Definition Of Suicide Research Articles

Suicide: “intentional” act of killing oneself? A review of nineteen theoretical arguments and fifty-eight definitions in seven natural languages

Perhaps intentionality is the most problematic category in the definition of suicide, however there still seems to be no literature review of relevant theoretical arguments and main dictionaries of different languages. Given this situation, the general objective of this study was to understand how to treat the category of intentionality in the definition of suicide. A qualitative, quantitative, exploratory and bibliographic methodology was used. A narrative review based on 27 authors from different areas included 19 theoretical arguments, organized on a matrix. 7 arguments are applicable in defense of the thesis that suicide is intentional, another 7 to defend the opposite thesis that this phenomenon is not intentional and the remaining 5 apparently in favor of either of the two. Moving forward to an integrative review guided by 8 criteria, 58 definitions of noun and/or verb were extracted from 36 monolingual, digital dictionaries of Portuguese, Spanish, English, French, Italian, German and Russian. 72.22% of the selected dictionaries refer to suicide as intentional, and 27.78%, including all Portuguese ones, do not characterize it as such. In the first group, intentionality was referred mostly by lexical items equivalent to “intentional”, “voluntary” and “deliberate”, as well as adverbs based on them. The conclusion is that it is not feasible to include intentionality in the definition of suicide, because academic and lexicographic sources lack consensus. It is recommended to overcome the qualitative and quantitative limitations of this study, as well as to consult more than one definition of suicide and in different languages.

Cultural Factors of Suicidality

Suicidal behavior is a complex human behavior expressed in a spectrum of various acts. From a suicidal gesture to a completed suicide, all reflect a cry for help and need clinical and scientific attention. The process ending up with suicidal act is shaped by multi-factors, including the socio-cultural ones. Suicide is indeed related to a deep feeling of hopelessness; not to have any control over their lives and circumstances except than deciding to stay alive or dead, and so related to serious psychopathologies, as depressive and substance use disorders. Hence, it is frequently seen as a personal act or as a question of individual decision. But since Durkheim‘s ground breaking work, which still inspires suicide researchers, the cultural factors behind this socially determined phenomenon have been widely discussed. Suicide is totally a personal act and a fully socio-cultural phenomenon. The cultural factors of suicidality are among the social determinants of health/ill health. Epidemiological evidence and cross-cultural comparisons show huge differences in suicide rates across countries and even between regions of same countries, and these are constant differences. Furthermore, even the definition of suicide is effected by the social circumstances. Certain socio-cultural patterns shape how and when people commit suicide; i.e., these patterns have decreasing or increasing effect on suicide rates, which provides basis for suicide prevention. Likewise, social solidarity, high group integration and collective sensitivity may have preventive effects. This brings us to the discussion of the effects of big social turmoil or wars or pandemics on suicidal behavior.DisclosureNo significant relationships.

Criminological and criminal law aspects of the definition of suicide

The article analyses the basic approaches to the definition of suicide, used in Ukraine and throughout the world. The importance of modelling the definition of suicide in the context of scientific analysis of this phenomenon is emphasized. The linguistic nature of the terms "self-killing" and "suicide" is studied. Suicide definitions, used by international and reputable health organizations and institutions, are collected. The available scientific definitions of Ukrainian researchers, which were formulated in the past, are presented and analysed. The inexpediency of considering all suicides violent is justified. Arguments in favour of conciseness and clarity of the recommended definition of suicide are presented and attention is focused on the negative impact of overloaded definitions. A claim that self-killing as a result of mental disorders cannot be considered suicide is criticised. As a result, a distinctive vision of the problem of suicide has been formulated and substantiated, recommendations, considering its definition, have been provided. In addition, an analysis of the essence of the definition of suicide with the use of corpus delicti modelling is performed. The controversial position that suicide can be committed by inaction is discussed. Emphasis is placed on intent as an integral part of the definition of suicide. The so-called "demonstrative" suicides are analysed and the criminal law concepts of direct, indirect intent and negligence are designed in the context. It is stated, that committing suicide by negligence is impossible. The position that intentional self-killing of minors cannot be considered suicide and such actions should be qualified as an "accident" has been analysed. This position is criticized

Offspring's risk for suicidal behaviour in relation to parental death by suicide: systematic review and meta-analysis and a model for familial transmission of suicide.

