Democracy Research Articles

Energy Transition and Democratic Challenges: The Contribution of EU Law

The legal design of future energy systems should be inserted in a far-reaching reflection on how energy is used and distributed according to the social goals defined within the framework of an institutional arrangement interacting with technological innovation. Energy law is then not to be seen as an independent branch of public law but as a particular approach in the overall legal framing of social reproduction processes. Energy democracy should be tackled according to this mindset. It had become almost a truism to think that energy transition to a post-fossil model is as such a way to enhance democracy. However, significant boost of socio-environmental conflicts related to renewable energy facilities raise doubts about an alleged necessary relation between new sources of energy, technological innovation and increasing democratization within the framework of a more or less smooth transition.The implementation of renewable energy in the context of energy transition has opened a debate about energy democracy. However, the discussion is often centred in the acceptability of renewable energy generation projects. Energy communities provide a way to develop robust democratic practices in the energy system, addressing inequalities and exclusions and promoting democracy as a fundamental social value. EU law has incorporated these entities and, thus, provide opportunities to bridge energy systems with democratic practices according with core values of the Union, although an explicit democratic principle is not to be found in EU law, which can contribute in a significant way to achieve a profound democratization of the energy systems. This contribution would be enhanced with a more explicit assumption of the democratic principle in energy related directives.

Regime Type and Data Manipulation: Evidence from the COVID-19 Pandemic

Context: This study examines whether autocratic governments are more likely than democratic governments to manipulate health data. The COVID-19 pandemic presents a unique opportunity for examining this question because of its global impact. Methods: Three distinct indicators of COVID-19 data manipulation were constructed for nearly all sovereign states. Each indicator was then regressed on democracy and controls for unintended misreporting. A machine learning approach was then used to determine whether any of the specific features of democracy are more predictive of manipulation. Findings: Democracy was found to be negatively associated with all three measures of manipulation, even after running a battery of robustness checks. Absence of opposition party autonomy and free and fair elections were found to be the most important predictors of deliberate undercounting. Conclusions: The manipulation of data in autocracies denies citizens the opportunity to protect themselves against health risks, hinders the ability of international organizations and donors to identify effective policies, and makes it difficult for scholars to assess the impact of political institutions on population health. These findings suggest that health advocates and scholars should use alternative methods to estimate health outcomes in countries where opposition parties lack autonomy or must participate in uncompetitive elections.

A intersetorialidade entre as políticas públicas de saúde e de assistência social para pessoas em situação de rua

This article analyzes public health policies for homeless people in Brazil, from the perspective of citizenship in the Brazilian state. From an analytical perspective based on historical dialectics, it analyzed public health policies for homeless people and their intersectoriality with public social assistance policies related to the same users in the Democratic Rule of Law model. It was found that the intersectoriality between Thé aforementioned public policies is fundamental to the success of a welcoming, comprehensive and inclusive provision of public services, as a measure to achieve the existential minimum for homeless people.

Japanese publishing workers at the forefront: combating historical denialism with social movement unionism

ABSTRACT This article explores the critical role of the Japan Federation of Publishing Workers’ Unions (JFPWU) in countering historical denialism in Japan through social movement unionism (SMU). As historical denialism – including the Holocaust, Nanking Massacre, and existence of ‘comfort women’ – grew globally, the JFPWU uniquely mobilized against right-wing narratives, particularly those advanced by the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform (Tsukuru-kai). Since the 1950s, the JFPWU’s involvement in the textbook movement has evolved from defending the freedom of speech and opposing state censorship to directly challenging historical revisionism in education. Analyzing publicly available reports and JFPWU members’ writings, this paper traces the JFPWU’s strategic shifts across the following three periods: its foundational role in postwar textbook controversies, its engagement in the Ienaga trials against government-imposed textbook screenings, and its active opposition to the Tsukuru-kai’s nationalist textbooks since the late 1990s. This paper elucidates how SMU has allowed the JFPWU to transcend traditional union activities, and form alliances with scholars and civic organizations to advocate historical accuracy and democratic principles. By examining the JFPWU’s sustained commitment to SMU, labor unions’ crucial role in driving social movements is exemplified alongside the challenges of revitalizing labor movements within Japan’s contemporary landscape.

