Demise Of Colonialism Research Articles

Repositioning African states to prudently engage the global (dis)order and advance peace, security and development

ABSTRACT Africa is by all accounts one of the richest continents but also displays the worst in human security indexes. During colonisation, the continent was characterised by the lack of peace, insecurity and underdevelopment. Moreover, with the demise of colonialism, Africa became a geo-political stake in the rivalries of the Cold War era in a bipolar world. The main casualty in this rivalry was human security on the African continent. Internally, challenges of governance, resources lost to the continent owing to illicit financial flows and the inability of civil society to hold African states to account have also conspired to undermine human security broadly as Africans are not free from want and from fear. Considering the above, Africa remains an underdog in international politics with minimal influence in international organisations and even with less effective influence in operationalisation of international politics. In internal matters, Africa has also failed to ensure human security as a new paradigm for the continent’s realisation of peace, security and development imperatives. Employing qualitative methodology and using secondary data, this conceptual article discusses the need for repositioning African states to prudently engage the global (dis)order and advance peace, security and development.

Issues of Ethic-identity Crisis in Ngugi’s Matigari and Mda’s The Heart of Redness in the post-colonial era

Postcolonial identity takes on various guises in the newly independent African states after the demise of colonialism. In considering these guises, this article examines the various manifestations of post-colonial identity crisis in a comparative study of Matigari by Ngugi wa Thiong’o (1998) and The Heart of Redness by Zakes Mda (2000). The characters in both novels depict two groups in African society during the post-colonial era; namely those who aspire to western values, culture, and beliefs and those who aim to revive their traditional African beliefs and culture. This identity crisis is furthermore exacerbated in terms of those who are aligned to the new nation state, since they feel privileged and connected, and those who feel marginalised and disconnected from the nation state as they are forced to live on the periphery of society. In discussing post-colonial identity crisis in the two novels, common themes such as the influence of western values and culture on African society, conflicts between past, present and future, the petit bourgeoisie, the alienated and the outsider protagonists will be examined comparatively as they are depicted in the novels. The themes shed light on how ethnic-identity crisis is manifested in post-colonial society and how this has an impact on the success of the nation state.

On Colonial Monuments in the Post-colony: An Outline of the Problems of Populist Approaches in Managing Heritage in Southern Africa

What to do with colonial-era monuments has been a major challenge facing southern African nations ever since the demise of colonialism and apartheid in the subregion. To deal with the problem, governments in the region embarked on popular transformative agendas that included decontextualization and the removal of alleged problematic monuments from the public sphere. Such approaches have over the years received the backing of several scholars of heritage and history, who have often cited them as ones capable of offering ever-ending solutions to the issue. However, while recognizing the necessity of transformation, this article nevertheless argues that such a transformative agenda that is characterized by erasures of that which has been accepted as heritage in a particular phase of a country’s history is not a proper way of dealing with such symbols. First, such approaches create possibilities for heritage fundamentalism to filter into the domain of heritage. Second, such approaches were premised on the narrow argument that the notion of problematic heritage is only limited to cases of racial differences or between the former colonizers and the colonized. Instead, by using examples of case studies in one of the countries in the region, the article demonstrates that all heritage is subject to review, either by new political dispensations or by future generations. Hence, when dealing with symbols accepted as heritage, interpretation as opposed to decontextualization or destruction must be resorted to as a guiding framework. When this happens, heritage then ceases to be a platform of contestation and becomes one of continuity.

Towards Authentic African Higher Education based on African Epistemology

Aim. The purpose of this article is to challenge the notion that a largely Eurocentric education is the best one for African universities. It is not by any means suggested that Eurocentric notions should be discounted, but rather that African education should be devoid of any form of subordination and be allowed to assume its rightful equal place and space, in an interconnected global education arena alongside a range of epistemologies and ontologies. Methods. A literature review was conducted on the topic and the researchers surveyed scholarly articles, books, and other sources relevant to the area of research. The review conducted to a lesser or greater extent enumerates, describes, summarizes, issues relating to the theme. Results. Knowledge should be sought for its value to communities through individuals and it should perpetually produce sensible, empathetic, and responsible citizens. African education must inter alia reflect a multiplicity of perspectives and notions that are grounded on local knowledge. Conclusion. The existing form of Eurocentric university education in Africa certainly has defects when viewed Afro-centrically. Originality. Decades after the demise of colonialism [if it has in fact ended], African universities still embrace a Eurocentric epistemological paradigm and are for the most part consciously or unconsciously disparaging or ignoring Indigenous African knowledge systems. This is far from liberating, and it is argued in a novel way that what is required is a vigorous promotion of African scholarship which is infused with African values, philosophies and knowledge that can also be promoted to our erstwhile colonisers and others.

