Democratic Governance In Africa Research Articles

Reflections on Constitutionalism and Democratic Governance in Africa

Abstract Several post-independence African states have opted for constitutional democracies in response to various governance challenges. Most of these constitutions espouse values of constitutionalism, such as the rule of law, human rights and citizenship. This article interrogates the concept of constitutionalism, examines its pillars and values, and reflects on how Africa's constitutions mirror them. Its thesis is that a constitutional government does not necessarily approximate constitutionalism. The article argues, with evidence, that many states possess constitutions but fall short in practising constitutionalism. It calls on these states to embark on institutional reforms and to pursue good governance that improves the living standards of their citizens.

Revisiting the Civil Society and Democratic Governance in Africa: Present or Absent in Nigeria?

The civil society midwife democratic government in 1999. They fought for it. Although, some died in the process of agitating for democracy, and the fundamental human rights and rule of law are firmly entrenched including the freedom of association, free movement, speech among others. The paper argues that today’s democratic government was worked for but those who work for it did not participate in the transition program since the military in their characteristics are maradonic particularly that of General Ibrahim Gbadamosi Babangida keep transition program in perplexity and continuous. The failure of the leaders and members of civil organizations to participate is responsible for the crisis of governance. Those elected into governments across the states including the federal government largely masquerading behind politics as governance output. The paper is of the view that the civil society organization in the country cannot claim irresponsible to Nigerians, since they ushered in democratic rule, therefore, efforts must be geared towards validating the purpose of democracy and dividends of democratic governance in Nigeria.

Traditional Administration and its Impact on Democratic Governance in Africa “The Nigerian Experience”

Democratic governance is undoubtedly adjudged to be the most acceptable instrument through which people can be better served and administered for sustainable development. Even though traditional institution has been the indigenous governance instrument long before the advent of modern democracy, it is a framework that survived and believed to have tremendous impacts on the modern democratic process and governance in Nigeria. This paper therefore examines the relationship inherent between the traditional institutions and the modern democratic process of governance in Africa with particular reference to Nigeria. The research is a survey type which relies on available literature on governance, close observations and discussion with intellectuals and experts on governance generally. The paper finds a close relationship between the traditional administration and the democratic governance processes in Nigeria. This relationship by way of impacts on democratisation process is seen in the following ways; despotic disposition to leadership, personalisation of the instruments of governance, apparent disregard for constitutional limitations of tenure, masculinisation of leadership, class domination and promotion of political hegemony. The paper concludes that there is a dominance of such traditional administration values among Nigerian politicians and leaders. The paper recommends a systemic restructuring, systematic but aggressive mass reorientation and sensitisation about the true democratic culture and value as against the old order, promotion of equal opportunities for all, mass literacy campaign against despotism and personalisation of instruments of governance, promotion of transparency and accountability amongst others, for good governance and sustainable development.

Repositioning Democratic Governance in Africa for Better Dividends Delivery: A Case for Performance

Given the fact that democracy as a system and form of governance which allows for even participation, freedom of expression, rule of law and other indices attached thereto, had awaken the consciousness of humanity from all over the world to key into this form of leadership due to its uncommon benefits. Africa her ‘third world cousins’ seemed to have remained in a slumbering position and have refused to wake up and wear the toga of democratic principles as acts displayed by leaders lacked democratic character. This paper argues that democratic dividends and flavour can be felt and directly impacted on the citizens of Africa especially Nigeria, if adequate political socialization, culturalization and consciousness are fused as part of her cultural education. This new consciousness and democratic mindset will arguably make leaders and the led see each other as an inclusive indispensable part of the whole. It will also eliminate unwantom suspicion, rancour, ethnic bigotry, exclusion and hegemonic display of power and more so, leadership may not be tenured but anchored on performance and service delivery. The paper believes that with a political consciousness, socialization and high sense of political culture, leadership becomes service to the humanity and not business enterprise. Hence leaders that performed optimally may continue to serve the people if they so desire. This paper adopts critical, analytical and expository methods.

Houngue Éric Noudehouenou v. Republic of Benin

The judgment in Houngue Eric Noudehouenou v. Republic of Benin adds to the growing body of human rights jurisprudence on national electoral processes in Africa’s international courts. The decision demonstrates the growing importance of Africa’s regional and sub-regional courts as an alternative venue for opposition politicians, activists, and citizens to mobilize and challenge election processes and constitutional amendment processes where the playing field in their state is uneven. In turn, it reinforces the pivotal role of the regional and sub-regional courts in consolidating democratic governance in Africa, and reveals the limits of assessing the performance of Africa’s international courts solely on conventional measures of effectiveness and compliance.

