Das Ist Research Articles

Types of Intratextual Glosses in the Charter of Military, Cannon and Other Matters Relating to Military Science

Purpose. The aim of the article is to describe intratextual glosses in the Charter of Military, Cannon and Other Matters Relating to Military Science, the reasons for and ways of introducing them into the text.Results. Three sources of gloss were identified: the author of Kriegsbuch L. Fronsperger, the translators (A. Radishevsky, M. Yuryev and I. Fomin) and the publishers of the text. The glosses in the German text were formed using the conjunctions oder (in the Russian translation it corresponds to the conjunctions syrech and ili), das ist (in the Russian syrech and to yest’) and mainly served to explain the borrowed vocabulary from the Latin, in isolated cases from the Italian and the Greek. The publishers' glosses are a few bracketed inclusions, inside which an explanation is given for some obsolete nominations or variants of words. Approximately 50 glosses entered by translators explain spatial measurements, chemicals and materials, names of persons by occupation or duties, military affairs. Syntactically, they are more often formed using the conjunctions syrech and to yest’, rarely the conjunction ili.Conclusion. Fronsperger’s rare glosses were oriented to the German reader of the second half of the 16th century, who was well acquainted with military and scientific terminology, numerous translators' glosses – to the Russian reader of the early 17th century, who was not familiar with European scientific texts of the New Age, publishers' glosses – to the reader of the second half of the 18th century, who no longer knew some Russian words of the 17th century.

La dialectique du rationnel et de l’effectif: une ontologie hégélienne pour changer le monde

The different interpretations of Hegel's controversial formula of the Preface of the Principles of the Philosophy of Right, declaring that “Was vernünftig ist, das ist wirklich; und was wirklich ist, das ist vernünftig”, correspond to the different readings of the overall orientation of the Hegelian notion of objective spirit in general and his political philosophy in particular. This could be illustrated by several examples such as the case of Rudolf Haym (1857) who famously considered the formula as the very expression of Hegel's political conservatism, and the recently published interpretation by J.-F. Kervégan (2021), according to which we should read Hegel's formula as an epistemological judgment and his entire political philosophy as epistemology. After a critical discussion of these two examples, I propose to distinguish between a formal and a speculative paradigm of interpretations, and I present, within the latter, an analysis of the dialectical relations between Hegel's notions of effectiveness (Wirklichkeit) and rationality (Vernüftigkeit), so that the formula of the Preface would not only maintain the role of philosophy in changing the world, but also indicate new potentialities regarding the realization (Verwirklichung) of revolutionary political thought.

La Philosophie Politique de Hegel comme Épistémologie

In the following text, I propose an unusual interpretation of the famous maxim of the Preface to the Principles of the Philosophy of Right: “Was vernünftig ist, das ist wirklich; und was wirklich ist, das ist vernünftig”. I understand it not as a politically conservative normative judgment (this is the usual interpretation), but as an epistemological judgment concerning the way in which philosophical discourse is related to reality. My intention is to take seriously Hegel’s thesis according to which the aim of philosophy is not to prescribe to the world what it should be, but rather to define the way in which it should be known.

A Filosofia Política de Hegel como Epistemologia

In the following text, I propose an unusual interpretation of the famous maxim of the Preface to the Principles of the Philosophy of Right: “Was vernünftig ist, das ist wirklich; und was wirklich ist, das ist vernünftig”. I understand it not as a politically conservative normative judgment (this is the usual interpretation), but as an epistemological judgment concerning the way in which philosophical discourse is related to reality. My intention is to take seriously Hegel’s thesis according to which the aim of philosophy is not to prescribe to the world what it should be, but rather to define the way in which it should be known.

