plot. Demokrat Party still has no democratic tradition because of the strong feeling of aristocracy in the party’s internal body.

Scotland's Future Political System

AbstractDebates on Scottish constitutional reform go hand in hand with discussions of political reform. Its reformers use the image of ‘old Westminster’ to describe ‘control freakery’ within government and an adversarial political system. Many thought that the Scottish political system could diverge from the UK, to strengthen the parliamentary system, introduce consensus politics and further Scotland's alleged social and democratic tradition. Yet the experience of devolution suggests that Holyrood and Westminster politics share key features. Both systems are driven by government, making policy in ‘communities’ involving interest groups and governing bodies, with parliaments performing a limited role and public participation limited largely to elections. The Scottish government's style of policy‐making is distinctive, but new reforms are in their infancy and their effects have not been examined in depth. In this context, the article identifies Scotland's ability to make and implement policy in a new way, based on its current trajectory rather than the hopes of reformers.

The Irish Parliamentary Party and the Third Home Rule Crisis, by James McConnel

How significant is the legacy that the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) left to the Irish Free State? Is there a democratic tradition which the Nationalists created and bequeathed to the ‘founding fathers’ of independent Ireland? One way to approach this question is to study how the IPP operated both at Westminster and in the constituencies—that is, how its MPs understood both their role as representatives in an imperial parliament and their vision for Ireland under Home Rule. This is the strategy adopted by James McConnel in this brilliant new analysis of the political elite who were preparing to run the country under devolved powers when the First World War and the Easter Rising changed forever the course of Irish history. The book consists of thirteen chapters grouped into four parts. Part I examines the MPs in their constituencies (including their readiness to serve local interests at Westminster), the way candidates were selected and the working of patronage. Part II is about the IPP’s ‘enemies’: significantly, under this rubric McConnel does not consider the Unionists, but the ‘enemies within’ nationalism, including the Fenians, Sinn Fein, and militant labour, which was behind the violent industrial actions, such as the one in Dublin in 1913. Part III looks at the social dynamics of the IPP when in London, including party behaviour and discipline in the House of Commons. Finally, Part IV is about ideas during the ‘long’ Home Rule crisis, from 1912 to 1916, focusing on the outlook of the IPP, including the way they imagined Ireland under self-government, the question of ‘loyalty’ and that of imperialism, the 1912 Ulster Crisis, the organisation of the Volunteers, and how all of these issues and attitudes were transformed by the Great War and the Easter Rising.