Democratic Peace Research Articles

Reconceptualising Security-development Paradigm: A Critical Analysis of Chinese ‘Development Peace Model’ in the Middle East

In recent years, China has emerged as a significant player in the intersection of international security and development in the Middle East. This development coincides with a decline in the enduring dominance of the US in the region’s security and development affairs. In contrast, China has pursued a cautious, impartial and novel concept of zero enemy policy with regional states. While existing research has explored Chinese economic engagement in the Middle East, literature focusing on the ‘Development Peace Model’ in relation to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) remains limited. This article aims to provide a critical analysis of how China’s pursuit of a multi-polar world order, based on principles of neutrality and partnership for promoting stability through the ‘Development Peace Model’, offers an alternative approach to ‘Liberal Democratic Peace’ in the Middle East. Furthermore, the article examines why Middle Eastern states are receptive to China’s ‘Development Peace Model’ as they seek to address their economic crises.

The United States is a messianic state: rhetorical roots in US foreign policy since 1991

ABSTRACT How do we explain the United States’ interventionist mindset in the international system since 1991? Since the end of the Cold War and the subsequent unipolar moment, America has actively promoted democracy and human rights globally. However, the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 and the Taliban’s subsequent takeover prompts us to re-think the ideological roots of interventionism between 1991 and 2021. Scholars have taken two broad positions on how they view America: an empire or a hegemon. In this article, I suggest that two conceptions help explain the US actions and behaviour in the international system but do not explicitly outline the rhetorical roots of the US intentions. Drawing on historical instances of messianic tendencies in the global political structure, this paper argues that a messianic state is a nation-state that assumes the global responsibility of saving societies from an impending threat. As a messianic state, the US has used the discursive logic of saving others by drawing on American exceptionalism and the global vision of democratic peace. The messianic content in American foreign policy matured between 1991 and 2010, but it has been in steep decline since 2015 with the rise of China and American inwardness.

The evolution of democratic peace in animal societies

A major goal in evolutionary biology is to elucidate common principles that drive human and other animal societies to adopt either a warlike or peaceful nature. One proposed explanation for the variation in aggression between human societies is the democratic peace hypothesis. According to this theory, autocracies are more warlike than democracies because autocratic leaders can pursue fights for private gain. However, autocratic and democratic decision-making processes are not unique to humans and are widely observed across a diverse range of non-human animal societies. We use evolutionary game theory to evaluate whether the logic of democratic peace may apply across taxa; specifically adapting the classic Hawk-Dove model to consider conflict decisions made by groups rather than individuals. We find support for the democratic peace hypothesis without mechanisms involving complex human institutions and discuss how these findings might be relevant to non-human animal societies. We suggest that the degree to which collective decisions are shared may explain variation in the intensity of intergroup conflict in nature.

Jus post bellum obligations of intervening states: A legal and ethical analysis of what we owe to the people of Afghanistan

This essay seeks to answer the question of what obligations intervening states have and why the US/NATO intervention in Afghanistan failed. With Afghanistan as a case study, it will attempt to illuminate the responsibilities and objectives of democratic intervening states in general. While it is too late for any near-term realistic hope of a just peace in Afghanistan, future efforts to create a democratic peace between nations should be built not only on humility about the intervenor’s knowledge of foreign peoples and cultures but a deeper understanding of democracy and peace between democracies. Given the ongoing need for asylum and the existence of the Afghani diaspora, it is not too late to learn from the people of Afghanistan as to how to proceed and honor our obligations. The reason why the US government and other NATO intervenors failed to achieve their desired outcome, a just and sustainable peace, is because collectively we not only had an institutionally weak knowledge of Afghanistan and Pakistan, we also had a poor understanding of democracy and peace between democracies. We were not just ignorant; we did not care to learn. This weakness, the misapprehension of democracy as more of a confidently perfected and exportable legal construct and not a humble ethical restriction on laws and knowledge, doomed our path to a just and sustainable peace. This misunderstanding about democracy, a misunderstanding that deepened at the height of American power, is important to correct if we are to achieve solidarity between democracies, and to intervene and choose not to intervene successfully in the future. A humbler approach to democracy-promotion, not an abandonment of it, would have had a higher likelihood of success over the past 20 years, and would still serve us better today in our relations with Afghanistan, Pakistan, and other governments and peoples.