“Das ist Walter”: The Evolving Figure of the Archetypal Hero Embodied by Velimir Bata Živojinović in the Yugoslav War Film

Velimir Bata Živojinović boasts a body of work which traverses 350 motion pictures from Classical Yugoslav Cinema over The New Film to Contemporary Serbian Cinema, historical epic to film noir, family comedy to radical avant-garde. A legendary actor and one of the most significant personalities of Yugoslav cinema, he is best remembered as the archetypal hero of the Partisan film. This research examines the ways in which Živojinović’s popular figure was constructed through the genre of the war film and the brand of Partisan film distinct to Yugoslavia. By situating Živojinović’s star image in the context of his oeuvre, defining Partisan aesthetics and closely analysing three different periods in the actor’s career, with respect to the films which are central in developing his image as the archetypal hero, namely Kozara (Veljko Bulajić 1962), Valter brani Sarajevo/Walter Defends Sarajevo (Hajrudin Krvavac 1972), and Lepa sela lepo gore/Pretty Village, Pretty Flame (Srđan Dragojević 1996), I demonstrate how the indestructible partisan figure embodied by Velimir Bata Živojinović was established in on-screen cinematic space, and how this figure continued to develop, transform, and evolve across films, and, finally, through off-screen public space.

Translation as Conversion: Richard Wilhelm’s Bekehrung and the Bekehrter

Translation as Conversion: Richard Wilhelm’s <i>Bekehrung</i> and the <i>Bekehrter</i>

Georg Bartisch’s Ophthalmodouleia and His Theory of Painting and Drawing

Abstract This paper examines how the Dresden artist and oculist Georg Bartisch (1535–ca. 1607) transformed theoretical discussions around painting and drawing, insofar as he connected the hand and mind of the artist with those of the surgeon. Bartisch articulated his theories about the links between painting and drawing, on the one hand, and surgical prowess, on the other, in a manuscript on lithotomy entitled Kunstbuch (1575), and in another tract entitled Ophthalmodouleia, das ist Augendienst (1583) which deals with ailments or wounds of the eye and their treatment. Through an analysis of the Ophthalmodouleia’s text and images alongside comparative references to the Kunstbuch and other sixteenth-century sources – from vernacular ophthalmology tracts to observationes and Kunstbücher – this paper uncovers Bartisch’s theory that expertise in painting and drawing guarantees physical and mental dexterity in surgery.

German Orientalism and the Persian Literature in the Islamic Period: Josef von Hammer-Purgstall (1774–1856) as an Example of Literary Interlacing

The interest in Persian language, culture and literature in the Islamic period in Europe dates back to a very old tradition. From the point of view of the translation activities, it can be said that the textual contact with the Persian literature in the Islamic Europe began in the 17th century. Due to their strong interest in geography and culture, travelers began to concern themselves with language and literature. During this period, many Germans travelled to the lands of the Safavids. They gathered extensive knowledge about history, culture, language and Persian literature in the Islamic period, and transferred it to the West. In 1634, the French orientalist Andre du Ryer (1580-1660) translated into French Sheikh Saadi’s Gulistan/The Rose Garden, which is considered to be one of the classics of Persian literature. In 1636, Friedrich Ochsenbach (1606–1658) translated this work from French into German under the title of Gulistan, das ist, Koniglicher Rosengarten/Gulistan, Royal Rose Garden. Adam Olearius (Olschlager 1600-1671), who learned Persian in the Safavid madrasas, became acquainted with the works of Saadi. After his return to Germany, he enlisted the help of the Persian ambassador, and in the year 1654, translated Gulistan into German under the title Persianisches Rosenthal/Valley of the Persian Roses. During the latter part of the 18th century, the increase of translation activities of literary texts of the Persian poets from the Islamic period, such as Hafez Shirazi and Sheikh Saadi-i Shirazi into Western languages in Europe had an impact on German-speaking orientalists and poets. This period can be considered as a turning point in the relationship between Orient and Occident. The early years of the 19th century, literary Orientalism, which began and developed with the translation of diplomats, travelers, traders and orientalists, left a corpus of Persian poetry to the German-speaking world. The Austrian Orientalist Josef von HammerPurgstall (1774-1856) occupies an important place in the formation of this corpus. Hammer-Purgstall’s translations made Persian poetry available to classical and romantic thinkers, poets and orientalists. This article has two aims; to show that Hammer-Purgstall created a literal network with his translations from Persian poetry in the Islamic period, and to determine how great a role his translations played in the construction and institutionalization of German literary orientalism.

HIV prevalence and sexual behavior among young male conscripts in the Brazilian army, 2016.