Meaningful physical education: Towards an embodied pedagogy

International research on students’ meaningful experiences in physical education (PE) has led to the proposal of the Meaningful PE approach, aiming to guide pedagogical principles to support students’ meaningful experiences in PE. The approach currently includes democratic and reflective pedagogical principles. With this paper, we aim to contribute to the Meaningful PE approach by emphasizing the need to address a third pedagogical principle that attends to pre-reflective bodily dimensions of students’ meaningful experiences in PE. The democratic and reflective pedagogical principles are based on a reflective interpretation of the significance an experience holds. While this approach is highly valuable, the retrospective nature of these principles may unintentionally overlook significant pre-reflective bodily dimensions of experience. Drawing on a phenomenological concept of embodiment, we use key structures of our pre-reflective bodily engagement with the world to analyse features that young people describe as significantly contributing to their meaningful experiences in PE and youth sport: social interaction, challenge, motor competence, fun, and personally relevant learning. Our analysis reveals that pre-reflective bodily meaningful experiences emerge as something in-between the subject and the world. These experiences can be affected by others in body-to-body encounters and contain a dimension of negativity related to the pre-reflective, relational, and active–passive structure of our lived experience. Based on our analysis, we propose that teaching to support meaningful experiences in PE must address the dialectical interplay between reflective and pre-reflective dimensions. Therefore, we advocate for adding an embodied pedagogical principle to the Meaningful PE approach alongside the reflective and democratic principles.

A Comparative Analysis on Ecological Footprint of Consumption and Import in Premature Deindustrialized Countries

This study aims to analyze the factors influencing the ecological footprint of consumption and import as indicators of environmental degradation in premature deindustrialized countries. Using advanced Method of Moments Quantile Regression (MMQR) analysis, we examined a panel of 27 countries from 1991 to 2021. The main findings indicate that income, income inequality, and industrialization are positively correlated with the ecological footprint stemming from consumption, but an increase in the share of renewable energy consumption exhibits a mitigation effect. The ecological footprint stemming from imports, on the other hand, is exacerbated by income, industrialization, de facto trade globalization, and democracy, whereas it is negatively affected by the higher share of renewable energy consumption. Importantly, MMQR analysis reveals that the effect of each independent variable is non-linear, with the magnitude of coefficients varying across different quantiles of the ecological footprint of both consumption and import. From a policy standpoint, effective mitigation of different aspects of environmental degradation requires prioritization of income redistribution, the promotion of green industrialization, and the enhancement of renewable energy adoption, as well as careful management of trade globalization and democratic governance in premature deindustrialized countries.

Breaking the Black Box: When Jury Experimentation Becomes Jury Misconduct

For centuries, juries in criminal trials have retreated to the privacy of their “black box” to deliberate and decide a defendant’s guilt or innocence. The secrecy of the deliberation process is a hallmark of a democratic system that tasks the public with holding their neighbors accountable to community standards. What happens, however, when this curtain of confidentiality shields troubling impropriety? Jury experimentation with evidence is one circumstance that may justify a look inside the black box. Although jurors are encouraged during deliberations to examine trial evidence, experiments in the jury room may violate a defendant’s rights to due process and a fair trial by introducing “new evidence” that the defendant does not have the opportunity to challenge in open court. Moreover, procedural “no-impeachment” rules often prohibit jurors from testifying to the process through which they reached their verdict after it has been delivered. In the absence of clarification from the U.S. Supreme Court, courts at the state and federal level are deeply split on how to approach the issue of juror experimentation with evidence. This Note examines the tension between the judicial system’s policy of jury secrecy and the potentially competing commitment to upholding the constitutional rights of defendants. This Note argues against revising the federal and state no-impeachment rules to create additional windows into the juror deliberation process, which would disturb the important function of judicial finality. Rather, trial counsel should utilize the full breadth of in-court mechanisms available to prevent improper experimentation. Judges should consider the extent to which pre-verdict remedies were used and whether the defendant was prejudiced when determining whether juror misconduct occurred.

