Democratic Decision Research Articles

Latin American networking and cooperative struggles in Argentina: A conversation with the Movimiento de Ocupantes e Inquilinos (MOI)

This conversation examines the Movimiento de Ocupantes e Inquilinos (MOI) in Argentina, a grassroots organization promoting cooperative, self-managed housing for over 30 years. Based on a conversation with Néstor Jeifetz, the article traces the origins of the MOI from the 1980s building occupations in Buenos Aires, through its connection to the broader Latin American cooperative housing movement, including the creation of the Latin American Secretariat for Popular Housing and Habitat (SELVIHP). The article explores how MOI’s efforts to reclaim vacant urban properties—such as the La Fábrica cooperative housing project—address the critical need for secure, affordable housing in a context of neoliberal economic policies and external debt crises. Jeifetz discusses the political ramifications of recent far-right victories in Argentina, which threaten hard-won social rights and self-managed housing initiatives, as well as the MOI’s role in resisting these policies through a framework of collective ownership, democratic decision-making, and mutual aid. By highlighting the intersections of housing with education, health, and labor, and situating the MOI’s work within a larger history of land and building occupations across Abya-Yala, this article provides a nuanced understanding of the ongoing struggles for housing justice in the face of both local and global neoliberal forces.

Where Technology Leads, the Problems Follow. Technosolutionism and the Dutch Contact Tracing App

In April 2020, in the midst of its first pandemic lockdown, the Dutch government announced plans to develop a contact tracing app to help contain the spread of the coronavirus – the Coronamelder. Originally intended to address the problem of the overburdening of manual contract tracers, by the time the app was released six months later, the problem it sought to solve had drastically changed, without the solution undergoing any modification, making it a prime example of technosolutionism. While numerous critics have mobilised the concept of technosolutionism, the questions of how technosolutionism works in practice and which specific harms it can provoke have been understudied. In this paper we advance a thick conception of technosolutionism which, drawing on Evgeny Morozov, distinguishes it from the notion of technological fix, and, drawing on constructivism, emphasizes its constructivist dimension. Using this concept, we closely follow the problem that the Coronamelder aimed to solve and how it shifted over time to fit the Coronamelder solution, rather than the other way around. We argue that, although problems are always constructed, technosolutionist problems are badly constructed, insofar as the careful and cautious deliberation which should accompany problem construction in public policy is absent in the case of technosolutionism. This can lead to three harms: a subversion of democratic decision-making; the presence of powerful new actors in the public policy context – here Big Tech; and the creation of “orphan problems”, whereby the initial problems that triggered the need to develop a (techno)solution are left behind. We question whether the most popular form of technology ethics today, which focuses predominantly on the design of technology, is well-equipped to address these technosolutionist harms, insofar as such a focus may preclude critical thinking about whether or not technology should be the solution in the first place.

Participation in Energy Transitions: A Comparison of Policy Styles

Stakeholder and public participation in policymaking for energy transitions is one of the most promising approaches to fulfilling the promises of a democratic sustainability transition. Over the years, many studies have been published about concepts, methodologies, and empirical results of participatory approaches and implementations. In this paper, we focus on the compatibility of participatory processes with different policy styles of democratic governance. We conducted a systematic literature search comparing different concepts of democratic governance and applying them to public participation, in particular that associated with energy transitions. Our main objective in this paper is to link the requirements for a sustainable energy transition to governance processes and structures; we further aim to delineate suitable formats for stakeholder and public participation. Our analysis provides a basis for a wide-ranging and multi-perspective research agenda that promises to provide a deeper understanding and explanation of complex governance arrangements for energy transitions. The five democratic policy styles that we selected for this review are: autocratic, adversarial, collaborative, reflexive, and inclusive governance. We conclude that none are adequate on their own, and so we put forth a novel hybrid we call the “mediative approach.” From this approach, we derive a new research framework for addressing the current challenges of democratic decision-making in energy transitions. Three pressing questions emerge, one relating to the interplay of top-down and bottom-up modes of governance; a second to the conditions for actor collaboration; and a third to the perception of democratic legitimacy by affected parties.

Do Affective Polarization and Populism Affect the Support for Holding Referendums?