Since 1996, the Brazilian Department of Sexually Transmitted Infections (STI), AIDS and Viral Hepatitis (Departamento de Vigilância, Prevenção e Controle das IST, do HIV, AIDS e Hepatites Virais, Secretaria de Vigilância em Saúde, Ministério da Saúde) in collaboration with the Brazilian Ministry of Defense has conducted periodic and anonymous probability sample surveys to determine the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) prevalence, the sexual and risk behaviors among conscripts of the Brazilian army. This study aimed to estimate the HIV seroprevalence of conscripts in Brazil by geographic region and to describe behavior in relation to the risk of HIV transmission by analyzing data from the Brazilian Conscripts Survey 8th edition performed in 2016.Conscripts were selected with a 2-stage sampling method stratified by geographical region. The study included a self-reported questionnaire and blood collection for HIV, hepatitis, and syphilis testing. Data from 37,282 conscripts between 17 and 22 years of age were analyzed. Of these conscripts, 73.7% stated that they were sexually active. The overall country-wide prevalence of HIV was 0.12%. The geographic prevalence rates were as follows: north (0.24%), northeast (0.15%), central-west (0.13%), southeast (0.07%), and south (0.10%). The proportion of conscripts who reported having sex with other men was 4.4%, and the estimated HIV prevalence in this group was 1.32%. Regarding prophylaxis use, 45.6% of the participants reported consistent condom use with casual partners within the last year, and 34.5% reported condom use with steady partners within the last year. The independent factors associated with HIV infection were: MSM status (odds ratio [OR] = 14.62; P = .000) and having more than 10 partners over their lifetime (OR = 3.32; P = .028).Our data suggest that the HIV prevalence among young men in Brazil remains stable except for the north region, and MSM continue to be associated with a high risk for HIV infection at a rate that is approximately 13-fold higher than the rate among men without a history of sex with another man. Our findings confirm the need to scale up combination HIV prevention for young men, including MSM, in Brazil.

Cameralism, Josephinism, and Enlightenment: The Dynamic of Reform in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1740–92

In his great 1848 historical drama,Ein Bruderzwist im Hause Habsburg, the Austrian playwright Franz Grillparzer has Emperor Matthias utter the words that have often been applied to understanding the whole history of the Habsburg monarchy:Das ist der Fluch von unserm edeln Haus:Auf halben Wegen und zu halber TatMit halben Mitteln zauderhaft zu streben.[That is the curse of our noble house:Striving hesitatingly on half waysto half action with half means.]True as those sentiments may be of many periods in the history of the monarchy, the one period of which it cannotbe said is the second half of eighteenth century. The age of Maria Theresa, Joseph II, and Leopold II was perhaps the greatest era of consistent and committed reform in the four-hundred-year history of the monarchy. What I want to address in this article are some aspects of the dynamic of this reform era, and this falls into two categories. On the one hand, there is the broad energizing or motive force behind the larger development, and on the other, there are the ideas or assumptions that lay behind the policies adopted. As might be evident from the subtitle of my article, I propose to look primarily at the second of these categories. I do so because I think while Habsburg historiography has reached considerable consensus on the first, it has not looked enough on the second as an explanatory hermeneutic.

INTRODUCTION: NARRATIVES OF IDENTITY AND NATIONHOOD IN OCCUPIED GERMANY

‘Frieden, das ist nur Schlamperei, erst der Krieg schafft Ordnung.’ These words from Brecht’s Mutter Courage may not have sounded as ironic to its first Berlin audiences in January 1949 as they do now. After four years of Allied occupation, with Soviets and Western Allies increasingly at odds and West Berlin completely cut off from its surroundings and supported by airlift, peacetime may have seemed more of a mess than the war had. Since the beginning of the Allied occupation, those lucky enough to survive the war had faced hunger, homelessness, clothing and fuel shortages, and the coldest winter in living memory. The chaos following unconditional surrender in 1945 opened up a space for competing narratives – about Germany’s future, about its recent and more distant past, about political systems and ideologies, and not least, about art and culture’s role in re-shaping Germany.

Ruiny zamków i grodzisk z obszaru Warmii biskupiej na mapie Kaspara Hennenbergera z 1576 r.