Exposure to parental suicide has been associated with increased risk for suicide and suicide attempts, although the strength of this association is unclear as evidence remains inconsistent. To quantify this risk using meta-analysis and identify potential effect modifiers. A systematic search in PubMed, PsycInfo and Embase databases to 2020 netted 3614 articles. Inclusion criteria were: observation of history of parental death by suicide, comparison with non-exposed populations and definition of suicide and suicide attempt according to standardised criteria. We focused on population-based studies. The primary outcome was the pooled relative risk (RR) for incidence of suicide attempt and suicide in offspring of a parent who died by suicide compared with offspring of two living parents. Additionally, we compared the RR for attempted and completed suicide after parental suicide with the RR for attempted and completed suicide after parental death by other causes. Twenty studies met our inclusion criteria. Offspring exposed to parental suicide were more likely to die by suicide (RR = 2.97, 95% CI 2.50-3.53) and attempt suicide (RR = 1.76, 95% CI 1.58-1.96) than offspring of two living parents. Furthermore, their risk of dying by or attempting suicide was significantly higher compared with offspring bereaved by other causes of death. The experience of losing a parent to suicide is a strong and independent risk factor for suicidal behaviour in offspring. Our findings highlight the need for prevention strategies, outreach programmes and support interventions that target suicide-related outcomes in the exposed population.

Bombing It: The Meaning and Sources of Suicide Bombing Failure

Over the years, political scientists and policymakers have striven to understand the circumstances under which terrorists fail, operationally and strategically. However, the question of failure has less frequently been approached through the lens of any one specific tactic. This article asks: how should one define and understand the sources of suicide bombing failure? After introducing a new definition of suicide bombing failure, the article next uses probit model analysis to test planner (or “architect”) versus militant (or “attacker”) sources of failure by using a unique dataset detailing the suicide bombing efforts of three of the most active African jihadist terror groups which leveraged suicide terrorism from 2007 to 2020 — al-Shabaab, “Boko Haram,” and Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (“AQIM”). It finds evidence that choices made by these groups’ “architects,” are most commonly correlated with suicide bombing failures, rather than operational failures by “attackers” themselves.

A multifarious law: heterogeneous meanings of suicide in Indian law

ABSTRACT Public and legal discussion to decriminalize suicide attempts has existed in India for almost four decades. The passing of the Mental Healthcare Act, 2017 has resulted in alterations to Section 309 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860, which had until then criminalized all suicide attempts. In this context, this article explores two questions: How is suicide conceptualized within criminal law? And what are the knowledges that inform the complex and shifting views, claims, and legal decisions that constitute the legal regulation of suicide in India today? This article studies law reform efforts, key High Court and Supreme Court of India judgements on cases relating to suicide attempts to demonstrate the eclectic nature of definitions of suicide within Indian law. Concurrently, it highlights a characteristic of law – its ability to juggle multiple knowledges, thereby constantly (re)defining the concepts or actions it adjudicates.

Suicide and parasuicide pathology in everyday life

Suicide (derived from the words sui = self and cidium = killing) means any case in which death results directly or indirectly from a positive or negative act, committed by the victim him/herself, who knows that it must produce this result (Durkheim). Pseudo-suicidal behaviours (false killings). The notion of suicide tends to be replaced by that of suicidal behaviour, which includes: successful suicide, suicide attempts, suicide ideas, presuicidal syndrome. From the definition of suicide, it follows that it is considered as such that act in relation to which the subject evaluates the consequences. Implicitly, this category will not include deaths that occurred during confusional states, which are accidental (although this article makes examples, exposures, references, differential diagnoses with this pathology as well), crepuscular, epileptic moods, dementia.

Суицид в фокусе криминологической науки

This survey article deals with the approaches to the complex psychosocial phenomenon of suicide in criminology, looks into the existing problems and obstacles in the field of suicide prevention and also reviews the progress which this interdisciplinary science has made in it so far. The author shows how suicide was studied throughout the history of criminology, points out to the generality of causes of both suicidal and criminal behavior, identifies major psychosocial factors of suicide, proposes his own definition of suicide. The psychological-criminological description of suicide types is given for the domains where this phenomenon is most frequent along with preventive measures for each domain. The psychosocial characteristic is presented for suicidal personality and also similar traits are found between suicidal and criminal personality. The author describes the psychological stigmatization syndrome of a potential suicide's personality, analyzes the scientific concepts explaining the causes of suicide, concludes that there is a need to establish an effective system of suicide prevention and also singles out the new methods aimed at improving the practices for prevention of suicidal behavior.