Some aspects of international cooperation and information exchange among journalists during armed conflicts: current challenges and prospects

The article examines the contemporary challenges of international journalism in the context of armed conflicts, particularly the war in Ukraine. It focuses on the risks to journalists’ safety, issues of censorship and information manipulation, as well as the impact of new technologies on the timeliness and accuracy of news. The study expands existing knowledge about international journalism by proposing a new model for analyzing the interaction of political, social, and technological factors in conflict situations. Using a comprehensive case study methodology and bibliometric research, the article explores practical aspects of information exchange, including the creation of secure communication channels, adherence to ethical standards, and fact-checking. Content analysis of media messages and surveys of journalists working in conflict zones are employed in the research. The study reveals that the war in Ukraine has led to a significant decline in international cooperation due to difficulties in ensuring the credibility of information, an increase in censorship and manipulation. Particularly pressing are the issues of journalists’ safety, restrictions on access to critical information sources, and challenges in maintaining media independence. Additionally, the article highlights that armed conflicts pose numerous threats to journalists, such as risks of physical attacks, detention, and even life-threatening situations. In combat conditions, journalists often face restricted access to important information, complicating their work and impacting the quality of event coverage. These conditions necessitate new approaches to protecting journalists at both individual and institutional levels, as well as improving international safety standards and support. The findings indicate the need to develop new strategies for protecting journalists, ensuring the accuracy of information, and strengthening international media cooperation. These conclusions have broad implications for understanding modern information wars and forming effective mechanisms to counter disinformation. The article makes a significant contribution to the advancement of journalism and may be useful for journalists, scholars, policymakers, and anyone interested in safeguarding freedom of speech and developing a democratic society.

In-group we trust, no more? How senders’ legitimacy shapes the success of sanctions-based democracy promotion

For decades, pro-democracy states and organizations have been using coercive measures such as sanctions to promote and uphold democratic governance worldwide, yet not always successfully. Recent research has improved our knowledge on such ‘democracy sanctions’, but our understanding of how the different identities of sanctioners shape their success is not complete yet. Focusing on Africa, one of the biggest recipients of such measures but also a primary sender of them especially through the African Union, this article aims to systematically compare how the sanctioning behaviour of regional and extra-regional actors has impacted on the democratic status of the continent since the 1990s. The empirical analysis reconsiders the comparative advantage of regional actors’ legitimacy to explain the likelihood of democracy sanctions success. It shows that ‘in-group’ democracy sanctions in which regional organizations are involved have bigger chances of success than those imposed by higher-capacity yet less-legitimate extra-regional actors only. However, it also shows in-group legitimacy can erode and that cooperation with such local organizations can help contain global democratic erosion, but hardly achieve democratic deepening, due to soft, face-saving compliance criteria and different understandings democracy and its promotion have across the world.

ФОРМУВАННЯ ІНФОРМАЦІЙНОЇ КУЛЬТУРИ НАУКОВИХ ДОСЛІДЖЕНЬ ЗДОБУВАЧІВ ВИЩОЇ ОСВІТИ

In the conditions of the information society, the modern education system must prepare conscious citizens of their country who are able to navigate in the information field, critically interpret what they hear, draw their own conclusions and seek answers to the questions posed. That is why higher education must contribute to the development of these skills and abilities. The purpose of the article is to find out the semantic meaning of the concept of “information culture” and to determine the methodology of its formation among students of higher education during scientific activity. During the writing of the article, general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis were used. The worldview and methodological principles of democratization, innovation, and flexibility of the educational process were also observed. The article defines the main approaches to understanding the essence of the concept of “information culture”. The importance of careful selection of information sources, the need for a critical understanding of the received information, and the importance of observing these principles in the course of scientific activity are emphasized. The obtained results of the research can be taken into account when planning training sessions, especially practical work. Conclusions. Thus, the concept of information culture has different definitions and is used for different fields of knowledge. The key feature of this concept is a critical attitude to the received information and its proper verification. The modern education system pays considerable attention to the formation of information culture, introducing special courses, including media education. Observance of information hygiene by students of higher education is an integral part of their educational process, especially during scientific activities. Completing a number of practical tasks for the development of critical thinking should contribute to the formation of the information culture of higher education graduates. Key words: information culture, information society, media education, critical thinking, scientific activity.