What populism and polarization have in common is that their relationship with democracy is an ambiguous one. Studies have found that certain degrees of polarization can be helpful for citizens to make up their minds about their choices and because of that encourage them to democratic participation. Similarly, populism can help increase participation by, for example, presenting policies in a simpler language. Citizens with less political interest and political knowledge might be incited to participate in elections and democratic politics in general. However, high levels of polarization lead to the irreconcilability of factions and thereby to gridlock. Democracy can be regarded as incapable of solving citizens’ problems. Likewise, populism can be destructive to democracy when occurring in certain forms and degrees. While populism is not per se antidemocratic, populist parties and leaders, when in power, repeatedly challenge democratic elements. To disentangle how polarization and populism affect democracy, I focus on certain specifics of these three concepts (democracy, populism, and polarization). Namely, I analyze how affective polarization and individual-level populism affect the support for the direct democratic instrument of holding referendums. Drawing on survey data from Austria and Germany, I find that being affectively polarized has a positive effect on the support for holding referendums. However, this effect is moderated by citizens’ individual-level populism. Thus, this study provides insights into citizens’ preferences for democratic decision-making, dependent on their levels of affective polarization and populism.

Containing spaces for learning through experience: A psychosocial approach to co-operation.

This paper investigates one of the fundamental differences between a co-operative undertaking and a capitalist business: democratic participatory governance as opposed to hierarchical leadership. The latter often comes across as a ‘norm’ to be taken for granted. As such, co-operation is translated into the language of ‘team work’ and ‘staff consultation’, the domains of a successful capitalist company. Participation in co-operative governance, however, is more profound than this and requires an enhanced understanding of the somatic and affective qualities behind democratic decision-making. The paper suggests that a new language might be used to describe this difference, perhaps collective governance should be regarded as a virtue that can be recognised as working beyond values, even co-operative values. A further question arises: if indeed co-operative participatory governance is about relationships among equals, how can this be taught and/or learnt beyond the hard lessons of life experience? What can educational establishments do to teach people how to participate and govern by participating? The paper suggests that possible avenues of exploration in search of an answer to these questions might lie in a psycho-social approach that is able to encourage group learning from experience.

‘We are ignored rather than attacked politically’. Youth participation in regional sustainability transformation in eastern Germany

ABSTRACT In the context of Germany's coal phase-out, substantial resources are allocated to transform coal regions economically and socially. This study examines the opportunities and aspirations of young people in shaping local spaces, focusing on four participatory processes in Lusatia, eastern Germany. Utilising document analysis and 17 interviews with youth service workers, participants, and politicians, the study combines Massey, Doreen. 2005. For Space. London: Sage concept of space with Cahill, Helen, and Babak Dadvand. 2018. “Re-conceptualising Youth Participation: A Framework to Inform Action.” Children and Youth Services Review 95:243–253 model for youth participation. It bridges the gap between young people's goals and motivations and the quality of participation formats, with a regional focus. Findings reveal that young people's aspirations align with adult-developed projects in transport, digital and business infrastructure, energy transition, and technology, but youth advocate for a more ambitious ecological transformation, digital solutions, and democratic decision-making. Despite well-designed participatory programmes demonstrating youth ability to contribute to transformation, their ideas are often publicly praised but rarely integrated into political decisions due to inadequate procedures. Some formats allowed youth to reposition themselves, highlighting the fluidity of power. The study calls for further research on youth participation from a spatial perspective, and emphasizes the need to better prepareyoung participants and policymakers to manage expectations and responsibilities in participatory processes.

A Millian Case against Epistemic Arguments for Federalism

AbstractJohn Stuart Mill is central to parallel debates in mainstream contemporary political epistemology and philosophy of federalism concerning the epistemic dimension(s) of legitimate authority. Many scholars invoke Mill to support epistemic arguments for democratic decision-making and decentralized federalism as a means of conferring democratic legitimacy. This article argues that Millian considerations instead provide reason to reject common epistemic arguments for decentralized federalism. Combining Mill's own insights about the epistemic costs of decentralization and recent work in philosophy, politics, and economics undermines purportedly Millian arguments for federalism focused on political experimentation, diversity and participation. Contrary to many interpretations, Millian considerations weaken, rather than strengthen, arguments for federalism. Any valid justification for federalism must instead rest on non-epistemic considerations. This conclusion is notable regardless of how one interprets Mill. But it also supports Mill's stated preference for local decisions subject to central oversight.