The intersection of interpersonal and self-directed violence among general adult, college student and sexually diverse samples.

Suicide and interpersonal violence (i.e. victimization and perpetration) represent pressing public health problems, and yet remain mostly addressed as separate topics. To identify the (1) frequency and overlap of suicide and interpersonal violence and (2) characteristics differentiating subgroups of violence-related experiences. A health survey was completed by 2,175 respondents comprised of three groups: college students ( n = 702), adult members of a sexuality special interest organization ( n = 816) and a community adult sample ( n = 657). Latent class analysis was used to identify subgroups characterized by violence experiences; logistic regression was used to identify respondent characteristics differentiating subgroups. Overall rates of violence perpetration were low; perpetration, victimization and self-directed violence all varied by sample. Adults with alternative sexual interests reported high rates of victimization and self-directed violence. Analyses indicated two subgroups: (1) victimization + self-directed violence and (2) self-directed violence only. The victimization + self-directed violence subgroup was characterized by older, White, female and sexual orientation minority persons. The self-directed violence subgroup was characterized by younger, non-White, male and straight counterparts engaging with more sexual partners and more frequent drug use. Findings support the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) definition of suicide as self-directed violence. Suicide intervention and prevention should further account for the role of violent victimization by focusing on the joint conceptualization of self-directed and interpersonal violence. Additional prevention implications are discussed.

Individuals with current suicidal ideation demonstrate implicit “fearlessness of death”

Background and objectivesSuicidal behaviour has proved to be difficult to predict, due in part to the particular limitations of introspection within suicidality. In an effort to overcome this, recent research has demonstrated the utility of indirect measures of “implicit” attitudes within the study of suicidality. However, research to date has focused predominantly on implicit self-evaluations and self-death associations. No work has examined implicit evaluations of death, despite the theoretical importance of such evaluations; “fearlessness of death” is central to both the Interpersonal Theory of Suicide and the Integrated Motivational-Volitional model of suicide.. MethodsTwenty-three psychiatric patients with current suicidal ideation and twenty-five normative university students completed two versions of the Implicit Relational Assessment Procedure (IRAP) that targeted evaluations of death. One task specified personal death (i.e., was self-focused) and the other targeted death in the abstract. ResultsSelf-focused evaluations of death reliably distinguished between the two groups, correctly classifying 74% of cases, but evaluations of death in the abstract did not. The suicidal group produced specific biases indicating a rejection of the negativity of death. Results are consistent with the definition of suicidality as involving a self-focused wish to die.. LimitationsFor ethical reason, suicidal behaviours were not assessed in the normative group. Groups were therefore not mutually exclusive. This may have decreased the specificity of the IRAP. ConclusionsSuicidal ideation is associated with an implicit “fearlessness of death”. The utility of implicit death-evaluations should therefore be considered alongside self-evaluations and self-death associations in the future..

Mortality Associated with Attention-Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Drug Treatment

Following reports of sudden death in patients taking medication to treat attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), this study aimed to identify cases of death in patients prescribed stimulants and atomoxetine and to determine any association between these and sudden death. The UK General Practice Research Database (GPRD) was used to identify patients aged 2-21 years from 1 January 1993 to 30 June 2006 with a prescription for methylphenidate, dexamfetamine or atomoxetine. Patients were followed from the date of first prescription until whichever came first: date of death, transferred-out date, age >21 years or end of the study period. From a cohort of 18 637 patient-years, seven patients died. Cause of death was obtained for six of the patients. None were deemed to be cases of sudden death. Compared with a general population rate of sudden death in the literature, the worst-case scenario of one case of sudden death gave an incident rate ratio of 1.63 (95% CI 0.04, 9.71). Although it was not the primary outcome of the study, following reports of suicide in the cohort the standardized mortality ratio (SMR) of suicide was calculated. Due to differences in the definition of suicide used for children and adults, patients were categorized into two age groups: 11-14 years and 15-21 years. The SMR for suicide for patients aged 11-14 years was 161.91 (95% CI 19.61, 584.88). The SMR for suicide for patients aged 15-21 years was 1.84 (95% CI 0.05, 10.25). This study demonstrated no increase in the risk of sudden death associated with stimulants or atomoxetine. However, an increased risk of suicide was seen. Although we cannot exclude that the medications may contribute to the increased risk of suicide, there are other factors such as depression and antisocial behaviour that frequently co-exist with ADHD, which can also predispose to teenage suicide. Clinicians should identify patients at increased risk of cardiovascular events and identify those patients at increased risk of suicide, particularly males with co-morbid conditions, and monitor them appropriately.