Philosophy in the Present Context of Africa

The focus of the article is to explore the possibilities of philosophic discourse in the present postcolonial African situation. As indicated in the title, it will begin by exploring and laying out grosso modo, the character of philosophy as a discipline. It will then engage in examining, again broadly, Africa’s present: the situation that has prevailed since the end of formal colonialism. Consequent on the two expositive presentations, the article will then indicate the role that philosophy can and should play in this situation. The aim is to explore the possible beyond the demise of colonialism in the hope of catching sight of a truly postcolonial future. The article is thus a concise articulation of the hermeneutical stance in contemporary African philosophy.

The Subaltern Resurrected: A Study of Bahaa Taher’s The Sunset Oasis and Love in Exile

Sexuality has always been a vital tool employed to express the colonial enterprise. European painters during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, for example, used to highlight the exotic charms of the colonized Orient through portrayals of harems replete with optionally beautiful and seductive women. Building on Benedict Anderson’s notion of “imagined communities”, the colonialist discourse promoted assumptions where the West is the superior, dominant, male and the Orient is the inferior, submissive female. With the demise of colonialism across the second half of the past century, formerly colonized voice tended to subvert these dichotomies. Hence literary representations of the sexual encounters between the colonized male and the European woman becomes one vehicle for resistance against colonialism. Baha’a Taher, the prominent Egyptian novelist, has amply voiced such encounters in his novels Love in Exile (1995) and The Sunset Oasis (2007). The following paper explores both novels feature the subaltern dilemma through the protagonists’ affairs with European women.

África, modernidad, libertad

The paper is focused on highlighting some choice samplings from modern European philosophical narratives of “emancipation” and showing how they frame Africa, and the world beyond Europe, into a subordinate position in need of “beneficent” conquest. The paper will argue that, to undo this frame the formerly colonized must articulate their own sense of history, in and through which they can enter our contemporary world on their own terms. It will argue this point by articulating what it takes to be a central concern of contemporary African philosophy, i.e., the systematic undermining of Western hegemonic narratives while—and concurrently—formulating a stance cognizant of the varied, incommensurable, historical and cultural actualities that are, and constitute, our shared human existence. The focus of the paper is thus to explore the possible, beyond the demise of colonialism, in the hope of catching-sight-of a truly postcolonial future.

Neighbourhood upgrading: A fragmented global history

This survey reviews the history of, and issues associated with, neighbourhood upgrading, defined as focused, coordinated action whose main purpose is to improve the physical and/or social conditions in particular, relatively disadvantaged urban subareas, for the benefit of existing residents. The survey brings together the fragmented, relevant literatures of historians, social scientists and policy analysts pertaining to both the global North and South. It considers the dimensions of disadvantage, together with the peculiar conditions of urban settings, problems of neighbourhood scale and boundaries, and the targeting of people or places. It reviews why governments act, and why they might prefer upgrading over laissez faire (neglect) or clearance. The longest section, organized historically and by world region, discusses the changing nature and importance of physical as opposed to social goals. It considers the agents involved in upgrading, including municipalities, property owners, other residents, and non-profits, before sketching major shifts over the past century and a half: the eventual shift from physical to social goals, the growing role of residents, and the rising importance of upgrading itself. These are attributed to the long-term expansion of government, the faltering rise of democratic practices, the growth of home ownership, the demise of colonialism, the rise of international agencies, and lately environmental concerns. A concluding discussion highlights issues that researchers and planners need to consider.

Gendered discourse in the South African Police Service talk and text of domestic violence

Despite working with an enabling gender policy framework, police officials in South Africa are accused of dealing unjustly with complainants of gender-based violence. This article explores and describes the gendered discourse in the talk, text and practice of the police that maintains and reproduces asymmetrical personal and social power relations between the police and domestic violence survivors. The article is based on research findings that revealed that police construct unequal feminine and masculine roles. Their conceptions of these roles are often enmeshed with other relations of power such as class, sex, religion and culture. The article suggests that changing the attitudes and practices of the police requires critical reflection on how violence is contextually embedded and inequality is reproduced at subconscious and structural levels through a process of coloniality long after the demise of colonialism and apartheid.