A Critical Overview of the Implementation of Right to Information in Sri Lanka

The Right to Information (RTI) is integral to the concept of democracy today, as it embodies key democratic principles including good governance, transparency, and accountability of public authorities. In Sri Lanka, the Right to Information Act No. 12 of 2016, introduced through the 19th Amendment to the Constitution in 2015, stands as a significant initiative within the country's legal framework. Despite being ranked as the world's 4th best mechanism, the practical implementation of Sri Lanka's RTI regime faces several shortcomings even nearly after a decade. Hence, the objective of this research is to critically evaluate the practical application of the Black Letter Law related to the right to information in Sri Lanka. This literature-based qualitative research is a comparative study of jurisdictions. Right to information laws, conventions, legislation, case law, and scholarly publications were used to analyse and identify gaps and propose recommendations based on global best practices to create a robust implementation mechanism for RTI. The study reveals that language barriers, rejection of information on unreasonable grounds, lack of knowledge and awareness, exclusion of NGOs and private organizations from RTI coverage, inadequate media intervention, and misuse of legal provisions are key barriers for coherently executing the right to information in Sri Lanka. Adhering to the principle of maximum disclosure, establishing strong oversight mechanisms, implementing effective records management, fostering supportive political and civil society cultures, and providing training for information officers are recommendations for building a robust RTI mechanism in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka can also gain insights from India to follow innovative approaches for public awareness at grassroots levels. Thus, it can be concluded that despite a strong legal framework, overcoming implementation barriers requires coordinated efforts and close monitoring.

Digital Public Consultation and the Opportunities for Participatory Democracy: An Exploratory Study

The decision-making process involves different stages in which the authorities should ensure that citizens’ views and concerns are voiced by encouraging citizens to become directly involved in policy areas and issues so that they can actively engage in collective public choices. Public consultation therefore plays a crucial role in promoting democratic values and strengthening the legitimacy of decision-making processes in governments and organizations. This study aims to analyze young people’s reaction to the general trend towards digitalization and the extent to which young people are willing to adopt new digital methods of public consultation. The results show that the digitalization trend is sparking enthusiasm for innovation and efficiency among our respondents, but they also highlight concerns about data security and the impact on jobs. Our study finds a generally positive attitude towards the use of online platforms for public consultations, highlighting the role of online platforms in increasing the trust of European citizens in the European legislature, but at the same time questioning the importance the European Union would attach to opinions expressed through digital platforms and the representativeness of the group of participants. The results of this study have strong administrative and managerial implications and can provide important insights into the search for solutions regarding the implementation of digitalization and online consultation in EU legislation.

Tracing the path to democratic governance in South Africa and Ethiopia: a comparative policy analysis

Purpose This study aims to investigate the dynamics of democratic governance in South Africa and Ethiopia within the framework of Africa Agenda 2063 (AA2063), including how political polarisation and populism shape the democratisation process. Design/methodology/approach A mixed-methods approach integrates quantitative analysis using the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) data set with qualitative case studies from South Africa and Ethiopia. Cohort analysis, comparative analysis and descriptive statistics revealed patterns and trends in democratic transformation, how groups evolve over time and the momentum needed for both countries to achieve the goals of AA2063. Findings This study found that the political landscapes of South Africa and Ethiopia are significantly shaped by the emergence of democracy, political polarisation and populist parties. Considering the 10-year expected outcomes outlined in AA2063, the findings show that South Africa achieved 84% of its 10-year democratic governance policy goals, whereas Ethiopia reached only 25%. South Africa, despite demonstrating a strong commitment to clean elections, has experienced significant political polarisation and the rise of populist movements. In Ethiopia, the shift towards one-man governance has significantly diverted the country’s trajectory from liberal democratic aspirations to undemocratic practices. Practical implications The findings provide actionable policy recommendations aimed at building resilient democracy against political polarisation and populism. Social implications This study highlights the vital role of informed citizens in safeguarding democratic practices. Originality/value This study makes a significant contribution through a rigorous comparison of democratic practices in South Africa and Ethiopia by elucidating the critical factors that shape their differing levels of democratic maturity. The analysis uncovers the impact of political polarisation and populism on governance by employing a comprehensive array of democratic indicators to provide a nuanced understanding of these dynamics.