In 1576, in Königsberg the first detailed map of the Duchy of Prussia by Kaspar Hennenberger (1529–1600) was published – Prussiae, das ist das Landes zu Preussen welche herrliste Theil ist Sarmathiae Europeae eigentliche und warhaff tige Beschreibung. It played a prominent role in the history of cartography of that area and as long as until the middle of the 18th century it provided the basis of the maps of Prussia published in the west of Europe. Hennenberger made his map mainly basing on his own measurements and materials collected in the years 1569–1576, during a 7-year-long journey around the country. On the basis of the measurements, the map’s scale is 1:368 000. Numerous editions and modifications indicate the value of the map and a need for it. It was as early as in 1595 that it had the second edition supplemented with a broad historical description. Th e subsequent editions appeared in 1627, 1629, 1638, 1639, 1655 and 1679. The picture of the settlement network is characterized by the greatest variety of presentations. An important iconographic symbol in Hennernberger’s maps, which is however frequently neglected in the literature of the subject, are the marks in the shape of mounds with a cross, in the map key described as – Ein Berg da vor alters ein Schloss drauf gewesen – which means a hill where a castle (a hillfort) was situated. In the map Prussiae, das ist das Landes zu Preussen Hennenberger placed 55 symbols signifying this type of structures. He placed most of them, namely 6, in the area of Śniardwy lake and 5 in the vicinity of Insterburg. In the territory of the Bishopric of Warmia Hennenberger provided symbols for four constructions: Sądyty (Sanditten) near Olsztyn, Bogdany (Sonnenberg) near Frombork, Grzęda- Pleśno – (Sturmhofel) near lake Sajno (Zain See) and the ruins of a castle in the area of the town of Biskupiec (Bischburg). Th e present paper also discussed the defensive constructions in Pilec (Pitlzen), which was under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Warmia till 1374. Th e analysis of the placement of symbols in Hennenberger’s maps in the area of the Warmia dominium points out that they are confirmed either in the area, e.g. hillforts in Bogdany and in the Citry Forest of Olsztyn, or in written sources such as the castle in Biskupiec and a watchtower in Pilec. The defensive constructions near lake Sajno have not survived till now. However, field verifications, especially those from the first half of the 19th c. point out that they existed. Th e matter of the localization of the castle in Biskupiec still remains open. So far, it has not been noticed in the literature of the subject that Hennenberger marked the ruins of that defensive construction in the north-eastern part of the town, on the left bank of the river Dymer. Nearly 50 more symbols from Hennenberger’s map remain to be analyzed. It seems that after a thorough research of the sources and in the field we will find out that some of them hide many a forgotten historical mystery.

