Democratic Attributes Research Articles

Democracy, Free Elections, and Gender Equality as Perceived by Recent Immigrants

This study examines how democracy and its political attributes (such as free elections) and social attributes (such as gender equality) are perceived by people who come from nondemocratic countries and have lived for several months in a democratic society. The data were collected in Quebec using an original questionnaire completed by 127 adult immigrants. The results indicate that recent immigrants from nondemocratic countries primarily view democracy as a society based on the rule of law with strong social control. They consider free elections significantly more important to democracy than the possibility to vote for any political party. Contrary to expectations, recent immigrants view gender equality as essential for democracy, although this importance varies according to sphere. Immigrants’ conceptions of democracy also signify the most salient characteristics of the social and physical environment of the host society as the most important democratic features. The study illustrates the multifaceted nature of the process of forming ideas about democracy among immigrants socialized in nondemocratic societies. Not only is theoretical knowledge about democracy as a political system part of these ideas, but everything observed in a democratic society can be perceived as attributes of democracy. The results indicate that immigrants’ impressions of the social and physical environment in their host society should not be overlooked when analyzing their ideas on democracy. Consequently, the study concludes that a more welcoming society can foster more positive visions of democracy among newcomers from nondemocratic countries.

The diverse impacts of democracy on greenhouse gas emissions

A model to assess the relationship between attributes of democracy and greenhouse gas emissions is developed. Applying this framework to a comprehensive panel dataset covering more than 150 countries over the recent three decades, the following key findings emerge: (i) Direct Popular Voting is highly effective in reducing greenhouse gas emissions across all sources. (ii) Civil Society Participation also proves effective, though its impact is reduced for emissions from well-identified sources. (iii) Greater emphasis on individual and political liberties reduces the effectiveness of Liberal Democracy in mitigating greenhouse gas emissions compared to the previous two indicators. (iv) The impacts of Judicial Constraint on the Executive and Freedom of Expression, while not negligible, are weaker compared to those of the first three indicators. These findings are interpreted and explained, and their implications for the design and implementation of climate policies are examined.

De las políticas de mano dura a la política del estado de excepción en El Salvador

This article analyzes the process of deterioration of democracy in El Salvador, in the context of the exceptional regime imposed by the government of Nayib Bukele. Paradoxically, this is one of the governments in the post-conflict period with the highest level of citizen approval, according to public opinion polls (IUDOP, 2023). The study is based on historiographic research that analyzes the main impacts of the failure of the security policies of the ARENA and FMLN governments on democratic institutionality, combined with the statistical analysis of a national survey on the level of approval or rejection of the Bukele government and its security strategy, materialized in the emergency regime. It shows that the confluence of the unsatisfied security demands of the citizenry in the face of the problem of violence and the failure of the political opportunism of the ARENA and FMLN governments in security matters have contributed to the imposition of the exception regime by the government of Nayib Bukele, whose reduction in the homicide rate and victimization have generated a majority favorable opinion among the citizenry. This despite the risks posed by the authoritarian drift of the current regime and the restriction of certain democratic attributes in the relationship between the State and society. In summary, this research invites us to think about the complex connection between authoritarian populism, political culture and democracy. ECA Estudios Centroamericanos, Vol. 79, No. 774, 2024: 13-46.

Rahmatan lil Alamin Islamic Value Education Model based on Muhammadiyah School Culture

This research is prompted by the prevalence of child delinquency cases, encompassing issues such as bullying, lack of manners, and early-age smoking. Concerns arise regarding the potential implications of these juvenile delinquencies on subsequent behaviors in adolescence. The primary objective of this study is to delve deeper into the Rahmatan Lil Alamin Islamic values education model based on Muhammadiyah school culture at the Muhammadiyah Flagship Elementary School. The focus is on understanding the role of schools in instilling character values and exploring the benefits of the Rahmatan Lil Alamin Islamic values education model within the context of Muhammadiyah school culture, particularly in strengthening character values at the Lemahdadi Muhammadiyah Leading Primary School. This research employs a qualitative methodology with a descriptive analysis approach. Data collection, analysis, and description occur simultaneously to address the formulated problem. The research findings reveal that programs rooted in Muhammadiyah school culture, including strengthening students' daily worship, Hizbul Wathan training, sacred footprint training, leadership training, market day, Tahfidz Qur'an, and language strengthening in foreign and regional languages, effectively instill the Islamic values of Rahmatan Lil Alamin in students. Teachers play a crucial role in this process through integration into school culture and internalization in religious activities. The various models of Rahmatan Lil Alamin Islamic values education, grounded in Muhammadiyah school culture, significantly contribute to the transformation of students' character and behavioral values. The outcomes indicate a positive shift towards humanist, tolerant, friendly, and democratic attributes among students.