27 May 1977 in Luanda. The Novels of José Luis Mendonça –(Collective) Violence and its Affective Memory

José Luis Mendonça is a journalist and writer, based in Luanda, Angola. He is primarily a poet and has published at least eighteen poetry volumes until now. Mendonça also wrote two novels, in which (collective) violence and its affective memory in Luanda play a crucial role. In O reino das casuarinas (2014), he expands on the urban scenario in 1987 during one month in times of the Cold War, repeatedly looking back to the decade before. And in As metamorfoses do elefante (2022), he describes ten days in 2020, when a mysterious epidemic stagnates quotidian routines in Luanda. The author’s hyperbolic style and irony, together with his almost encyclopedic knowledge of popular music, give to his texts most varied and grotesque insides into the city’s cultural and political history. It is not a coincidence, that his plots are organized around the occurrences of 27 May 1977, an important date for signaling the path toward peaceful democratization in Angola.

The Iron Dice: Fatalism and War

Abstract Leaders in international relations often exhibit fatalism, or the belief that events are guided by forces beyond their control. In some cases, fatalism may reflect reality, or be rhetoric to boost support. But there is also an important psychological explanation: fatalism can help leaders avoid responsibility for costly outcomes and protect their self-image. Fatalism is more likely: (1) in regard to bad outcomes versus good outcomes; (2) when war is seen as imminent versus far-off; and (3) in nondemocratic regimes versus democratic regimes. The concept of fatalism is central to philosophy, religion, medicine, sociology, and psychology, but has been neglected by scholars in international relations. Fatalism may be an important cause of war, especially when combined with a perceived window of opportunity. This research contributes to democratic peace theory by helping explain the lack of war between representative regimes. If elected leaders are less prone to extreme fatalism about war, democracies may have more room to maneuver in a crisis. I use case studies of the origins of World War I and World War II to probe the argument.

Was Kant a naive pacifist? (philosophical considerations and the background of the russian-ukrainian war)

The article is devoted to I. Kant's views on the problem of war and peace and the possibility of achieving "perpetual peace" on the basis of the pamphlet "To Eternal Peace" and some other late works of the thinker. In particular, attention is paid to the historical background of the appearance of the work as a certain completion of moral philosophy and philosophy of law in the context of developing one's own project of "eternal peace" taking into account the solution of specific problems of foreign policy at the end of the 18th century. The article examines a kind of Kantian "formula of peace", which claims universal significance. It is laid out in the preliminary and especially in the definitive articles of the imaginary contract. It is argued that it is based on three main principles: republicanism, federalism and the presence of a cosmopolitan citizenship limited to hospitality. These principles are complemented by the so-called "guarantees" of "perpetual peace": the progress of law and the spirit of international trade. The article analyzes apologetic and critical responses to Kant's work and its subsequent interpretations in European philosophy and political thought. In particular, special attention is paid to the interpretation of his work as a "pacifist manifesto". Based on this, it was argued that Kant was one of the founders of secular pacifism. The article reasonably refutes such a position on the basis of its anachronism and inconsistency with the views of Kant himself, who considered "eternal peace" only as a higher normative ideal of foreign policy. The influence of Kantian ideas on the formation of modern philosophy of international relations, in particular the theory of democratic peace (DPT), is indicated. It is indicated that the three main principles of Kant's formula of "eternal peace" found their embodiment in the postulates of this theory. At the same time, it is noted that the practice of implementing DPT in US foreign policy has not always had positive consequences. In this regard, the problem of its application to the analysis of the causes and course of the Russian-Ukrainian war is analyzed. There are different positions on this matter, but based on the latest publications and the real course of events. It is concluded that the "militant" version of DPT can be useful for achieving our victory and a just, fair and worthy peace.

EDUKASI PENGGUNAAN MEDIA SOSIAL BAGI PEMILIH PEMULA SEBAGAI SARANA KAMPANYE PEMILU SERENTAK 2024 DI DESA SUMERTA KELOD

In an effort to ensure the success of the 2024 elections and the creation of peaceful democracy, one approach that can be taken is educating first-time voters on the use of social media. The active role and participation of first-time voters are crucial for the progress of the Indonesian nation. In this regard, the role of academics through community service is very important in ensuring the success of the elections. This community service activity is carried out through thematic community service projects. The goal is to enhance the understanding of first-time voters in Sumber Kelod Village, Denpasar City. The educational method is implemented through socialization using brochures. This socialization is very beneficial and provides new insights for first-time voters. The results of this education are significant in shaping a generation of intelligent, critical, and responsible voters. With sufficient knowledge, high political awareness, and an independent attitude, first-time voters can participate actively and effectively in elections, thereby contributing to a better and higher quality democratic process. Continuous education is essential to ensure that each new generation of voters is prepared to face the challenges and responsibilities in their political lives.

Why Nations Go to War? Ethnocracy vs Democratic Peace in Divided South Caucasus

Why Nations Go to War? Ethnocracy vs Democratic Peace in Divided South Caucasus

Separate but Unequal: Ethnocentrism and Racialization Explain the “Democratic” Peace in Public Opinion

Why are democratic publics reluctant to use force against fellow democracies? We hypothesize that the democratic peace in public opinion owes, in large part, to racialized assumptions about democracy. Rather than regime type per se doing the causal work, the term “democracy” inadvertently primes the presumption that target countries are predominantly white. This implicit racialization, in turn, explains the reluctance of the American public to support aggression against fellow democracies, most notably among respondents higher in ethnocentrism who disproportionately drive the democratic peace treatment effect. Two original survey experiments, a large-scale word embedding analysis of English texts, and reanalyses of published studies support this expectation. Our results suggest that the democratic peace in public opinion is, largely, an ethnocentric and racialized peace. The findings hold implications for the role of racism and racialization in foreign policy opinion research generally.

Internationalism of the Post-Cold War World: Clinton’s Foreign Policy for the Global Age

The end of the Cold War prompted a critical reassessment of America’s global role, particularly during the post-Cold War era led by the Clinton administration. Faced with a shifting geopolitical landscape, President Bill Clinton addressed challenges and opportunities, seeking to define America’s role in this transformed international arena. As the bipolar structure of the Cold War dissolved, geo-economics took precedence over geopolitics. The ‘end of history’ narrative signaled a departure from traditional boundaries, and Clinton grappled with the choice of maintaining leadership through global engagement and internationalism. This study analyzes Clinton’s foreign policy throughout his presidency, emphasizing key issues like terrorism and the Balkans. It explores how perceptions of American decline, both economically and militarily, influenced internationalist policies. Additionally, it delves into the impact of conceptual frameworks such as ‘democratic peace,’ ‘unipolar moment,’ and ‘soft power’ on Clinton’s decisions. Drawing on primary sources and influential literature, the research suggests that Clinton’s foreign policy represented a strategic blend of internationalism and pragmatism, addressing the complexities of the post-Cold War world. To conclude, this research contributes to understanding how the end of the Cold War reshaped the global geopolitical landscape and explores the ideological underpinnings guiding the United States in the post-Cold War international arena. Received: 25 December 2023 / Accepted: 25 February 2024 / Published: 23 April 2024

Transitions without Justice: Bhutanese Refugees in Nepal

ABSTRACT∞ Typically, human rights abusers are widely condemned by the international community in the context of transitional justice. But what happens when the transition to democracy generates refugees that are not permitted to return to what appears to now be a stable, peaceful democracy? This is the case of Bhutan, who forcefully expelled its largest minority community during a period of nation building, then successfully transitioned to democracy without any accountability for the crimes that occurred during that process. While approximately 100,000 Bhutanese refugees in camps awaited some measure of justice and hoped for repatriation, the international community provided them with a democratically grounded education to raise awareness of their rights. But this education was not matched by any pathways to exercise those rights or achieve justice. This article examines how particular challenges to transitional justice are experienced by refugee and diaspora communities, and how current justice structures frequently fail to meet their needs.