Some critical methodological issues in secondary analysis of world health organization data on elderly suicide rates

:Background:Suicides may be misclassified as accidental deaths in countries with strict legal definitions of suicide, with cultural and religious factors leading to poor registration of suicide and stigma attached to suicide.Methods:The concordance between four different definitions of suicides was evaluated by examining the relationship between pure suicide and accidental death rates, gender differences, age-associated trends and potential distil risk and protective factors by conducting secondary analysis of the latest World Health Organisation data on elderly death rates. The four definitions of suicide were: (i) one-year pure suicides rates; one-year combined suicide rates (pure suicide rates combined with accidental death rates); (iii) five-year average pure suicide rates; and (iv) five-year average combined suicides rates (pure suicides rates combined with accidental death rates).Results:The predicted negative correlation between pure suicide and accidental death rates was not observed. Gender differences were similar for all four definitions of suicide. There was a highly significant concordance for the findings of age-associated trends between one-year pure and combined suicide rates, one-year and five-year average pure suicide rates, and five-year average pure and combined suicide rates. There was poor concordance between pure and combined suicide rates for both one-year and five-year average data for the 14 potential distil risk and protective factors, but this concordance between one-year and five-year average pure suicide rates was highly significant.Conclusions:The use of one-year pure suicide rates in cross-national ecological studies examining gender differences, age-associated trends and potential distil risk and protective factors is likely to be practical, pragmatic and resource-efficient.

Definitions of Suicide and Self‐Harm Behavior in an Australian Aboriginal Community

In this small qualitative grounded theory study (21 interviews and focus groups with a total of 26 participants) investigating the understandings of and attitudes toward suicide and self-harm of Aboriginal peoples in a coastal region of New South Wales, Australia, we found that cultural factors particular to these communities influence the way such behavior is defined in an Aboriginal context. A continuation of certain "traditional" cultural forms of self-harm behavior was evident in participant definitions, notably the practice of female hair cutting, also described as a mourning ritual, which appears to serve as a marker both to the individual and others.

Duration of Hospitalization and Post Discharge Suicide

A retrospective cohort of discharged patients from all public psychiatric hospitals in Hong Kong (1997-1999) was linked to suicide data from Coroner's court. Patients hospitalized shorter than 15 days had significantly lower suicide rates than longer stay patients. The results were fairly consistent across immediate/late post discharge periods, gender, age, diagnoses, and narrow/wide definitions of suicide. This finding was opposite of what has been reported in the literature. Short hospitalization carried different suicide risks in different service settings.