Rahmatan lil Alamin Islamic Value Education Model based on Muhammadiyah School Culture

This research is prompted by the prevalence of child delinquency cases, encompassing issues such as bullying, lack of manners, and early-age smoking. Concerns arise regarding the potential implications of these juvenile delinquencies on subsequent behaviors in adolescence. The primary objective of this study is to delve deeper into the Rahmatan Lil Alamin Islamic values education model based on Muhammadiyah school culture at the Muhammadiyah Flagship Elementary School. The focus is on understanding the role of schools in instilling character values and exploring the benefits of the Rahmatan Lil Alamin Islamic values education model within the context of Muhammadiyah school culture, particularly in strengthening character values at the Lemahdadi Muhammadiyah Leading Primary School. This research employs a qualitative methodology with a descriptive analysis approach. Data collection, analysis, and description occur simultaneously to address the formulated problem. The research findings reveal that programs rooted in Muhammadiyah school culture, including strengthening students' daily worship, Hizbul Wathan training, sacred footprint training, leadership training, market day, Tahfidz Qur'an, and language strengthening in foreign and regional languages, effectively instill the Islamic values of Rahmatan Lil Alamin in students. Teachers play a crucial role in this process through integration into school culture and internalization in religious activities. The various models of Rahmatan Lil Alamin Islamic values education, grounded in Muhammadiyah school culture, significantly contribute to the transformation of students' character and behavioral values. The outcomes indicate a positive shift towards humanist, tolerant, friendly, and democratic attributes among students.

The dynamic impact among oil dependence volatility, the quality of political institutions, and government spending

This paper empirically examines the direct and indirect effect of the role of democracy, and, in turn, the effect of oil dependence volatility on governmental expenditure in oil exporting countries. To achieve this aim, we apply a panel Vector Auto-Regressive (PVAR) model along with panel impulse response functions from the period 1983 to 2016. The findings show that the quality of political institutions, it is observed that in democratic countries an increase in oil volatility leads to an increase in government expenditure. In contrast, in non-democratic countries, governments respond to oil volatility fluctuating between the positive and negative depending on the quality of political institutions; the more some attributes of democracy are seen, the greater the expenditure. This difference in response between them can be attributed to a variation in institutional quality. Therefore, an improvement in strategic risk planning together with greater government transparency could lead to institutional quality improvement.

Democracy, Economic Development and Low-Carbon Energy: When and Why Does Democratization Promote Energy Transition?

Despite the growing consensus surrounding the need to decarbonise power for meeting an increasingly ambitious temperature target as set by the 2015 Paris Agreement, the share of low-carbon energy sources in the overall energy mix has varied significantly across countries and over time. We evaluate the influence of democracy on clean energy transition by studying national solar, wind, hydro and nuclear energy shares of total energy use for electricity generation from 1980 to 2020. Using data from the Varieties of Democracy, Freedom House and Polity IV democracy indices, International Energy Agency Extended Energy Balances and Summary Statistics and World Bank World Development Indicators, we conduct a large-N study of the emissions levels of 135 countries. This article develops existing understandings about the relationship between democracy and energy transition by employing a more sophisticated—hierarchical—research design to determine whether: (i) democracy continues to be an important driver of low-carbon energy use once country-level clustering is accounted for, (ii) fluctuations in the democratic attributes of domestic political regimes have uniform effects across countries and (iii), if so, economic development plays a role in shaping the effect of democracy within individual countries. The results suggest that, even after controlling for country-level clustering and other putative drivers of energy portfolios, democracy has a significant effect on the low-carbon energy sources examined in this article. A second-order regression of the country-specific democracy effects estimated by our hierarchical model provides robust evidence that economic development plays an important role in shaping the effect of democracy within individual countries: Strikingly, democratic spells (of increased democratic institutions and processes) in advanced economies tend to inhibit solar, wind and hydro energy, but promote nuclear energy use, while, in contrast, having the opposite effects (promoting solar, wind and hydro and inhibiting nuclear shares) in developing countries.