Endogenous and Exogenous Factors Affecting Energy Reforms in Africa: A Critical Analysis

The demise of colonialism in the 1960s and 1970s and the resultant collapse of apartheid in 1994 marked a new epoch in African independence. The political leadership called for the reconfiguration ...

Toponymic Inscription as an Instrument of Power in Africa: The case of colonial and post-colonial Dakar and Nairobi

This study analyses toponymic inscription, the exercise of street/place naming, as a tool for articulating power in Anglophone and Francophone Africa. The focus is on Dakar, Senegal and Nairobi, Kenya, which were respectively indispensable for the colonial projects of France and Britain in Africa. Dakar was for France’s West African Federation what Nairobi was for Britain’s colonial East Africa. It is shown that toponymic inscription was used with equal zeal by French and British colonial authorities to express power in built space. Thus, both authorities used the occasion to christen streets and places as an opportunity to project Western power in Africa. With the demise of colonialism, indigenous authorities in Kenya inherited the Western vocabulary of spatiality but speedily moved to supplant Eurocentric with Afrocentric street/place-names. In contrast, post-colonial authorities in Senegal remain wedded to the colonial tradition of drawing most important street- and place-names from the Eurocentric cultural lexicon. Consequently, although the vocabulary of spatiality in Nairobi projects African nationalism and power, that of Dakar continues to express mainly Western power.

ICSID's Neoliberal Approach to Environmental Regulation in Developing Countries: Lessons from Latin America

ICSID, the preeminent foreign investment dispute settlement, today, was established in 1966 pursuant to the 1965 Washington Convention. The demise of colonialism and its concomitant investment protection mechanism and industrialized countries’ desire to protect capital flows to newly-independent developing countries saw the establishment of international institutions, it was said to create an impartial and stable forum, governed by a set of procedures, to settle investment disputes. To critics, however, ICSID emerged to fill the need to protect foreign investment in developing countries and the promise that investment protection would attract foreign investment. Thus, by placing investment disputes within the international domain, Western States ensured that their economic interests remained within structures that were accessible to (and dominated by) them. So while Western jurist have generally praised ICSID’s efficacy, since its emergence ICSID’s legitimacy has been subject to much criticism in the developing world. This has been driven by what is perceived to be its neoliberal agenda to advocate economic liberalization, due to its attachment to the World Bank which advocate for free trade and open markets, privatization, deregulation, and decreasing the size of the public sector while seeking an increased role of the private sector in modern society. It is argued, inter alia, that ICSID attachment to the World Bank; tribunals harbor a neoliberal predisposition to foreign investment protection and promotion and pay inadequate attention to host-States’ domestic welfare. Skepticism towards ICSID has been most acute from the perspective of Latin American States, who have traditionally harbored a deep abhorrence for international dispute settlement mechanisms. Despite early skepticism, due to their subsequent desire to start attracting foreign investment to supplement their meager economies Latin American States became more toleration of international dispute settlement of claims arising from investor-State agreements. These States are once again retreating from the system of investor-State arbitration. Since 2007, numerous Latin American States have revoked their ICSID membership. ICSID’s approach to foreign investment disputes involving States’ implementation of policies aimed at environmental regulation, which have caused loss to foreign investors in Latin American States reveals this with momentous diversity. ICSID’s neoliberal approach to environmental governance is acutely illustrated in tribunals’ approach in cases such as Santa Elena v Costa Rica, Tecmed v Mexico, Metalclad v Mexico and Aguas del Tunari v Bolivia to name a few. To combat ICSID’s hegemony a coalition of various Latin American and Caribbean States, known as the Bolivarian Alternative for the People of the Americas (ALBA), a Latin American organization established as an alternative to the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), have advocated the creation of an institution that mimics ICSID’s functions, but which offers a more legitimate arbitration process. Latin American States view ICSID’s approach to disputes foreign investment dispute settlement involving Latin American States as an encroachment on their sovereign authority to self-determine their domestic environmental policies.

Zimbabwe’s Story of Pain and Struggle: Historicity in Bones and Red Hills ofHome

This paper critiques Chenjerai Hove’s Bones and Red Hills of Home within the framework of Historical Criticism. It would be argued that Hove’s writings are historical, dwelling on the pain and struggles of Zimbabweans in their fight against colonial domination. The struggle of women against colonialism and male chauvinism is equally pronounced. The two pieces of work carry a sense of cautious optimism: euphoric at the demise of colonialism and cautiously optimistic about the capacity of the new dispensation to deliver the expected change. Already indicators abound in Bones and Red Hills of Home that independence is the beginning of yet new forms of challenges manifested through corrupt political leadership which blatantly betrays the ideals of the struggle, intransigent old structures of government deeply soaked in the nostalgia for colonialism and an economy still tethered to the imperial powerhouse. Though Hove claims to be out rightly historical in his writings, his version of history, in some cases, is rather rudimentary because it has gaping holes in terms of certain historical facts about Zimbabwe. This would be understood against Hove’s own artistic concerns and his standing as a social being.