Cultural Specificity and Universality of Suicide

EditorialCultural Specificity and Universality of SuicideChallenges for the International Associationÿfor Suicide PreventionBrian L. MisharaBrian L. MisharaSearch for more papers by this authorPublished OnlineJanuary 01, 2006https://doi.org/10.1027/0227-5910.27.1.1PDFView Full Text ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInReddit SectionsMore References Balazic, J., Marusic, A. (2005). The completed suicide as interplay of genes and environment. Forensic Science International, 147(Suppl), 1–3 Crossref, Google ScholarBoothroyd, L.-J., Kirmayer, L.J., Spreng, S., Malus, M., Hodgins, S. (2001). Completed suicides among the Inuit of northern Quebec, 1982-1996: A case-control study. Canadian Medical Association Journal, 165, 749–755 Google ScholarDuggan, M. (2003). Guns and suicide. In J. Ludwig & P.J. Cook (Eds.), Evaluating gun policy: Effects on crime and violence (pp. 41-73). Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press Google ScholarDurkheim, E. (1985). Le suicide. [Suicide]. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France Google ScholarFaulkner, R.O. (1956). The man who was tired of life. Journal of Egyptian Archeology, 42, 21–40 Crossref, Google ScholarHicks, J. (2005). Statistics on deaths by suicide in Nunavut (and other Inuit regions in Canada) 1975 to 2004. Ottawa: Unpublished manuscript Google ScholarLitman, R.E. (1967). Sigmund Freud on suicide. In E.S. Shneidman (Ed.), Essays in self-destruction (pp. 324-344). New York: Science House Inc Google ScholarMishara, B., Tousignant, M. (2004). Le suicide: Les façons de le comprendre hier et aujourd'hui. In B. Mishara & M. Tousignant (Eds.), Comprendre le suicide (pp. 5-30). Montréal: Les presses de l'Université de Montréal Google ScholarRatnayeke, L. (1996). Suicide and crisis intervention in rural communities in Sri Lanka. Crisis, 17, 149–151; 154 Link, Google ScholarShneidman, E. (1985). Definition of suicide. Northvale, NJ: Jason Aronson Google ScholarWenger, E., McDermott, R., Snyder, W. (2002). Cultivating communities of practice. A guide to managing knowledge. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Business School Press Google ScholarFiguresReferencesRelatedDetailsCited bySuicidal behaviour and ideation in Guyana: A systematic literature reviewThe Lancet Regional Health - Americas, Vol. 11Evolutionary Anthropological Considerations of Suicide: How Has the Suicide Evolved?Journal of Korean Neuropsychiatric Association, Vol. 61, No. 2Introduction24 July 2018Reviewing the Options: Noise, Adaptation, and By-Product24 July 2018Suicide as a By-Product of “Pain and Brain”24 July 2018Common Mental Disorders (CMDs) as Keepers24 July 2018An Empirical Model and Ethnic Differences in Cultural Meanings Via Motives for Suicide7 February 2017 | Journal of Clinical Psychology, Vol. 73, No. 10Coming together in pain and joy: A multicultural and arts-based suicide awareness projectThe Arts in Psychotherapy, Vol. 40, No. 2Suicidal expressions among young people in Nicaragua and Cambodia: a cross-cultural study31 March 2012 | BMC Psychiatry, Vol. 12, No. 1Sociocultural study of immigrant suicide-attempters: An ecological perspectiveJournal of Social Work, Vol. 12, No. 6Struggle Between Survival and Death: The Life Experiences of Taiwanese Older Adults with Suicidal IdeationJournal of Gerontological Nursing, Vol. 38, No. 5Hopelessness and Suicidality in Turkish and American Respondents3 August 2016 | OMEGA - Journal of Death and Dying, Vol. 55, No. 4 Volume 27Issue 1January 2006ISSN: 0227-5910eISSN: 2151-2396 Published online2006 tabs.informationCrisis (2006), 27, pp. 1-3 https://doi.org/10.1027/0227-5910.27.1.1.© 2006Hogrefe & Huber Publisherstabs.acknowledgements:Thanks to Michel Tousignant and Francois Chagnon, who commented upon a draft of this article.PDF download

Toward a New Definition of Suicidality? Are We Prone to Fregoli's Illusion?