An Empirical Investigation into the Contribution of Foreign Aid to Economic Growth in Developing Countries: Exploring the Role of Democracy

The significance of the study lies in the fact that this study will enable developing countries to find the benefits that they can get by establishing and strengthening democratic institutions in order to augment the positive effects of foreign aid for their economic growth. This study aims to explore the role of democracy in determining the effectiveness of foreign aid in economic growth. This study utilizes the growth rate of real GDP as an explained variable while foreign aid (FAID), official development assistance (ODA), Political regimes (DEM), gross capital formation (GCF), real financial consumption expenditures (GFCE), and Consumer price index (CPI) are used as explanatory variables. For this, the present study uses the panel data of selected developing countries for the period of 2006 to 2018. The results of the generalized method of moments (GMM) indicate that foreign aid is not beneficial for the economic growth of selected countries whereas, democracy is favorable for higher economic growth. When foreign aid is granted to democratic countries, it accelerates economic growth. Hence, the policy makers of donors’ institutions should consider the democratic attributes to make decision about foreign aid towards developing countries.

Arab Youth and the Quest for Democracy

Arab Youth and the Quest for Democracy Fadi Farasin (bio) and Cihat Battaloglu (bio) Introduction The Arab world appeared immune to the different waves of democratization that swept many parts of the globe, which led to the notion of "Arab exceptionalism." Internal and external pressures were exerted on Arab regimes to democratize; however, Arab regimes exhibited remarkable ability in maintaining their autocratic rule. Arab regimes sufficed by implementing superficial and narrow political reforms with a top-down approach; as a result, the Arab world did not make the transition to democratic rule. No state made significant, un-retracted "steps toward freedoms."1 The Arab people in general and youth2 in particular become disillusioned. Socioeconomic and political exclusion along with the absence [End Page 19] of conduits to implement change, drove the Arab youth to the streets and the Arab Spring ensued.3 The Arab Spring started in Tunisia and resulted in the dismissal of a long-time autocrat, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, in early 2011. Egypt and Libya soon followed in the footsteps of Tunisia. During this time, the Arab world was optimistic that democracy would spread. However, time proved that this optimism was misplaced. According to the 2016 Arab Public Opinion Survey, 55 percent of the respondents had negative views of their home countries' political situations.4 The nature of this alienation is the same before the Arab Spring and after it. Before the Arab Spring, most of the youth in the Arab streets would voice their discontent with the policies of their governments and demand freedom, dignity, better governance, accountability and a greater say in politics. A minority went or was driven down the path of radicalization.5 After the tragic events and bloodshed during and after the Arab Spring, which were inflicted by terrorist organizations such as Daesh and power-hungry regimes, a portion of those youth who were calling for political reform and democracy abandoned their demands, prioritizing their security and safety instead.6 According to the 2016 Arab Youth Survey, more than half of youth surveyed agreed with the statement: "Given the current circumstances in the Middle East, promoting stability in the region is more important than promoting democracy."7 The following sections in this article attempt to analyze the factors that drove the Arab youth to become alienated and caused them to challenge the status quo and demand political reform and democratization. It then explains how the tragic unfolding of events after the Arab Spring caused the Arab youth to abandon the quest for democracy and prioritize stability. Democratic Transition and the Role of Arab Youth The term democracy is predicated on the basic principles of contestation, [End Page 20] participation, accountability, and constitutional and institutional arrangements.8 Nevertheless, the reality of 'democratic transition' is far more complex and the drivers more diverse. The institutionalist approach argues that pro-democratic values can only emerge through learning by living under an existing democratic mechanism.9 This approach also highlights the importance of establishing robust democratic institution in a country to fulfil and consolidate democratic transition.10 However, Rustow11 adopts the elite-centered approach in its most radical version. He identifies elites as the main political actors in democratization. He believes that "democratic transition comes when political elites make the conscious decision to adopt the democratic rules of the game."12 In addition, the international dimension of democratization should not be ignored. As underlined by Huntington, the role of external actors became more influential during the different waves of democratization.13 In transitology, a vibrant, democratic, civil society is also considered a significant requisite of democratization. Bernhard argues that "democratization has only existed in conjunction with a civil society. It constitutes the sphere of autonomy from which political forces representing constellations of interests in society have contested state power. Civil society has been a necessary condition for the existence of representative government including democracy."14 In the democratization literature, civil society is seen as "a crucial arena for the development of other democratic attributes, such as tolerance, moderation, willingness to compromise, and a respect for opposing viewpoints."15 It is also highlighted as a key in the development and "teaching of civic virtue...