Effect of mono- and polygyne social forms on transmission and spread of a microsporidium in fire ant populations

Thelohania solenopsae is a pathogen of the red imported fire ant, Solenopsis invicta, which debilitates queens and eventually causes the demise of colonies. Reductions of infected field populations signify its potential usefulness as a biological control agent. Thelohania solenopsae can be transmitted by introducing infected brood into a colony. The social forms of the fire ant, that is, monogyny (single queen per colony) or polygyny (multiple queens per colony), are associated with different behaviors, such as territoriality, that affect the degree of intercolony brood transfer. T. solenopsae was found exclusively in polygyne colonies in Florida. Non-synchronous infections of queens and transovarial transmission favor the persistence and probability of detecting infections in polygynous colonies. However, queens or alates with the monogyne genotype can be infected, and infections in monogyne field colonies have been reported from Louisiana and Argentina. Limited independent colony-founding capability and shorter dispersal of alate queens with the polygyne genotype relative to monogyne alates may facilitate the maintenance of infections in local polygynous populations. Demise of infected monogyne colonies can be twice as fast as in polygyne colonies and favors the pathogen’s persistence in polygyne fire ant populations. The social form of the fire ant reflects different physiological and behavioral aspects of the queen and colony that will impact T. solenopsae spread and ultimate usefulness for biological control.

The Renaissance of African Languages: An Inevitable Enterprise?

After the demise of colonialism and apartheid which led to the emergence of a totally ‘liberated’ Africa and the birth of The African Union, one hoped for a radical shift in African Consciousness giving impetus to a resurgence of African languages so that they may carry philosophical and scientific discourse to unprecedented heights. Maintaining the primordial language policies that are dominated by European languages in sub-Saharan Africa is like putting new wine into old skins. In this regard, the question is ‘Can African languages take their rightful place?’ The aim of this article is to highlight some of the strategies that could be implemented to ensure the revitalisation and rejuvenation of African languages in sub-Saharan Africa.

The Colonial City and the Question of Borders: Albert Camus's Allegory of Oran

The Colonial City and the Question of Borders: Albert Camus's Allegory of Oran David Carroll "Camus is an Algerian Writer."—Mohamed Dib1 FOR NUMEROUS HISTORICAL, ECONOMIC, AND POLITICAL REASONS, hybridity and the modern city seem inseparable. It would be difficult to think of what a modem city would be like if it were not cosmopolitan, hybrid, culturally diverse. The idea of a completely homogeneous city, a city where everyone was of the same linguistic, cultural, religious , and ethnic background would have to be considered at best incredibly boring (isn't that what suburbs are for?), and at worst a nightmare, sheer horror, part of a brave new world only imaginable as the horrible result of some form of nationalist, religious, cultural, or ethnic "cleansing." Cities of course are constituted not just by external borders separating them from the suburbs or banlieue where the well-to-do have fled or the poor have been driven, but also by numerous intemal borders which are called either neighborhoods , boroughs, villages or arrondissements, on the one hand, or barrios or ghettos, on the other. In the French colonies of North Africa these borders separated distinct areas that had names such as la cité européenne, la Casbah, le village nègre, or le quartier juif, names that left little ambiguity as to which segments of the population lived in each of them. During colonialism, these intemal borders delineated, and in postcolonial cities today they in fact continue to delineate , areas where peoples from specific ethnic, economic, linguistic, religious, and cultural backgrounds, by choice or necessity, live in miniature cities within the city, both as a part of the city and apart from the city as a whole. In colonial cities passages across the borders separating the neighborhoods of colonizer and colonized were of course severely limited and closely monitored, at least in terms of the colonized. But we need to ask ourselves exactly how such borders differed from those in the postcolonial cities we now inhabit. It might even be possible to argue that there is something profoundly colonialist about the modem city itself, something that was part of the very formation of the intemal borders within modem cities and that persists after the demise of colonialism. The differences between the intemal borders of the colonial city and the postcolonial city could even be argued to be not of nature but of degree, primarily having to do with how closed the intemal and 88 Fall 2001 Carroll external borders are and how difficult (or at times impossible) it is to move back and forth across them. In other words, in what ways and how severely borders were and still are policed and how the rights of residency and passage across borders are guaranteed or denied to specific populations. But I also would suggest that the circulation, exchanges, and passages across or around borders in the city have always been more unpredictable and uncontrollable than political authorities, police or military forces, economic determinants, or ethnic, religious, and cultural restrictions or prohibitions would have allowed—not only in the postcolonial era but also, although certainly not to the same extent, already under colonialism itself, no matter how segregated colonialist societies necessarily were. Do these passages across ethnic, cultural, religious, and economic borders, I wonder, also reflect something fundamental about colonialism, a post- or anti-colonialist possibility the colonized city itself also possessed? A possibility that our cities still possess but have not yet fully realized, a possibility (or hope) that arises because peoples from different cultures live and work next to each other, no matter how unequal their economic and political status, and interact in various ways, not all of which are or can be determined by economics, the values imposed by the dominant culture(s), or the laws of civil and military powers? It is above all in the city that the hope arises or simply the necessity exists that the different peoples sharing/dividing up its space will not just oppress, exploit, and do violence to each other because of their differences and the borders separating them and privileging certain groups over others. The hope is also that they will learn and borrow...