Implicit Black identification among White non-Hispanic respondents and support for Black reparations

Abstract Theories of self-interest and ingroup-favouritism dominate Western thought. They give Black reparations in the US little chance of electoral success while African Americans remain a minority. Could Black reparations become feasible despite this limitation? I propose ‘relational identity theory’, a combination of Simon’s (1993) utility theory as well as Aron and Aron’s (1986) self-expansion theory, as an alternative to theories of self-interest and ingroup-favouritism. The theory allows for the inclusion of an outgroup in the self-concept. An online reaction-time procedure (n = 1,341) suggests that among White non-Hispanic respondents, implicit Black identification is the strongest predictor of support for Black reparations. Pooled reaction-time data from three studies involving 1,594 White non-Hispanic respondents suggests that implicit Black identification is based on feelings of closeness, warmth, and empathic concern for African Americans resembling Black group attachment. Significant implicit Black identifiers among White non-Hispanic respondents fall between Black non-Hispanic and other White non-Hispanic respondents in their race-related political opinions. ‘Relational identity theory’ can help economists, political scientists, and psychologists explain how majority domination (e.g. slavery and Jim Crow in the United States) could be overcome despite the democratic principle of majority rule. The theory suggests that Black reparations might become politically feasible one day.

PENGUATAN HUBUNGAN BILATERAL INDONESIA – AMERIKA SERIKAT MELALUI PROGRAM DIPLOMATS GO TO CAMPUS BAGI MAHASISWA HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL UNIVERSITAS TANJUNGPURA

The United States is a major power country that has a long track record of cooperation with Indonesia. On the other hand, Indonesia as a country that currently continues to support Palestinian independence can also be a sensitive issue for relations between the two countries. The aim of this service activity is to provide education about Indonesia-United States relations and to dispel sensitive issues occurring between the United States and Middle Eastern countries which are considered to be an obstacle to build good relations between Indonesia and the United States. This community service aims to increase people to people contact and provide education regarding bilateral relations between Indonesia and the United States. This activity will be carried out in May 2024 using three methods, preparation and delivery of educational material, question and answer session, and reporting. After carrying out this activity, International Relations study program students became more concerned about increasing people to people contact through increasing understanding of the differences between the two countries, democratic values, and opportunities for prosperity for both countries. Apart from that, students understand the functions and duties of diplomats as representing, promoting, protecting, negotiating and reporting. Students also understand the strategic interests of Indonesia and the United States. Also, there is a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between Indonesia and the US and an action plan for Indonesia and America for 2024-2028. Including the implementation of shared values ​​and partnerships between Indonesia and the United States. Such as assistance in developing the quality of education in Indonesia, humanitarian assistance, and cultural development between the two countries.

Resurgence of Coup D'état in Africa in an Era of Mass Democratisation: A Study of Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali Experiences

This study explores the recent occurrences of coups in Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali, by examining their causes, implications, and potential solutions. Through a comprehensive analysis of historical, political, economic, and social factors, this research aims to provide insights into the root causes of coup d'états in these countries. It unveils the regional and global ramifications of these coups, as well as strategies for preventing future occurrences and promoting democratic governance. The theory of Democratic Backsliding, as articulated by Levitsky and Ziblatt (2001), formed the theoretical framework. The work concluded that coups d'états remain a persistent challenge to democratic governance and political stability in Africa, as evidenced by recent developments in Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali. It was recommended among others that there is a critical need to strengthen democratic institutions and governance mechanisms. This entails bolstering the rule of law, ensuring transparent and accountable governance, and promoting inclusive political participation.