Collective Action, Good Government, and Democracy in Tlaxcallan, Mexico: An Analysis Based on Demokratia

For nearly 200 years, Western social science has argued that good government, embodied in democracy, originated exclusively in Western Europe and was introduced to the rest of the world. This Eurocentric vision has profoundly shaped social science's approach to the non-Western World (and pre-modern Europe). Importantly, distinct theories (e.g., Oriental Despotism, Substantivism, etc.) were developed to address premodern state-building in Asia, the Near East, Africa, and the Americas because “normal approaches” could not be applied in these areas. Regardless of the approach and the geographical area, Europe inevitably appears at the pinnacle of social evolutionary change. However, recently, Eurocentric theories have been subject to reevaluation. In this paper, we pursue that critical agenda through a comparative study of demokratia's original formulation and ask: would a 5th century B.C.E. Athenian recognize democratic attributes in 15th century C.E. Tlaxcallan, Mexico? We answer this question by first summarizing literature on Classical Athens, which concludes that among the key values of demokratia wereisonomiaandisegoriaand then explore the evidence for similar values in Tlaxcallan. Our response is that an Athenian would see strong parallels between his government and that of Tlaxcallan.

Why Non-Democracy Engages with Western Democracy-Promotion Programs

ABSTRACTBetween the mid-1990s and the mid-2010s, the Chinese government was distinctly open to the Western offer of democracy-assistance programs. It cooperated with a number of Western organizations to improve the rule of law, village elections, administrative capacity, and civil society in China. Why did the Chinese government engage with democracy promoters who tried to develop these democratic attributes within China? The author argues that the government intended to use Western aid to its advantage. The Chinese Communist Party had launched governance reforms to strengthen its regime legitimacy, and Chinese officials found that Western democracy assistance could be used to facilitate their own governance-reform programs. The article traces the process of how the government’s strategic intention translated into policies of selective openness, and includes evidence from firsthand interviews, propaganda materials, and research by Chinese experts. The findings show how democracy promoters and authoritarian leaders have different expectations of the effects of limited democratic reform within nondemocratic systems. Empirically, reflecting on the so-called golden years of China’s engagement with the West sheds new light on the Chinese Communist Party’s survival strategy through authoritarian legitimation.

Autocratization by Decree: States of Emergency and Democratic Decline

States of emergency grant chief executives the power to bypass democratic constraints in order to combat existential threats. As such, they are ideal tools to erode democratic institutions while maintaining the illusion of constitutional legitimacy. Therefore, states of emergency should be associated with a heightened risk of autocratization – a decline in a regime's democratic attributes. Despite this theoretical link and the contemporary relevance of both autocratization and states of emergency, no prior study has empirically tested this relationship. This article tests this relationship using data on sixty democracies for 1974 to 2016. We find that democracies are 75 percent more likely to erode under a state of emergency. This evidence strongly suggests that states of emergency circumvent democratic processes in ways that might promote democratic decline.