A large-scale field experiment on participatory decision-making in China.

Can local democratic decision-making in authoritarian environments increase or pacify civic engagement and government accountability? Here we conducted an intervention reaching over 20 million people in China. Communities were randomly assigned such that citizens in treatment communities were invited to deliberate and make collective decisions on how local community budgets were allocated through both in-person and online communication channels (participatory budgeting). We find that participatory decision-making in community budgeting increased a wide range of civic-engagement behaviours outside of the budgeting domain 6 months after the start of the intervention. Residents in treatment communities reported more need for improvement from the central government, providing a potential foundation for seeking accountability from the authoritarian regime. These changes were accompanied by a more positive societal outlook and increased satisfaction in the country's policies.

Labour strategies in the German automotive industry: limits and potentials of conversion from a Gramscian perspective

ABSTRACT The automotive industry’s transition toward electric vehicles is a key challenge for organised labour in the sector. In this context, shifting production towards socially and ecologically useful products through democratic decision-making, democratic conversion, can be a proactive just transition strategy for workers and contribute to the ecological reorganisation of production. This paper investigates the limits and potentials for this endeavour in the context of the German automotive industry by conducting a multi-level analysis of (1) the sectoral union IG Metall’s (IGM) strategies and its interrelation with (2) works council strategies at a major supplier utilising a Gramscian theoretical framework. I identify the main limitations and potentials for both realms, which interact with (3) the dominant understanding of the transition and (4) internal conditions for labour organising. I show that democratic conversion is a challenging proposal questioning key tenets of German industrial relations yet can provide innovative solutions addressing labour’s contemporary challenges.

Some policies matter more: party salience and interest group access to political parties in Western democracies

ABSTRACT Political parties and interest groups play important roles in incorporating societal interests into democratic decision-making. Recent studies have analysed the causes of interactions between individual political parties and interest groups and of interest groups’ choices to seek access to one or more parties. Meanwhile, we know less about why some parties grant access to a range of interest groups while others focus on a few. This article theorises about party strategies and suggests that party salience – that is parties’ emphasis on different policy areas – affects the range of interest groups to which they grant access. I combine interest group survey data from six European democracies with data from party manifestos and use regression analyses to test this hypothesis. I find that parties provide access to multiple interest groups representing various interests in legislative politics and, above all, in policy areas that are salient to them. Thus, parties are more likely to be aware of diverse interests’ perspectives on policies in areas they prioritise. The results have important implications for our understanding of the consequences of party–interest group interactions in democracies.

Community rights and energy politics in a pro-fracking Appalachian town

Research shows that conservatives support fossil fuel extraction and distrust regulation. Yet scholarship overlooks where environmentalist and conservative interests may align—a question I explore through studying a rural, white, and conservative Pennsylvania community where many leased their land for shale gas drilling (fracking). Landowners endorsed fracking and discredited state regulators and environmentalists. Eventually, however, many became troubled by how their land sovereignty and community “home rule” were eroded by petroleum companies and state zoning preemption laws. Though few rejected fracking outright, most believed their town should be allowed to manage the industry’s footprint. Although climate advocates increasingly view local sovereignty as enabling NIMBYism that stymies climate action, communities often experience state-led energy siting policies as a procedural injustice. Regarding fracking, community empowerment would abet climate action by enabling municipal checks on industrial expansion. Environmentalists could forge alliances with rural, conservative towns by supporting greater local democratic decision-making over fracking.

Tracing a caring transition policy for the German coal region Lusatia

Coal mining and generation adversely affect several ecosystems, including climate, water and land. On the other hand, questions of justice and socio-economic considerations of affected regions are crucial for a successful coal phase-out, underlining the need for a nexus perspective. This includes taking a gender perspective, which thus far has received relatively little attention. We contribute to closing this gap through our study on the coal region Lusatia in Germany, where an unprecedentedly high amount of money is spent to shape the regional transition. The allocation of these funds is the subject of a contentious debate about which societal needs are considered most urgent to be met. We conducted a critical discourse analysis examining relevant policy documents and analyzing dominant ideas about what a successful transition in Lusatia should look like. Based on feminist care theory and interviews with locally organized women, we show that concepts of care for humans and nonhumans are severely underdeveloped. To address this gap, we propose based on women’s emerging discourse four pillars of care work as social infrastructure that should be central to transition processes: (1) aftercare for social and ecological residuals of coal mining, (2) social cohesion, (3) democratic care services, and (4) caring democracy: democratic decision-making on how to care.