The African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance: Past, Present and Future

AbstractThis article traces a genealogy of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) and examines the charter's overall implementation. While there has always been a struggle between competing views of how to ensure more or less continental accountability for norms related to democratic governance in Africa, enforcement by the African Union (AU) has definitively become more robust since the ACDEG's adoption. The article argues that this development is observable in three trends: continental legalization, technocratization and judicialization of politics. It evaluates the growth of normative commitments in the field of democracy, elections and governance and their increasing consolidation into binding legal treaties; explores the increasing reliance on AU technical assistance in the implementation and interpretation of these instruments; and assesses the expanding role of continental and regional judicial bodies in enforcing commitments to democracy. Building upon a better understanding of these trends, the article identifies key contextual factors that will shape the ACDEG's future implementation.

Roles of age and gender in the attainment of sustainable governance in Africa

The study set out to investigate how gender and age influence democratic governance in selected Sub-Saharan African countries. How well age and gender influence democratic governance in Africa has remained grossly understudied in extant literature of public sector and welfare economics. Based on panel data and illustrations from seven Sub-Sahara nations (Cameroun, Ghana, Kenya, Mali, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania), this paper discussed the need for full participation of women in democratic governance in Africa. The findings advocated that gender and age have significant effects on democratic governance in Africa. While there is the need for more qualitative research on gender and age indicators for good governance on more countries in Africa, this paper suggested that African governments must continuously introduce gender-friendly policies that will enhance women participation in economic activities for a more equitable and egalitarian society that has eluded us years gone.Keywords: Democratic Governance, Age, Gender, Panel Estimation, Sub-Saharan Africa

In Service Training and Job Satisfaction in the Nigerian Public Service: A Theoretical Analysis

In every organization, either public or private the need to train employees for skill development productivity enhancement and improved quality of work is crucial to the attainment of organizational goals and objectives. And such objectives becomes possible when workers are regularly trained and satisfied with their job. In-service training helps with not only the adaption but also being accustomed to the work for maximum job satisfaction. The new wave of democratic governance in Africa is exerting tremendous pressure on the public service to complement the political leadership in delivering democratic dividends, resulting in some level of dissatisfaction with the service when developmental goals and targets are not achieved. This development is often attributed to the capacity inadequacies of the public service, resulting from years of neglect and inappropriate policies on its training and capacity development. The paper assessed the influence of in-service training on job satisfaction and its implication on service delivery. It also identified the various challenges faced by the public sectors in terms of training needs and development of workers. The paper is qualitative in nature. Content analysis method was used to source information. The paper observed that In-service training enhances job satisfaction, and increases job performance and efficiency. The paper concluded that In-service training should be given more attention and encouraged for maximum productivity.

The ‘Legacy of Authoritarianism’ and Democratic Governance in Africa

The 1990s global transition to democratisation and subsequent public sector reforms to strengthen democratic governance in Africa represents a complete ‘rupture’ with past authoritarianism and other exclusionary politics prior to democratisation. However, current governance and democratic practices in the continent still reflect features of an ‘authoritarian past.’ In fact, this article is timely especially in this period where tensions and conflicts in contemporary Africa remain linked to problems of democratic governance and inclusive development, especially as Africans embark on their current ‘emerging agendas.’ As such, picking out the ‘legacy of authoritarianism’ and interrogating whether this background has any bearing on the quality of democratic governance in contemporary Africa, the analysis reveals that normatively, particular incumbents and state officials promote a governance process that is democratic in outlook but in actual sense, their authoritarian and exclusionary impulses as well as their desire to maintain power by all cost, have interacted in contributing to the current democratic governance deficits in the continent. The article cautions that reducing the explanation of such an antithesis of the democratic theory, to the legacy of authoritarianism, could limit our conceptual and practical understanding of some of the shortcomings of neoliberal democratic intervention in African democratisation. It concludes that without a governance system rested on democratic values with ‘African roots—a culturally sustainable democracy,’ all national, sub-regional and continental socio-economic development efforts are condemned from the outset.

Collectively Protecting Constitutionalism and Democratic Governance in Africa: A Tale of High Hopes and Low Expectations?

Initially introduced as a response to the recurrent problem of military coups d'etat, the rejection of unconstitutional changes of government has evolved to become the lynchpin of the African Union's policy on constitutionalism and democratic governance in Africa. However, the prevailing political realities in many African countries, including the (re-)introduction of anti-democratic policies and dubious constitutional manoeuvres by incumbent governments, as well as recent events associated with the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ have highlighted the limitations of the African Union's existing strategy both in theory and practice. Based on a critical analysis of the African Union's regime on unconstitutional changes of government, its normative design and practical application, this article argues that—and explains why—the organisation has so far generally overpromised, but underdelivered, on the stated goal of collectively safeguarding constitutional democracy in its member states. While recognising its achievements in the progressive development and consolidation of a regional norm outlawing unconstitutional changes of government, the analysis identifies a host of conceptual and practical problems that have hampered the capacity of the African Union to effectively deal with diverse forms of illegitimate disruptions of democratic processes in several African countries. Apart from cases involving popular uprisings, in respect of which the organisation is still in search for a coherent policy framework, there is also a lack of conceptual clarity as to which cases of democratic backsliding can be brought under the rubric of unconstitutional changes of government, as well as a general reluctance on the part of the African Union to apply its policy against incumbent governments entangled in unconstitutional preservations of power. The article provides some recommendations aimed at realising the potential of the African Union's normative framework on unconstitutional changes of government as a meaningful tool for the promotion of constitutional democracy in Africa.

A Strong Norm for Democratic Governance in Africa

Non-acceptance of unconstitutional change of government (UCG) has become a central African norm since 1995. For decades, non-interference in state affairs characterized politics in the Organization of African Unity and became a cornerstone of inter-African relations. Against this historical backdrop, it is remarkable that the obligation to reject UCG was incorporated into the 2002 Constitutive Act of the OAU’s successor, the African Union (AU). This evolution and the centrality of the UCG norm are particularly remarkable against the background of common theoretical explanations of the development of international governance norms. They cannot sufficiently explain why a democratic norm came into being and was further deepened after 2002. This paper therefore seeks answers to the following question: Why did non-acceptance of UCG become a central norm of the AU from 1995 to 2012?

Manifestations of Bad Governance on the Threshold of African Democratic Process and Development

This paper argues that there is a worldwide resurgence of interests on the concept of good governance, democracy and development. This is because everything in the world today revolves around development. The current framework of public policy imperatives that emanate from around the world suggests that effective entrenchment of democracy and good governanceis a prerequisite for development. This paper examines the challenges of good democratic governance in Africa in contemporary time. This orbits around the problems of bad governance which manifests is corruption and other forms of particularistic behaviour through the noninstitutionalisationof accountability institutions and mechanisms. It argues that the absence of effective measures to counter these perennial “demons” could result in stagnation, lack of growth and development. The paper concludes that improving governance requires effective democratic process driven by ethical principles which would regulate how people make right decisions about governance.KEY WORDS: Africa, Governance, Democratization, Good governance, Development, African development.

Book Review: Britain and Ireland: Guarding the Guardians: Civil–Military Relations and Democratic Governance in Africa

Book Review: Britain and Ireland: Guarding the Guardians: Civil–Military Relations and Democratic Governance in Africa

Postcolonialism and the Two Publics in Nigeria: Rethinking the Idea of the Sceptical Public

The concept of the public occupies a unique place in the understanding of democratic governance in Africa. However, its uniqueness is mediated by the fact that it is a transconceptual notion with theoretical ties to many other concepts—nationalism, globalisation, popular culture, modernity, civil society, the political, democracy and so on. This trans-conceptual character is further interjected by the fact of the colonial intrusion in the conceptual history of African societies. The implication is therefore that any attempt at understanding the manifestation of this concept in its African context must be ready to follow it through its often convoluted path. Ekeh’s (1975) and Mbembe’s (2001) analyses constitute a firm grasp of the historical legacy of the notion of the public in Africa. However, Lawuyi’s (2012) recent attempt to ground an understanding of the public as the core of a “proposal to a new understanding of our [Nigerian] society” actually undermines that proposal rather than contribute to it. And it does this basically because it flouts the essential conceptual necessity underlying any application of that term.

Globalization, the Rule of (Administrative) Law, and the Realization of Democratic Governance in Africa: Realities, Challenges, and Prospects

This article reviews the impact of globalization on democracy in Africa. It sees globalization, which has largely taken the shape of neoliberalism, as leading to the development of a minimalist conception of democracy in African countries. Further, this article contends that administrative law norms, which are increasingly embraced in Constitutions and judicial decisions world over, can be useful instruments for deepening democracy in Africa. That is, the establishment and implementation of elaborate regimes of administrative law (containing principles, procedures, and remedies that circumscribe the exercise of both public and private power) can contribute to the realization of democratic governance in African countries. This article then demonstrates how administrative law can subject the exercise of power to the rule of law, contribute to the realization of social and economic rights, enhance public participation in governance, and contribute to the democratization of the exercise of power within legislatures and judiciaries.

Institutionalizing Democracy in Africa: A Comment on the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance

Abstract This article provides an exegesis of the recently entered-into-force African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. Democracy has a decidedly mixed history in Africa and, despite a concerted effort by the African Union (AU), it has made only halting inroads in those states that are nondemocratic or struggling to consolidate democracy. That may change as more states ratify and implement the Charter, a comprehensive regional attempt to promote, protect, and consolidate democracy that entered into force in February 2012. This Charter, the culmination of two decades of African thinking on how democracy should develop on the continent, represents the AU’s attempt to institutionalize principles of good governance and democratic ideals. Although hurdles remain on Africa’s road to democratic development, including poverty, illiteracy, and corruption, the Charter provides a means to address these stubborn problems. Whether it will succeed will depend on state implementation of the obligations undertaken by ratification of the Charter, as well as the AU’s own commitment to ensuring observation of the Charter’s key provisions. If the AU and its member states do fully implement and practically observe the Charter’s obligations, then the prospects for democratic governance in Africa have a bright future.

Guarding the Guardians: civil-military relations and democratic governance in Africa by Mathurin C. Houngnikpo Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2010. Pp. 228, £55.00 (hbk).

An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.

The AU Peace and Security Council and the Quest for Constitutional Democratic Governance in Africa - A Critical Assessment

This article seeks to assess the performance of the African Union’s Peace and Security Council (AUPSC) in discouraging unconstitutional changes of government on the African continent. By applying a consistent position against unconstitutional usurpations of power, the Peace and Security Council is not only making a major African contribution to international forms and standards that govern state behaviour, but also represents a marked paradigm shift towards a more proactive confl ict prevention and peace-building approach on the African continent. Indeed one can confi dently declare that the era when coup plotters and illegitimate usurpers could use“regime security” or “national sovereignty” to legitimise power grabs; or incumbent Heads of State could “mask constitutional illegality” under the guise of “constitutional or governance reforms” to prolong their gripon executive power, is drawing to a close

The most difficult decision yet: Ghana's 2008 presidential elections

Ghana’s presidential election was held from 7 December 2008 through to 2 January 2009. The paper highlights the difficulty of choice between two good candidates which polarised the nation into two nearly equal halves. This paper also discusses the significance of the election to Africa and the rest of the international community. The article makes the point that the incumbent NPP administration would have won the presidency if their supporters had made sure to vote sufficiently enough in the first round. The article adds that the mixed quality of opinion polls had an influence on the electoral process. The article further emphasizes the utter independence and efficiency of the Electoral Commission. The impossible challenge for the new administration to live up to real and imagined expectations also has potential to cost them the next election. The article finally sets the scene for the next presidential election in 2012, and concludes with a note on the role of the international community, particularly the African Union, in future democratic governance in Africa. Key words: Ghana, elections. opinion polls, African union, international observers, electoral commission, democratic governance.

Mauritania, August 2005: Justice and democracy, or just another coup?

A military coup abruptly ended Ould Taya's authoritarian regime in Mauritania, one of the longest-running regimes in West Africa. The bloodless coup broke a dangerous political impasse and stopped what seemed to be a slide towards breakdown and violence. Using the democratization literature, this article explains its root causes and evaluates the prospects for the establishment of a genuine democracy after two decades of a repressive military and then quasi-military regime. It argues that several variables combined to seal the regime's fate. These are essentially the deeply flawed, tribally based, make-believe democracy, Ould Taya's own troubled personality, and finally, the security apparatus's withdrawal of its backing. The article also argues that the new military junta's first decisions appear encouraging enough but that its determination to keep a tight control over the transition process and avoid the fundamental aspects of Mauritania's malaise may jeopardize genuine long-term democratization. ON 3 AUGUST 2005, MAURITANIANSAWOKETOACOMMUNIQUiANNOUNCINGTHE SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION of yet another coup d'etat in arguably the most unstable region in Africa. As the international community tepidly decried the coup and called for a return of constitutional order, Mauritanians, overwhelmingly, welcomed it with relief and high expectations. The coup has created a situation where potential to embark on a democratic experiment at last coexists with the risks of missing yet another opportunity to do so. Despite the high hopes raised, will this coup produce another disappointing aborted democratization in a region where, in the words of a keen observer of the process since its early days, 'democracy has taken a beating?'1 It is important to understand how, in 2005, a military coup could elicit so much hope and be all but validated by the African Union (AU) and the wider international community despite their zero tolerance of unconstitutional changes of power. When it comes to military coups, Africa so far offers essentially two diametrically opposed models. One is the Robert Guei model in C6te d'Ivoire Boubacar N'Diaye (e-mail: bndiaye@wooster.edu) teaches at the College of Wooster, OH, USA. 1. Julius O. Ihonvbere, 'A balance sheet of Africa's transition to democratic governance', in John Mbaku and Julius O. Ihonvbere (eds), The Transition to Democratic Governance in Africa (Praeger, Westport, CT, 2003), p. 51.