Online Dialogue And Interaction Disruption. A Latin American Government’s Use Of Twitter Affordances To Dissolve Online Criticism

Few academic studies have focused on how Latin American governments operate online. Political communication studies focused on social media interactions have overwhelmingly dedicated efforts to understand how regular citizens interact and behave online. Through the analysis of hashtags and other online strategies that were used during Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto’s (EPN) term to critique or manifest unconformity regarding part of the government’s performance, this study observes how members of a Latin American democratic regime weaponized a social media platform to dissipate criticism. More specifically, it proposes that the manipulation of social media affordances can debilitate essential democratic attributes like freedom of expression. Using a qualitative approach, consisting of observation, textual analysis, and online ethnography, findings show that some Mexican government’s manipulation of inconvenient Twitter conversations could impact or even disrupt potential offline crises. Another objective of the presented research is to set a baseline for future efforts focused on how Latin American democratic regimes behave and generate digital communication on social media platforms.

Permissive Winners? The Quality of Democracy and the Winner–Loser Gap in the Perception of Freedoms

Voters usually differ in their assessment of the regime’s legitimacy, depending on their status as winners or losers. However, how wide or narrow the winner–loser gap is also depends on the quality of democratic institutions. Using survey data from 18 Latin American countries, this research provides evidence that winners and losers respond differently to the quality of democracy. While most research is concerned with the losers’ consent, this study shows that the winners express more favorable assessments of the supply of freedoms, even in regimes where democracy is weak or undermined by the deliberate efforts of the political authorities. Instead, in their perception of freedoms, losers are more willing to acknowledge if the quality of democracy improves or declines. These results suggest that the potential consequences of the winner–loser gap for regime stability are highly dependent on the democratic attributes of the political context.

Autocratization by Decree: States of Emergency and Democratic Decline

States of emergency grant chief executives the power to bypass democratic constraints in order to combat existential threats. As such they are ideal tools to erode democratic institutions while maintaining the illusion of constitutional legitimacy. Therefore, states of emergency should be associated with a heightened risk of autocratization – a decline in a regime’s democratic attributes. Despite this theoretical link and the contemporary relevance of both autocratization and states of emergency, no prior study has empirically tested this relationship. This paper tests this relationship using data on sixty democracies for 1974 to 2016. We find that democracies are 75 percent more likely to erode under a state of emergency. This evidence strongly suggests that states of emergency circumvent democratic processes in ways that might inspire democratic decline.

Harnessing foreign aid for the poor: role of institutional democracy

PurposeThis paper examines the relationship between foreign aid, institutional democracy and poverty. The paper explores the direct effect of foreign aid on poverty and quantifies the facilitating role of democracy in harnessing foreign aid for poverty reduction in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).Design/methodology/approachThe paper attempts to address the endogenous relationship between foreign aid and poverty by employing the two-stage least squares instrumental variable (2SLS-IV) estimator by using GDP per capita of the top five Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries sending foreign aid to SSA countries scaled by the inverse of the land area of the SSA countries to stimulate an exogenous variation in foreign aid and its components. The initial level of democracy is interacted with the senders’ GDP per capita to also instrument for the interaction terms of democracy, foreign aid and its components.FindingsThe results suggest that foreign aid reduces poverty and different components of foreign aid have different effects on poverty. In particular, multilateral source and grant type seem to be more significant in reducing poverty than bilateral source and loan type. The study further reveals that democratic attributes of free expression, institutional constraints on the executive, guarantee of civil liberties to citizens and political participation reinforce the poverty-reducing effects of aggregate foreign aid and its components after controlling for mean household income, GDP per capita and inequality.Research limitations/implicationsThe methodological concern related to modeling the effects of foreign aid on poverty is endogeneity bias. To estimate the relationship between foreign aid, democracy and poverty in SSA, this paper relies on a 2SLS-IV estimator with GDP per capita of the top five aid-sending OECD countries scaled by the inverse of land area of the SSA countries as an external instrument for foreign aid. The use of the five top OECD's Development Assistance Committee (OECD-DAC) countries is due to the availability of foreign aid data for these countries. However, non-OECD-DAC countries such as China and South Africa may be important source of foreign aid to some SSA countries.Practical implicationsThe findings further suggest that the marginal effect of foreign aid in reducing poverty is increasing with the level of institutional democracy. In other words, foreign aid contributes more to poverty reduction in countries with democratic dispensation. This investigation has vital implications for future foreign aid policy, because it alerts policymakers that the effectiveness of foreign aid can be strengthened by considering the type and source of aid. Foreign aid and quality political institution may serve as an important mix toward the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals 2030 and the Africa Union Agenda 2063.Social implicationsAs the global economy faces economic and social challenges, SSA may not be able to depend heavily on foreign partners to finance the region's budget. There is the need for African governments to also come out with innovative ways to mobilize own resources to develop and confront some of the economic challenges to achieve the required reduction in poverty. This is a vision that every country in Africa must work toward. Africa must think of new ways of generating wealth internally for development so as to complement foreign aid flows and also build strong foundation for welfare improvement, self-reliance and sustainable development.Originality/valueThis existing literature does not consider how democracy enhances the foreign aid and poverty relationship. The existing literature does not explore how democracy enhances grants, loans, multilateral and bilateral aid effectiveness in reducing poverty. This paper provides the first-hand evidence of how institutional democracy enhances the poverty-reducing effects of foreign aid and its components. The paper uses exogenous variation in foreign aid to quantify the direct effect of foreign aid and its components on poverty.