Perceptions of Electoral Integrity and Election-Related (Non-)Compliance: Evidence from Germany

What if citizens feel that election outcomes are the result of electoral manipulation and fraud rather than the outcome of a genuinely democratic process? Do they still obey the laws and regulations of newly elected governments, or do they refuse to give governments their allegiance? Analyzing individual-level survey data from Germany, this study sheds light on the nexus between electoral integrity perceptions and compliance. It shows that citizens who perceive the integrity of elections as compromised are more likely to view election-related non-compliance justified. Moreover, citizens’ views concerning the fairness of elections and the justifiability of election-related non-compliance matter for their law-abiding behavior in other domains: Those who consider the electoral process fraudulent and election-related non-compliance justifiable adhere less often to governmental regulations pertaining to the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. These findings entail important implications for effective democratic governance and questions of electoral backsliding and democratic erosion more generally.

Trusting the Courts: Exploring the Link Between Populism, Trust in Courts, and Democracy in Brazil

Under which conditions do people tend to mistrust Courts, and what is the association between mistrust in Courts and perception of democracy? I argue that exposure to populist leaders and their antiestablishment disruptive rhetoric increases mistrust and its association with dissatisfaction with democracy. However, during times of crisis, courts can fortify democratic principles, thereby weakening this association. This argument is supported by data from a nationwide survey in Brazil during critical years (2018–2020) and the Latinobarómetro survey (2000–2020). Findings show that trust in courts, particularly the Federal Supreme Court (STF), was lowest during Bolsonaro's election and his first year in office, with a strong association between court mistrust and dissatisfaction with democracy. In 2020, when the STF defended federalism and equality against presidential overreach, trust in courts rose significantly, and the connection with democratic dissatisfaction weakened. This study adds to the literature on democratic erosion under populist regimes and highlights the STF's role in protecting Brazilian democracy.

Unveiling Disputes in Representation’s Constructivist Turn(s): Lisa Disch and Deliberative Democracy

ABSTRACT The field of representation theory has reached a moment in which a wide variety of democratic theorists are now constructivists. But what does it mean for these theorists to be a constructivist? In answering this question, I sharpen the differences between two democratic traditions by way of an interrogation of Lisa Disch’s critique of deliberative democracy. First, I defend deliberative democracy against Disch’s attempts to exclude it from the constructivist turn. In response to Disch’s critique that deliberative democrats remove indeterminacy from processes of representation, I argue that deliberative democrats are more specifically interested in the more and less acceptable ways in which speech might influence the minds of constituents. It is true that deliberative democrats incorporate a normative commitment to autonomous judgment formation, but they do not thereby determine what the specific outcomes of judgment should be. Second, I directly critique Disch’s theory of radical democracy, arguing that Disch’s democratic system fails to deliver on important promises of the constructivist turn precisely because it cannot separate between the more and less legitimate ways of influencing minds. It fails to conceive of democratic representation as an activity that is meaningfully co-constitutive, and it cannot provide for the reasonable conditions of judgment.

Placing environmental democracy at the heart of co-governance: rethinking the governance of complex waterways

ABSTRACT The ways in which complex systems are governed often generate democratic malaise due to a gap between people’s expectations and the ability of authorities to meet these expectations. Additionally, misalignment between ecological and social systems makes it difficult for decision-makers to adapt to dynamic environments. Co-governance, which involves collaboration and engagement between governments and a range of stakeholders, is a common mechanism to address these challenges. However, co-governance has been criticized for being exclusionary, ad hoc, and counter to democratic principles. We argue that principles of environmental democracy offer a way to strengthen the effectiveness and legitimacy of co-governance. We base this argument on findings from research on the governance of national historic waterways in Ontario, Canada, specifically the Rideau Canal and Trent-Severn Waterway. These waterways reach across multiple watersheds, territories, and jurisdictions, involving a range of authorities and different stakeholder groups, many of whom have expressed dissatisfaction with current decision-making structures. By examining the difficulties involved in governing these waterways, we propose three reforms to co-governance that would enhance environmental democracy: (1) tiered-mechanisms that facilitate collaborative governance, (2) targeted collaborative exercises to create and strengthen within-ties across stakeholder groups, and (3) semi-regular forums to support communication among stakeholder groups.