Public Opinion, Rivalry, and the Democratic Peace: Experimental Evidence from South Korea

Abstract Recent studies on the public opinion mechanism of the democratic peace have demonstrated experimentally that democratic citizens are averse to attacking other democracies. The presence of rivalry, however, has long been recognized as one of the important factors contributing to either initiation or recurrence of international conflict. Despite such importance, our understanding remains limited as to how rivalry affects public opinion, particularly in the context of the democratic peace. In this article, we argue that democratic publics’ perception of rivalry weakens the effect of regime type. We expect democratic publics to be less reluctant in terms of fighting other rival democracies. Using an original survey experiment in South Korea, we demonstrate that the South Korean public, similar to those of western democracies, is reluctant to use force against nonrival democracies, but less so against rival democracies. Our findings suggest that the scope of the democratic peace should be qualified.

The revenge of ‘democratic peace’

The Russo-Ukrainian war may have given democratic peace a new lease of (research) life. The stronger-than-expected reaction of liberal democracies coupled with the poorer-than-expected battlefield performance of the Russian military, invites us to re-apply the logic of democratic peace. To understand the strong reactions of liberal democracies, I apply a militant interpretation of Kant’s perpetual peace and reexamine the role of trade interdependence in capitalist peace. To understand the battlefield performance of Ukraine, I examine theories of war-fighting with an emphasis on the legitimacy mechanism. To understand the battlefield performance of Russia, I examine the deleterious impact of corruption and preference falsification ( vranyo). To the extent that the field is still generating novel research that advances our understanding of the impact of regime type on international conflict, democratic peace remains a progressive research programme.

Unravelling the Premises of Power Sharing, Democratic Ideals and Nation-Building and its Institutional Challenges

This paper explores nation-building as a complex term, highlighting its ambiguity and historical growth. Nation-building is described as a societal process that happens gradually and is impacted by political, technological, and economic shifts. For a new state to be legitimate, citizens must actively shape a shared political will. This is the central idea. Power-sharing is a contentious and potentially pacifying practise that is being studied in nations where identity groups are divided. The study emphasises the significance of institutional design as political violence around the world increases. For long-term stability, nation-building is important because it fosters a unified identity, frequently via education. Problems, however, lead to critical questions about its suitability, especially in light of the democratic peace paradigm, and they end with a variety of factors to take into account for successful nation-building initiatives.

Les clivages sociaux et la paix démocratique

This paper deals with the relationship between social cleavages and democratic peace. The issue is that of a lasting peace in a strongly divided society with a high potential for conflict. We first proceeded to a typology of the cleavages where it is observed a eurocentric character of the classical theory proposed by Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, which does not take into account the dynamics of cleavages outside the european context, in particular that of Africa. On this last aspect, we have shown that Africa presents a singularity, because contrary to the model of Rokkan and Lipset, the emergence of cleavages in Africa context was not linked to the emergence of the Nation-State, even if it carried on certain features a phenomenon of violence in its occurrence. In any case, whatever the nature of the cleavages, these infinite polarities always carry a potential for conflict that is mobilized by entrepreneurs in the political arena. In the end, we can manage this delicate question by opting for an inclusive democracy free of culturalist biases; so we have proposed the model of "group democracy" in social immersion that can meet this requirement. It is ultimately about recognizing the "democracy of others”.

Media, Security Challenges and the Future of Nigeria: A Theoretical Overview

Security issues in Nigeria have of recent attracted global attention. The country now faces security threats from insurgent groups and bandits including the unknown gunmen that operate in broad day light almost unhindered. These have resulted to massive loss of lives and properties with devastating effects on the economy of the country and freedom of movement. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the challenges posed by the unfolding threats from these enemies of the nation building and how the mass media in Nigeria could help in saving the country from this mess. The study employed literature review method and anchored on the Democratic Peace Theory. The review reveals that Nigerians depend so much on mass media for accurate and timely information about the happenings in the society; the traditional roles of the mass media in any society which are to inform, educate and entertain are so crucial that Nigeria can hardly progress meaningfully without these channels of mass communication; that although the mass media are faced with a lot of challenges in the fight against insecurity in Nigeria, they have significant influence in fighting the menace; the media have not been fully utilised in addressing the security challenges in Nigeria. Based on the findings, the study recommends among others that the government should adopt dialogue and communication based approach in addressing security problems facing the country instead of relying solely on the use of force and stiff measures; Journalists in the media industry should utilise the mass media as agents of social change, and in spite of all odds redouble their efforts in setting agenda for public discussion on the best ways to salvage the country from the quagmire of insecurity; government officials and other relevant authorities should periodically organise media security summit for members of the public to contribute their quota on how to achieve attitudinal change and secure the country from collapse, security agents should work with intelligent information to avoid being victims of insecurity.

몽골의 체제전환기 정치 엘리트 연구

The Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party has maintained its political status as the ruling party in Mongolia for 70 years of socialism and 30 years of democracy. Therefore, in this paper, the political elites who were in power at the time of regime transformation of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party, their formation background, characteristics, and policy decision factors were examined.
 Prior to the transition to democracy, Mongolia was a country with a one-party system in which the party and the state were integrated. As the party dominated all areas of the country and society, the political elite had overwhelming influence. At the time of system transition, the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party formed factions into reformers, conservatives opposed to reform, and centrists. Among them, the reformist faction led by General Secretary J. Batmunkh, who had the most powerful influence, listened to the positions of those who demanded democratization and led a compromise.
 In addition, he took the position of ‘absolutely no’ as to whether or not to use force against the democratization forces, which was decided at the party convention. The reformers included most of the members of the Politburo and the Secretary General, including the Secretary General of the Party Central Committee. At the request of the democratization forces, they gave up all the power they had as high-ranking elites and prioritized the safety of the people and the country. With this, the reformist forces within the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party demonstrated a great practice of compromise and peaceful democratization.
 Following the resignation of reformers, the next generation of political elites emerge. These are the elite members of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party, who are in charge of working on the first democratic election pledges. Those with a relatively high level of education and strong reform tendencies drew up pledges to meet the domestic situation and the people’s needs at the time. This is one of the reasons why the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party won a landslide victory in the first democratic election in history held after regime transformation. The Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party also had such a high level of popular support that it has been positioned as the ruling party of Mongolia even after the regime transformation.

Negotiating international aviation: Analyzing the contribution of politics to the United States' open skies agreements through democratic peace theory

Operation of the civilian global aviation industry is a complex process that relies on intergovernmental collaboration while balancing issues of sovereignty. As such, the factors that drive the development of international air operations are more complicated than simply economics: international regimes must consider a variety of concerns when establishing diplomatic relationships. Bilateral and multilateral international Air Service Agreements (ASAs) have become more liberalized to reduce the extent of government interaction for establishing and maintaining international commercial operations with and between ASA partners, allowing a greater influence of basic market forces over government required mandates and limitations for airline operations. Utilizing Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) as a theoretical basis for driving Open Skies Agreement (OSA) development practices, a logistic regression was used to determine the likelihood of the US reaching an OSA with a partner State based on the democracy strength of the partner State, the ability to access the US through diplomatic international governmental organization (IGO) participation, and the frequency of aviation operations with the US. This study found that the United States was very likely to hold OSAs with more democratic governments compared to less democratic governments. In addition, mutual participation in IGOs moderated the relationship as less democratic governments sharing membership in fewer IGOs with the United States were more likely to sign an OSA than non-democratic governments sharing membership in many IGOs. Finally, total operations between the United States and its international aviation partners were also found to have moderating effects on the likelihood of an OSA. Implications of these effects are discussed.

Race in IR: toward empirical study

Errol Henderson writes “the banality of white supremacy, more than the democratic peace thesis, is probably ‘the closest thing to an empirical law in world politics.’” Such a view is likely shared by IR scholars that study race as kindred systems of hierarchy. By comparison, the collective field is now “noticing” its long silence on the subject. Renewed calls to mainstream race have come with an unsettling admission: the “norm against noticing” was not by mistake but an epistemic devotion to a set of intuitions that exclude the agency of a global majority. In our silence—inadvertent or otherwise—we forgo a more accurate account of outcomes where race is theoretically important or even banal as Henderson deciphers. What is made clear by his contribution is that we can and should change course. My response to Henderson seeks to reinforce the argument for a positivist approach to race in world politics—both its promises and challenges.