Texts, Manuscripts, Versions, Canon

Texts, Manuscripts, Versions, Canon Gregory Y. Glazov, Christopher T. Begg, Thomas Hieke, Richard A. Taylor, and Martin Kessler 717. [Deut 2:32-33] Ingunn Aadland, "A Forgotten Deuteronomy (4Q31) Fragment," RevQ 26 (2014) 425-29. The PAM (Palestine Archeological Museum) photo 41.585, taken in April 1955, shows five smaller fragments above 4Q185. Two do not belong to 4Q185, but preserve text from the Book of Deuteronomy, one of which has been identified as part of 4QDeuti (4Q36) and published in DJD XIV. The other fragment disappeared from the plate and scholarly attention. This other fragment should be assigned to 4QDeutd (4Q31) and adds three new words (mlḥmh yhṣh wytnhw, "to battle at Jahaz and he gave"; cf. Deut 2:32-33) to line 14. A variant of this line exists in fragment 24a, line 6, as noted in the edition of 4Q364, Reworked Pentateucha, but lacks the word yhṣh ("at Jahaz"). The rediscovered fragment adds to the comparative evidence for understanding the textual development of Deut 2:32-33.—G.Y.G. 718. [Genesis] Victor M. Armenteros, "Los sebirín de Génesis y sus correlaciones en targumes y midrases haggádicos (Gn R y Tanj B)," DavarLogos 14 (2, 2015) 5-19. A.'s study seeks to relate certain of the sebirín of the Book of Genesis with various targumic and midrashic texts, e.g., Genesis Rabbah and Tanhuma B, in order to identify the theological concepts underlying these materials. It also argues that the Masoretic notes are of relevance, not only for philological or text-critical study, but also for theology. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 221] 719. [DSS; 1 Sam 2:3] Arjen Bakker, "The God of Knowledge: Qumran Reflections on Divine Prescience Based on 1 Sam 2:3," RevQ 26 (2014) 361-74. The phrase "God of Knowledge" (ʾl hdʿwt) in the DSS is not found in other corpora except in quotations of 1 Sam 2:3, a verse from the Song of Hanna. The question is how the Qumran usage of the phrase interpreted 1 Sam 2:3. Building on Michael Segal's argument that the LXX and Qumran readings of 1 Sam 2:3 are based on an emendation of a text reflected by the MT's ketiv that serves to explain the linkage of the phrase to the verb hkyn, B. shows that four passages (1QS III 15-16; 4Q417 1 i 7-9; 1QHa XX 12-14; 4Q402 4 12 par Mas1k 1 2-3) invest the phrase with the connotation of divine prescience. Noting that all four passages give centrality to the verb hyh, he also wonders whether Qumran linked the phrase the "God of Knowledge" to concepts of being, causation, and the Divine Name.—G.Y.G. 720. [Lutherbibel] Albrecht Beutel, "Ein Meisterstück der deutschen Prosa: Die Anfänge der Lutherbibel auf dem Hintergrund früherer Bibelübersetzungen," BK 72 (2017) 9-17. B. presents a historical overview of German translations of the Bible before Martin Luther. He counts 72 such translations with different purposes. Then he turns to Luther's translation of the NT in 1521–1522, its background and preparations. He explains Luther's goal as translator and the editorial framework of the so-called Septembertestament of 1522. The translation of the entire Bible, Biblia, das ist: die ganze Heilige Schrift Deutsch, was published in 1534 and first printed in Wittenberg. The printers of Hans Lufft, Wittenberg, produced over 100,000 copies within 50 years, this not counting the numerous Bible printings at other places. Luther's translation of the Bible became enormously influential on German religion and culture. Friedrich Nietzsche called it "a masterpiece of German prose," compared to which almost everything else written in German is merely "literature." See also ##723, 729, 736, 737, 744, 748.—T.H. 721. [Tobit] Marieke Dhont and Eibert Tigchelaar, "Notes on Readings of Three 4Q200 (4QTobite) Fragments," RevQ 26 (2014) 447-51. New images of the old PAM photographs and new photographs of the Leon Levy Dead Sea Scrolls Digital Library suggest...

No Document Is Alike

No Document Is Alike Eric Wilson (bio) The Soviets' surprise launch of Sputnik in 1957 came as a wake-up call for the United States. In response, the Eisenhower administration created the National Defense Education Act Title IV fellowships. While the main purpose of these NDEA fellowships was to provide the US with engineering and mathematics experts, it also paid for students to pursue foreign languages. The idea was that if our nation knew languages it would be safe. I thought that if I knew languages, I would be safe. The NDEA paid for my entire—entire—graduate study at Stanford, including an allowance for books. I had classes in Middle High German, Old High German, Old Icelandic, and Old English, and the price of textbooks was steep. I had no doubt that a career in languages would be perfect for me. Along with his genes, I had inherited from my grandfather a love of words. At the university in Lincoln, Nebraska, his Latin Club performed Seneca in togas and in the original language. His Roman self permeated his everyday self, and when he was flummoxed by practical things (which was often), he would throw up his hands and cry out "Hui! Hui! Hui!" By the time I was sixteen, my fascination with languages landed me in Germany as a summer exchange student. It turned out that my host family didn't speak English, as promised; they just wanted an American. My German mother wouldn't feed me until I could identify all the dishes. Erich, das ist Eisbein. Eisbein mit Erbsenpüree!—Na, Erich, was ist denn das? I came home with a dodgy fluency. As I pursued a PhD in German, my main love remained the words themselves. I could always remember when I first "met" a word. When we were sitting in a Kneipe—which is slang and yet the standard colloquial word for pub—Andreas had cried out Alle Achtung! the first time I downed a potent Schnapps in one gulp. Literally the phrase meant "All attention!" but through context and common sense I knew it had to be "Nice going!" or "Congratulations." I'm not sure when I met Andreas, but I will always remember when he first used words or phrases that were new to me. It was stipulated that NDEA Fellows pursue an academic career of teaching in institutions of higher education after acquiring their degrees. Accordingly, I went on to teach at UCLA and then Pomona College—happily debt-free. But by 1973 America's urgent priorities shifted completely. The foreign language requirement was abolished by colleges almost everywhere—after all, doesn't everyone speak English?—and after eight years in the field, my position was [End Page 73] eliminated. It was the only thing I had been trained for. What else could I do? I bought a hulking copy of the Sunday Los Angeles Times, which had entire sections of want ads. Under "tr" there were countless entries for "tree trimmers," but nothing for translators. So I turned to the phone book and started typing up résumés. I sent them to every agency in the book. One evening, after taking a walk through Westwood—spending time in Tower Records and a few of the crowded bookstores that remained open until 11:00 pm—I came back to find a message on my Phone Mate. It was one of those brand-new gadgets the Broadway department store had just started selling: "Introducing the home appliance that answers your phone!" The tinny voice on the tape played at slightly the wrong speed and had a French accent. The man asked that I call him immediately, regardless how late. Hervé Bellocq—he had spelled the name for me carefully—answered on the first ring. He owned an agency in Beverly Hills called Panlingua Translations and had an important assignment due at nine o'clock the following morning. He had gone through all the résumés he had on file and just discovered I could do Swedish. "It's urrrgent," Bellocq told me, making the word sound more French than English. It would be a wonderful opportunity for me...