Subjects with Fregoli’s illusion recognize a number of different people as differing in appearance, but they have the delusional belief that all of them are in fact the same familiar person (Sims, 1995). Do we suicidologists tend to behave as if we were experiencing this illusion when recognizing a number of our patients or clients, usually differing in cognitive and behavioral aspects of suicidality, as the same familiar person? Do we have a tendency to investigate, manage, or treat them as if they were in fact a single suicidal case? Are we consistent enough in defining suicidality in our cases? Is there sufficient external validity present in our definitions of suicidality? Can one’s definition of suicidality be sent as a letter across the Pacific and be really understood as written when mailed or does the message in the bottle somehow get lost? In their famous paper, O’Carroll et al. (1996) stated: “Suicidology finds itself confused and stagnated for lack of a standard nomenclature.” Their paper proposed a nomenclature for suicide-related behavior in the hope of improving communications, advancing suicidological research, and improving the efficacy of clinical interventions. Of course, they were not the first. Nor were Beck et al. (1974) the first ones to develop a classification scheme for suicidal behavior differentiating between the suicidal idea, the suicide attempt, and the completed suicide. Interestingly, each of the three types was further specified by certainty of the rater, lethality, intent to die, mitigating circumstances, and method used. Unfortunately, neither these nor any other classification efforts have been widely adopted. Why? Is Fregoli that resistant? In the mid-1980s, the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) published the Operational Criteria for the Determination of Suicide – OCDC (Rosenberg et al., 1988). Suicide was defined in terms of three components: death as the results of injury (yes), self-inflicted (yes), and intentionally inflicted (by self), which were seen as essential elements distinguishing suicide from death due to natural causes (no; no; not applicable), accidental death (yes; no; not applicable), and homicide (yes; yes; by others). Interestingly, this was not to constitute a classification scheme; rather, they established a clear definition of the evidential component elements that are necessary for a certification of suicide, thus guiding coroners as to the kind of death-scene evidence to be sought and considered in cases of possible suicide. The OCDC undoubtedly represents a good basis for a nomenclature. However, in the same way as various suicidality states are not attributable to one single cause, they are similarly not presenting themselves in a single way. Presentations of suicidality are traditionally divided into various forms of suicidal ideation (from passive ideation to active suicidal thoughts with plans and clear intent or even threat), various forms of suicidal behavior (from parasuicides and deliberate self-harm to suicidal attempts with corresponding suicidal intent), and the completed suicide. Classical definitions have defined suicide as a deliberate act of selfdestruction resulting in death; as a conscious self-directed act intended to lead to death; or a willful self-inflicted lifethreatening act resulting in death (Retterstol, 1993). In other words, classical definitions tend to stress intent of selfdestructiveness, an act that is self-directed and life-threatening, and that will be fatal. Similar to the OCDC, the above three components can be proposed as essential elements distinguishing completed suicide from other suiciderelated behaviors (not necessary fatal) and non-suicide related deaths, too: 1. intention (yes; no) and 2. act of self-destruction (yes; no) 3. death (yes; no).

Male suicide. Part 1: Definition and causes

Women attempt suicide at least three or four times more often than men, but four times as many men die from suicide attempts (Lloyd, 2001). Statistics indicate that suicide by young men has increased while the incidence of suicide generally has fallen (Men's Health Forum, 2000). But disagreement about the definition of suicide may produce statistics which underestimate the true extent of the problem.

Theoretical perspectives on suicide in gay men with AIDS

Suicide among gay men with AIDS constitutes a significant theoretical and practical problem. In order to understand this problem it is necessary to consider the specific circumstances that surround these individuals. Whilst there are many theories of suicide with which to address the problem, few are able to capture the special context within which gay men with AIDS live. This article explores three broad concepts from the theoretical literature on suicide that have explanatory potential in this unique context. The three concepts are: the search for meaning in the midst of suffering, Shneidman's [Shneidman, E., 1985. Definition of Suicide. John Wiley, New York] notion of unendurable psychological pain, and hopelessness. This article attempts to demonstrate how these three concepts can incorporate the experiences of gay men with AIDS and contribute to understanding the problem of suicide in this population.

Suicide: What is to be done?

Recorded suicide overall has remained reasonably constant throughout the twentieth century in Australia, with changes occurring in its pattern of distribution amongst males. Increased frequency of suicide among young, rural, and Aboriginal males has led to speculation about the causes and calls for action from health care professionals.While the definition of suicide is still debated, suicide risk cannot be predicted accurately, and no useful clinical interventions exist to prevent it, this paper argues that psychologists should turn their attention to the social causes of known precursors. Given that we know suicide is more likely amongst people who feel hopeless, lonely, and alienated from their culture, suicide prevention at present might be best directed at reducing the number of people suffering these emotions

Elderly suicide and weather conditions: is there a link?

Studies of the effect of meteorological factors on suicide have yielded inconclusive and often contradictory results. This may be due to a variety of methodological problems including small numbers and variability in the definition of suicide. The relationship has not been examined in the elderly. To study the effect of weather conditions on suicide rate in an elderly population of 40,000 of North Cheshire aged 65 and above. In this study, coroner's verdicts of suicide and open verdict which were recorded in a specified period were included. Five-year data of deaths resulting from suicide within North Cheshire were analysed in relation to meteorological data, which were measured at the nearest Met office to the study population. Significant positive association was demonstrated between suicide in the elderly and hours of sunshine (p < 0.01) and relative humidity (p < 0.05). These effects were independent of sex. Weather may influence suicide in the elderly, probably interacting with biological and social variables. The rate of reported suicide appears to be positively related to fine weather conditions, during early summer, and not to extreme weather conditions as previously reported. Method of death appears to be also associated with weather conditions.