Anything but Representative Democracy: Explaining Conspiracy Believers’ Support for Direct Democracy and Technocracy

Conspiracy theories gained considerable attention during the Covid-19 pandemic. Although studies have extensively explored their (mostly) negative impacts on various political and social aspects, like participation, health-related behavior, and violence, their influence on support for democracy remains relatively unexplored. The few existing studies offer conflicting findings, prompting my focus to shift from assessing generic support for democracy to examining preferences for alternative decision-making models. To address some limitations of prior research on alternative models of decision-making, I combine a trade-off item with a ranking methodology: respondents were prompted to indicate their first and second preferences for different democratic and non-democratic models over representative democracy. The study is based on data from a representative survey in Germany (July/August 2022; N = 2,536). My findings confirm that the belief in conspiracy theories is positively associated with a preference for direct democratic decision-making. However, conspiracy believers also favor expert-based decision-making over elected politicians—but direct democracy would be their primary choice. Although the evidence for a preference for autocracy over representative democracy is associated with a higher degree of uncertainty, it does suggest that conspiracy believers tend to favor “anything but” representative democracy. These findings contribute to the broader discourse on the impact of conspiracy beliefs on democratic systems.

Idealization, animals, and democracy

ABSTRACT Philosophical theorizing on democracy typically assumes away the existence of nonhuman animals – even though animals are systematically affected by democratic decisions in morally relevant ways. This paper inspects under which circumstances, if at all, this omission can be justified. First, I distinguish between two possible explanations of this neglect: (i) that animals are neglected by democratic theorists due to speciesist biases, according to a debunking account, or (ii) that animals are deliberately idealized away, on a reconstructive approach. Largely, this paper is devoted to assessing when assuming away animals can function as a theoretically productive or practically helpful idealization when theorizing about democracy. In particular, I identify three different aims that may be served by idealizing animals away in democratic theory: (i) to understand what makes democracy valuable, legitimate, or authoritative, (ii) to assess how the pitfalls of really existing democracies might be fixed and (iii) to isolate what robust agents owe each other in democratic societies. I then argue that, whereas the third goal might be usefully advanced by idealizing animals away, the first two goals can only be suitably tackled if we take into account how democracies affect animals’ interests.

A Democracy-Friendly Theory of the Rule of Law

The dominant way of thinking about the rule of law is that it is a constraint, a limit, on government. On this view the limitation applies with full force to all forms of government, democratic and undemocratic, and to both the executive and the legislative branches. The privileged institution for enforcing those limits is the courts. Democracy and the rule of law are, in effect, portrayed as though they were in opposition to one another. That, I claim, is a mistake (a) historically (for, in the Anglo-American tradition, the rule of law developed first as a restriction on an undemocratic executive, with a less undemocratic Parliament acting in concert with the courts to institute the rule of law); (b) in principle (for there is a strong argument that democracy needs the rule of law for its fullest expression, and the rule of law needs democracy); and (c) strategically (because it hinders us from mobilizing our full resources to protect both principles; this paper began its life as a response to populist movements, many of which, wrongly, are conceded to be democratic). In this paper I make that case, especially focusing upon its most controversial claim, namely that the rule of law needs democracy. This paper forms part of a larger project on democratic constitutionalism in which I reconsider key concepts in constitutionalism in a manner that takes democratic decision-making to be fundamental to contemporary constitutionalism.

Rural Environmental Governance: A Communal Irrigation System in Greece through the Social–Ecological System Framework

This article delves into the enduring self-governing nature of a traditional irrigation system in a rural community in Greece through the lens of the social–ecological system (SES) framework. The aim is to analyze the variables and interactions that have sustained this community-based governance structure over a century. This study underscores the critical role of social capital, where social networks and effective communication facilitate self-governance in the management of this common pool resource. The findings reveal how actors coordinate social and physical capital when performing daily activities, enabling them to collectively solve common dilemmas. By examining the institutional arrangements and operational dynamics of the irrigation system, the study illuminates the community-led social processes that drive its sustainability. This analysis enhances the understanding of the importance of integrating social and physical capital in governance through collective action to achieve resilience. This study provides insights into alternative pathways for building resilience and discusses an irrigation system as a communal autonomous space that prioritizes social equity, democratic decision-making, and social–ecological contacts.