Friedrich Nietzsche: Jenseits von Gut und Böse

Friedrich Nietzsche: Jenseits von Gut und Böse

Franc Wützenstein: prvi romanopisec na Kranjskem

The paper deals with the almost unknown Carniolan writer Baron Franz von Wützenstein (1631‒1677). It first shows that, until the end of the 20th century, Valvasor was the only one to preserve some knowledge of his works for the intellectual public in Slovenia and Germany. It then describes the history of Wützenstein’s family in Carniola and reconstructs his life from his birth in Ljubljana to his death in the Lebek Castle near Vače. Finally, it describes his works: Vulcani Liebes-Garn (1669), which is a translation of the novel La rete di Vulcano by Ferrante Pallavicino; the novel Schicksel der lieben Bellimire und Corilanders (1671), which is either an original or translated work; and La perfetta maritata oder die vollkommene Vermählte (1687), which is a translation of the manual La perfecta casada by Luis de León. There is still no known extant copy of the work La muta loquace, das ist: die Stumm-Redende, which was probably a translation of the novel La muta loquace by Giovanni Antichio.

Paul Ehrenfest’s final years

New access to his correspondence sheds light on the tragic life and death of one of the pioneers of modern physics.

Fraseologias zoonímicas relativas a peixes, cetáceos e crustáceos: um estudo comparativo entre o português do Brasil e o alemão

When he wrote his letter to the Portuguese King HM Manuel about his discovering Brazil, Pêro Vaz de Caminha emphasized the presence of “[…] very big and beautiful red parrots, as well as of two green little ones […] in the so-called Vera Cruz Island. He also pointed out an interesting detail: “Here there are neither oxen nor cows nor goats nor sheep nor poultry nor any beast of burden”. In the linguistic-cultural universe of Brazilian Portuguese, there are many phraseologisms (idiomatic expressions, conventional expressions, proverbs, collocations etc.), whose imagetic tissue is composed of animal metaphors. In the same way, in the linguistic-cultural space of German-speaking countries there is an immense variety of phraseologisms that make use of zoonimic metaphors. When those metaphors are embedded in the group of presumedly universal animals for the Western countries, scarcely ever is it difficult to find corresponding idioms in both languages. In this case, it has to do with metaphors having their origin in Biblical passages, in Esop’s and La Fontaine’s fables etc. This papers deals with the accurate analysis of several animalistic metaphors referring to fish, shellfish and cetaceans. Here we have some examples: a) estar/ficar um siri na lata = rotsehen / auf die Palme kommen / die Wände hochgehen; b) soltar arraia = einen Drachen steigen lassen; and c) não tenho nada a ver com peixe = das ist nicht meine Baustelle / den Schuh zieh ich mir nicht an / damit habe ich nichts im Sinn. The principal aim of this article is to verify, based on different examples of popular and / or erudite variety of Brazilian idioms, the difficulty of intercultural translation that should be processed here. Besides the presentation of several examples in Brazilian Portuguese, the author of this article will try to show at least a corresponding idiom in German for each example. Another specific objective of this paper is verifying if Brazilian zoonimic idioms with fish, shell fish and cetaceans are listed in bilingual Portuguese-German dictionaries. As the circumstances require, translation suggestions will be made.