Managing for Citizen Satisfaction: Is Good Not Enough?

Citizen satisfaction is a popular means of performance management. It underscores a common conception that citizens are customers who are concerned about the quality of public goods and services. We offer a theory that suggests the quantity of public goods and services is also important. We develop our theory based on democratic models of the public where citizens are concerned about equity and accessibility to public goods and services. Using data from two municipal surveys and Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), we test three hypotheses and find that both quality and quantity of public service provision are significant antecedents to citizen satisfaction. In our conclusion, we explain how these results call for a more complex conceptualization of the performance associated with managing for citizen satisfaction, and we recommend public managers develop and employ skills that recognize the complex consumptive and democratic attributes of citizens in a public economy.

How democratic are Chinese grassroots deliberations? An empirical study of 393 deliberation experiments in China

AbstractChinese public hearings or consultations have been subject to numerous debates, doubts, and scepticism about the existence of Chinese deliberative democracy. More empirical evidence, however, is required about these debates before we can offer any meaningful account of the nature, characteristics, and direction of Chinese deliberation. In addition, although there have been many case studies on grassroots deliberative democracy, such studies are intellectually isolated from each other in the sense that they do not comprise a statistical unit. To overcome this deficiency, we developed a new research method for studying grassroots deliberation by collecting and validating the existing case studies, thereby making them a statistical unit. This paper aims to offer a big-picture perspective and the national statistical trend behind the uneven development of grassroots deliberative democracy. It develops an intellectual framework to assess whether grassroots deliberation is democratic. By collecting, validating, and coding 393 cases of Chinese grassroots deliberations, we have assessed Chinese grassroots deliberation, confirmed the cases’ democratic attributes, and provided a solid statistical result. Although there is strong evidence to support the claim that these grassroots deliberation experiments are democratic, there remain some variations, nuances, and shortcomings. The full picture is not simple, but instead provides a mixed perspective.

The Impact of China's Official Development Finance on Other Developing Countries

The paper uses a fixed effect model to detect the impact of China’s official development finance program. It shows that China’s official development finance has a positive effect on bilateral trade. Further, China’s official development finance has stronger effect on bilateral trade in democratic recipient countries than in autocratic ones. Likewise, it has stronger effect on bilateral trade in the least developed countries (LDCs) than in middle-income countries (MICs). The results of the paper make the argument for China to direct more official development finance to recipient countries with democratic attributes and at a low level of per capita income, assuming promoting bilateral trade is one of China’s policy objectives. The results of the paper have significant policy implications in international development, because assisting the least developed members with democratic attributes is both in China’s own interest and is broadly consistent with the view held by traditional donors and lenders.

Formation of the research tradition of studying the institute Parliamentarism as a mechanism for the establishment of democracy

The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes.
 The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power.
 Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism