Democratic Nation Building Research Articles

Democratic and Autocratic Nation Building

AbstractThere are two main trends in the field of nation-building studies. One subset of the field focuses on democratic nation building, seeking to answer questions of how people can live together in divided societies and presenting institutional recommendations. The other subset examines autocratic nation building, or how those in power utilize nation building to maintain their position of dominance. Scholars examine both types of nation building from above, examining government policies and elite action, and from below, analyzing the practices and emotions of non-elites. While there has been much progress in the field of nation-building studies, I suggest that we focus more on the conceptual differences between democratic and autocratic nation building, address the interactions of elites and non-elites in nation-building practices, and disaggregate analyses to take into account in-country variation in nation building.

‘Developmental State’ as an Alternative Development Path in Ethiopia: Miracle or Mirage?

As an alternative development track, developmental state ideology has been openly introduced in the public policy makings of the Ethiopian state only after 2000. In essence, developmental state ideology could be understood as building the capacity of a state to address its diverse development challenges. As such, it is basically about creating enabling normative, structural, institutional, technical, and administrative environments in a given state to achieve its national development vision. In this regard, there are five defining features to evaluate as to whether a given state is indeed developmental: democratic nation building practices with committed political leadership, autonomous and effective bureaucracy, coordinated national development planning, sound social policy, and institutional capacity. In light of these conceptualizations and characterizations of the fundamentals of developmental state, the paper aims to contribute to our understanding of the actual state of developmental state ideology in Ethiopia by critically exploring and evaluating its actual performance. Accordingly, the findings of this paper reveal that Ethiopia fails to satisfy the basic standards of being a developmental state as it claims to be. Thus, the paper argues that the so-called ‘developmental state’ in Ethiopia is something that is mirage, and not actually or really embraced and practiced.

입센극 『인형의 집』 수용과 ‘노라’를 바라보는 남성 인텔리의 시선에 관한 소론 : 젠더정치학적인 관점에서 노라를 소환하는 담론을 중심으로

In line with the legitimacy of the people, at the same time it was the period that wanted to establish a decolonized modern nation and sought the literary identity. The subject of acceptance and discourse on Korean “A Doll’s House” develops own objective and also subjective plan by describing Ibsen’s play & ‘Nora’ which is focusing on female’s liberation. Some intellectuals who led the acceptance at the beginning said that it needs to make Joseon female self-reliant and equal to male. However, some of male-oriented discourse seems a reflection of spouse or lover to build a family with modern female in the forefront of modernization at that time rather than not based on female’s liberation and independence. This is called again with consistent viewpoint from the “Nora” discourse in the liberation. This shows Nora has to sacrifice her “The Women in the rear guard” (Chong Hoo Buin) position and return home. And this return goes home, to the duty of the right wife. After all, the discourse after the liberation period is included in the more developed gender politics & cannot escape. In the end, the story of “Nora” is a member of modern families only, but it does not lead to the limitations of colonial rule and democratic nation building. It consistently shows “Nora” has to break up negation, sacrifice herself at the same position of “The Women in the rear guard” (Chong Hoo Buin) and finally go home. And this ‘going home’ leads to a family which is the first part of the country and also an ideal wife’s responsibility, duty and support to her family. After all, the “Nora” discourse after the liberation period could not overcome the more advanced male genders in condition which is not clean up of male-centered viewpoint.

POST-WORLD WAR II FORCED REPATRIATIONS TO YUGOSLAVIA: GENOCIDE'S LEGACY FOR DEMOCRATIC NATION BUILDING

This paper examines the long-term challenges to democratic nation building that have resulted from the forced repatriation of hundreds of thousands of Croatian civilians and military personnel to Yugoslavia at the end of World War II. Data suggest that violations of the Geneva Conventions led to the death of many of these asylum seekers at the hands of Tito's Partisans in death marches and mass executions. Through analysis of historical documents, newly released evidence of mass graves, and interviews with survivors/witnesses, confessed perpetrators, military officials and scholars, we examine the atrocities in the context of international human rights law, with discussion of subsequent promulgation of protocols for the protection of refugees, asylum seekers, and prisoners of war from crimes against humanity and genocide.

Corporate democratic nation-building: Reflections on the constructive role of businesses in fostering global democracy

Europe finds itself in a challenging situation dominated by economic and political uncertainty, which has deep ramifications for businesses and society. The Brexit vote for the UK to leave the EU has caused a political crisis, which raises fundamental questions about the founding mission of the EU as a largescale nation-building experiment aiming at promoting democracy, peace and prosperity across Europe through an “ever closer union among the peoples of Europe”. This Reflection on Europe argues that Europe needs to establish a new democratic equilibrium and that businesses can play a fundamental constructive role to achieve this new equilibrium by actively designing core internal and external business activities to be conducive to key enabling conditions of democracy.

Recrafting the national imaginary and the new “vanguardism”

An opportunity exists to assess the limitations in building long-term peace in post-conflict states, particularly given the extent to which negotiated settlements incorporate demands for democratic mechanisms. By assessing how post-conflict governments construct new majorities through policy tools as well as assessing how they are constrained by the structural realities of negotiated settlements, we gain some purchase on the reasons why some post-conflict state projects succeed while others fail. This has potentially transformative implications for our understanding of how social contracts, and their attendant issues of consent, dissent, and legitimacy, operate in the modern world and the ways they impact such critical discussions as democratic transition, post-conflict reconciliation, and nation-building. We use the case of post-apartheid South Africa to analyse how post-conflict states are limited in terms of forging social contracts among citizens and between citizens and governments. Of specific interest is the way that post-conflict social contracting compels nation-builders to eschew the uncertainties of viable electoral democracy in favour of dominant party regimes or electoral authoritarianism. We suggest that this tension is less a result of pecuniary interest on the part of nation-builders and more a consequence of the imperfections of the modern social contracting process.

Brave New World: Imperial and Democratic Nation-Building in Britain between the Wars. Edited by Laura Beers and Geraint Thomas.

Brave New World: Imperial and Democratic Nation-Building in Britain between the Wars. Edited by Laura Beers and Geraint Thomas.

Money or Nothing: Confederate Postal System Collapse during the Civil War

The history of postal service during the Civil War is surprisingly underdeveloped, and little is known about the Confederate Post Office Department. It labored under a strict mandate to achieve fiscal self-sufficiency, to which all other service rationales were subordinate. This policy, in conjunction with a multitude of war-related privations, hampered the Department's ability to foster the substantive or reliable circulation of information, complicating the process of democratic nation-building in which postal services have historically played an important role. After examining reports of the Confederate Postmaster General, coverage of postal operations in Southern newspapers, scholarship in state and local historical publications, and the study of philately, the implications of the Confederacy's fixation on the economic performance of its postal service might well serve as a cautionary tale as the practices of modern media policymaking evolve along similar lines.

Who Wants to Know? Rumors, Suspicions, and Opposition to Truth-telling in Ayacucho

The Peruvian Truth Commission was one of the most successful of its kind, collecting over 16,000 testimonies about the dirty war between the Maoist rebels of the Shining Path and the state. Yet, in Ayacucho, some of the rural villagers hardest hit by the violence refused to testify to the official investigation. This article explores the apparent indifference of one indigenous Quechua-speaking village to the Commission. I argue against explanations that reduce the villagers’ reticence about testifying to an irrational symptom of post-traumatic stress disorder. Instead, I focus on the other kinds of talk–informal rumors and conspiracy theories–that circulated throughout the village, questioning the intent of the Commission's project. I show that the rumors expressed rational insecurities that were impossible or unsafe to articulate within the boundaries of the Commission and pointed to the persistence of state-sanctioned violence against Peru's indigenous peasantry. Instead of dismissing village rumors about the Truth Commission as obstacles in the road to democratic nation-building, I suggest they be seen as an indigenous political struggle that is part of the transparency process.

The failure of democratic nation building: ideology meets evolution

The failure of democratic nation building: ideology meets evolution

Book Review: Evolutionary Constraints on Democratic Nation Building

Book Review: Evolutionary Constraints on Democratic Nation Building

Occupation Politics

Contemporary events illustrate both the opportunities and the obstacles to democratic nation-building through military occupation. In addition to international influences or prewar legacies, domestic political forces within the occupying nation also set limits on the capacity for social and political change. We illustrate this dynamic by examining the effects of U.S. interest group politics on Japanese health policy during the American occupation after World War II. These struggles over health policy in postwar Japan illustrate that military occupations do not operate in a political vacuum but are shaped by the push and pull of domestic interest group politics back home.

The art of nation-building: (re)presenting political transition at the South African National Gallery

This paper examines the relationship between museums and representations of national identity in South Africa. From their early development in Western Europe in the nineteenth century there has been a close relationship between museums and other exhibitionary spaces and the production of national identities. In South Africa, museum displays have historically supported colonial and apartheid ideologies, but with the transition to a post-apartheid society museums have reassessed their divisive roles and repositioned themselves within South Africa’s contemporary nation-building project, organized around building unity from diversity. The development of this new relationship between museums and democratic nation-building is examined here through discussing the attempts of South Africa’s museums to become more inclusive in their exhibitions, and analysing debates in the museological community concerning the challenges facing museums in a post apartheid society. These issues then inform an analysis of an exhibition at the South African National Gallery titled Contemporary South African art 1985-1995. The exhibition attempted to use art to document the political transition and contribute to building national unity. However, by discussing the political operation of classification in museums I argue that the exhibition ultimately fails to represent this period inclusively, and I question, more generally, the possibility of art museums engaging in a properly inclusive nation-building project.

Working with/against globalization in education

This article argues against the juggernaut view of globalization, suggesting that much depends on how we engage with the forces of globalization to mitigate their worst consequences and use them to advantage. The task of democratic nation building, within which education plays an important role, is seen as pivotal to the process of engagement. In exploring how it might be possible to work with and against the pressures of globalization in education, the article looks in particular at aspects of educational governance and purposes.

Malaysia: Communalism and the Political System

Pacific ViewpointVolume 31, Issue 2 p. 73-95 ArticleFree Access Malaysia: Communalism and the Political System Michael Ong, Michael OngSearch for more papers by this author Michael Ong, Michael OngSearch for more papers by this author First published: 01 October 1990 https://doi.org/10.1111/apv.312005Citations: 2AboutSectionsPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat References 1Allen, J. de V. 1967. The Malayan Union Monograph Series No. 10 Southeast Asian Studies, New Haven: Yale University 2Beloff, M. 1966. The Crisis in Parliamentary Democracy Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations 3Das, K. 1987. Malay Dominance? The Abdullah Rubric Kuala Lumpur: K Das Ink 4 Election Commission (Malaysia). 1975. Report on the Parliamentary and State Legislative Elections 1974 Kuala Lumpur: Government Printer 5 Federation of Malaya. 1954. Report of the Committee Appointed to Examine the Question of Election to the Federal Legislative Council Kuala Lumpur: Government Printer 6Fitzpatrick, P. 1988. Malaysia — the end of an independent judiciary? BRIEF July: 3134 7Funston, J. 1980. Malay Politics in Malaysia Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann 8Groves, HE. 1962. Constitution (Amendment) Act 1962 Malayan Law Report 1962(4) 9Lent, J.S. 1974. Malaysia’s Guided Media Index on Censorship 2(4): 65- 75 10——— (ed.) 1982. Newspapers in Asia Hong Kong: Heinemann 11Lewis, A.W. 1965. Politics in West Africa London: Allen & Unwin 12 Lim Kit Siang. 1978. Time Bombs in Malaysia Kuala Lumpur: DAP 13MacDougall, J.S. 1968. Shared Burdens: A study of communal discrimination by the political parties of Malaysia and Singapore. Unpublished PhD thesis, Harvard University 14Mahathir, Mohamed. 1970. The Malay Dilemma Singapore: Asia Pacific Press 15———, 1971. Problems of democratic nation-building in Malaysia Solidarity 6(10): 6- 15 16 Malaysia. 1972. Parliamentary Debate on the Constitutional Amendment Bill, 1971 Kuala Lumpur: Government Printer 17Means, G. 1970. Malaysian Politics London: University of London Press. 18Moore, D.E. 1960. The UMNO and the 1959 Malayan Elections: A study of a political party in action in a newly independent plural society. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of California 19Muzaffa, C. 1986. The controlled press. In Lim Kit Siang et al. Human Rights in Malaysia Kuala Lumpur: DAP 20 National Operations Council. 1969. The May 13 Tragedy Kuala Lumpur: Government Printer 21Ong, M. 1980. The Democratic Action Party and the 1978 elections. In H. Crouch et al. Malaysian Politics and the 1978 Elections Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press 22———, 1984. Malaysia in 1983 Southeast Asian Affairs 1984 Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 23Osborne, M. 1964. Singapore and Malaysia Data Paper 53 Department of Asian Studies, Cornell University 24Parmer, J.N. 1966. Malaysia 1965: challenging the terms of 1957 Asian Survey 6(3): 175- 184 25Ratnam, K.J. and R.S. Milne. 1967. The Malayan Parliamentary Election of 1964. Singapore: University of Malaya Press 26Rozita, S. 1985. Season for house clearing Malaysian Business September 27Shafie, Tan Sri Datuk Mohammad Ghazali. 1971. Democracy: The Realities Malaysians Must Face Petaling Jaya: Ministry of Information 28Simandjuntak, B. 1969. Malayan Federalism 1943-63 Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press 29Smith, T.E. 1967. The administration of the election. In K.J. Ratnam and R.S. Milne The Malayan Parliamentary Election of 1964 Singapore: University of Malaya Press 30Sothi Rachagan, S. 1987. The apportionment of seats in the House of Representatives. In Zakaria Haji Ahmad Government and Politics of Malaysia Singapore: Oxford University Press 31Tan, P. 1986. Gradual and subtle whittling away of religious rights of non-Muslims. In Lim Kit Siang et al. Human Rights in Malaysia Kuala Lumpur: DAP 32Tregonning, KG. 1967. The failure of economic development and political democracy in Southeast Asia Asian Studies 5(2): 323- 331 Citing Literature Volume31, Issue2October 1990Pages 73-95 ReferencesRelatedInformation