DEVELOPMENT AND THE HOLISTIC FRAMEWORK: A POSITIVE CRITIQUE IN ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVE

Development theory emerged as an important concern during the post‐World War II era. Though the 1950s witnessed the demise of colonialism, Western hegemony continued to exercise an overbearing influence not only on global economic and political affairs but also on ideas, theories and cultural patterns. Thus, the initial phase of development theory was dominated by a pronounced Eurocentric bias. Notwithstanding the fact that the Western model of development grew out of a specific historical and cultural experience, it came to be posited as a universal project. For over two decades it held sway over the fortunates of both the developed and the developing countries. However, from the 1970s onwards the magical aura surrounding the Western model began to wear off. The adverse consequences of the project of modernity and development in the technologically advanced countries of the West as well as in the Third World countries became too glaring to be covered up. The disenchantment with the Western model of development led to a search for alternative perspectives and strategies. Furthermore, the whole notion of development has come to be subjected to a thorough‐going critique.

The Role of Bible Women in World Evangelism

ell deserved recognition has been given in recent years to the tremendous contribution nationals have made to the cause of world evangelism. But the influence of nationals in reaching their own people is certainly not a twentieth-century innovation that has come with the demise of colonialism.. The modern missionary movement beginning with William Carey would have been utterly impotent without their selfless service. Even before the period of “modern missions,” pioneers such as Matthew Ricci in China and John Eliot in the American colonies depended heavily on nationals to carry the burden of the ministry. Paul Hsu, a member of Imperial Academy and one of the leading intellectuals in China in the late sixteenth century, was used mightily in introducing Christianity to China. In America, Indian pastors and evangelists were instrumental in bringing the Gospel to native Americans. Sam Occum, an Indian youth converted through the ministry of Eleazer Wheelock (a century after Eliot initiated work among the Indians), grew up to become one of the most respected missionaries on the American frontier. In recounting the sacrificial service of nationals in the task of world evangelism over the centuries, it is all too easy to emphasize the men and ignore the significant role women played. A few women nationals such as Panditta Ramabai and Christiana Tsai (whose story was popularized through a Moody Press paperback) have been recognized for their work, but the names of the vast majority of women nationals who gave their lives for the sake of the Gospel have been buried in obscurity. Yet these “Bible women” played a crucial role in world evangelism. One of the reasons for the lack of recognition of women nationals in the area of world evangelism is the lowly status they generally were accorded. Too

Federal Systems of Government

It is perhaps paradoxical that the spread of nationalism in modern times has been accompanied by a counter-movement for the establishment of broader units of government, not only internationally, where plans and projects for some form of world government go back to at least the 17th century, but regionally as well. This study is concerned with the local or regional expression of integration, called federalism or federation.Clearly inspired, if not directly and immediately affected, by the example of the United States, the federal movement made headway in the 19th century, but it is largely since the end of the Second World War and the demise of colonialism, that its dimensions have grown. Although its success generally is rather doubtful—there appears to be a kind of empiric rule that the first fifteen are crucial—the retreat, so to speak, from particularism and attempts to advance to geographically broader units of government have persisted.