Participatory budget in Monterrey, Mexico: obstacles, challenges and possibilities

ABSTRACT Participatory Budget, as a process for democratic decision-making in allocating public funds, has gained traction globally since the initial experiences in Porto Alegre, Brazil in the 1980s. This article analyses the 2022 and 2023 experiences of participatory budget (PB) in the city of Monterrey, Mexico. Based on a comparative analysis of secondary data of Monterrey’s two-year programme, the study illustrates the obstacles and potentialities of implementing PB. Some of the limitations revolve around intergovernmental coordination, spatial limitations and limited impact on changing power relations concerning urban interventions. In assessing the programme’s implementation, we seek to highlight that while participation indeed increased from 2022 to 2023, the conceptualisation of the programme differs from the original one in Porto Alegre, and distribution of projects and resources remains uneven. By critically evaluating Monterrey’s PB initiatives, the article aims to contribute to the broader discourse on the complexities and challenges of participatory budget implementation.

Unveiling the Enigma: Empowering Citizen Engagement in Decision-Making Deciphering Albania's Case

This article aims to fill the gap and analyze citizen involvement in developing and transitional democracy, focusing specifically on Albania, a country in the Western Balkans. The objective of this article is to examine the models, trends, obstacles and opportunities offered by citizen participation, as well as to evaluate the determinant factors and their impact on the transformative processes of democratization and the fragile development of Albania. The article explores the participation of citizens in the decision-making process, and their role in policy-making and democratic decision-making and tries to understand how citizens can be more actively involved in the decision-making process and how this involvement can increase the legitimacy and effectiveness of policies. In this study, we use qualitative and quantitative methods to analyze existing practices of citizen involvement in the decision-making process at different levels of local and central government. We focus on the tools and mechanisms that can be used to encourage the involvement of citizens in the decision-making process. The results of this study aim to provide recommendations for policymakers and practitioners at different levels of government to improve the involvement of citizens in the process of decision-making. In conclusion, through these recommendations, we aim to help increase transparency, responsibility and legitimacy of decision-making processes and create an environment where citizens feel involved and heard in decision-making that affects life. Received: 8 March 2024 / Accepted: 13 June 2024 / Published: 02 July 2024

Social participation in Anvisa's regulations: hybrid, colloquial, and scientific evidence for democratic decision-making.

Anvisa's public consultation (PC) is the most widely used social participation mechanism in current health regulations, which was based on antagonistic movements: the democratization of decision-making and State counter-reformation. Starting from the concept of social participation, defined as various actions from society related to public decision-making, which values diversity and the exercise of citizenship, the present article discusses the possibility of PCs configuring a democratic regulation process by considering popular beliefs and colloquial evidence, and promoting the creation of hybrid evidence in an evidence-moderated model. Despite the different interests, the PCs open the door to opportunities for democratic deliberation by society in the search of understanding, where it is expected that the State will make the best decision and justify it. In this sense, the role of evidence in clarifying complex issues is defined as a space where dissent, believed to democratize society, is important in revealing the limits of scientific evidence in an environment of information asymmetry. Finally, this article aims to refute technocracy as an instrument of power in health regulations, thereby achieving the greatest democratic potential of Anvisa's regulations.

Justus Buchler and the Community of Query

Before he originated the field of philosophy for children, Matthew Lipman spent nearly twenty years teaching at Columbia University and its affiliated colleges under the tutelage of the American philosopher Justus Buchler. In those years Lipman’s scholarship focused on Buchler’s naturalist metaphysics, which was informed by Buchler’s scholarship on the philosophy of Charles Peirce. In this essay I relate Lipman’s relationship with Buchler, summarise Buchler’s theory of human judgement, and indicate key parts of that theory that influenced Lipman’s own theory of judgement and multidimensional thinking. I then discuss the pedagogical turn Buchler made with his theory, including his conception of classroom discussion as a mode of ‘community of query,’ which became the prototype for Lipman and Ann Margaret Sharp’s theory of ‘community of inquiry’ as a protocol of classroom dialogue and a paradigm of philosophical practice and democratic decision-making.