Fraseologias zoonímicas relativas a peixes, cetáceos e crustáceos: um estudo comparativo entre o português do Brasil e o alemão

When he wrote his letter to the Portuguese King HM Manuel about his discovering Brazil, Pêro Vaz de Caminha emphasized the presence of “[…] very big and beautiful red parrots, as well as of two green little ones […] in the so-called Vera Cruz Island. He also pointed out an interesting detail: “Here there are neither oxen nor cows nor goats nor sheep nor poultry nor any beast of burden”. In the linguistic-cultural universe of Brazilian Portuguese, there are many phraseologisms (idiomatic expressions, conventional expressions, proverbs, collocations etc.), whose imagetic tissue is composed of animal metaphors. In the same way, in the linguistic-cultural space of German-speaking countries there is an immense variety of phraseologisms that make use of zoonimic metaphors. When those metaphors are embedded in the group of presumedly universal animals for the Western countries, scarcely ever is it difficult to find corresponding idioms in both languages. In this case, it has to do with metaphors having their origin in Biblical passages, in Esop’s and La Fontaine’s fables etc. This papers deals with the accurate analysis of several animalistic metaphors referring to fish, shellfish and cetaceans. Here we have some examples: a) estar/ficar um siri na lata = rotsehen / auf die Palme kommen / die Wände hochgehen; b) soltar arraia = einen Drachen steigen lassen; and c) não tenho nada a ver com peixe = das ist nicht meine Baustelle / den Schuh zieh ich mir nicht an / damit habe ich nichts im Sinn. The principal aim of this article is to verify, based on different examples of popular and / or erudite variety of Brazilian idioms, the difficulty of intercultural translation that should be processed here. Besides the presentation of several examples in Brazilian Portuguese, the author of this article will try to show at least a corresponding idiom in German for each example. Another specific objective of this paper is verifying if Brazilian zoonimic idioms with fish, shell fish and cetaceans are listed in bilingual Portuguese-German dictionaries. As the circumstances require, translation suggestions will be made.

Fidelio: Melodramas of Agency and Identity

This essay was meant to be an introductory paragraph or perhaps a page on the way to an analysis of Douglas Sirk's All That Heaven Allows (1955) and two films widely recognized as being in its orbit, Rainer Werner Fassbinder's Ali: Fear Eats the Soul (1974) and Todd Haynes's Far From Heaven (2002).1 My aim was to read these melodramas in terms of the ways in which sexual identity affected possibilities of agency. In the course of thinking about that question, it occurred to me that it also might be asked about a much earlier example of melodrama. This essay takes up that point; it stands as a prolegomenon to an investigation that would lead to Sirk and the melodramas in his debt. That future path is, at times, indicated.In the score of Beethoven's only opera, Fidelio (1814), the duet between Leonore and Rocco in the second act is introduced by what the heading for musical number 12 calls a Melodram.2 This is the appropriate technical term for this brief two-minute stretch of the opera: the two characters speak, their utterances punctuated with musical phrases. Beethoven's opera is formally a Singspiel or opera comique; everywhere else in the score, we find either speech or concerted numbers. If the orchestra is playing, the singers will be singing. If not, the singer speaks. Music and speech never interact except in this melodrama. This raises some obvious questions: Why does Beethoven introduce melodrama into his opera? Why at this point in his score does he violate the rules of composition about speech and song? In his stunning 1972 essay Tales of Sound and Fury: Observations on the Family Drama, Thomas Elsaesser has pointed to melodrama of the kind we find in Fidelio as a system of through which the emotional weight of the moment is underscored.3 For Elsaesser, this formal feature lies at the heart of all melodrama, in the work most readily associated with melodrama in the twentieth centurythe films of Douglas Sirk, most notably. What it might be doing in an opera, where, it is easy to presume, the singing voice heightens emotion, is a question that Elsaesser does not ask.Elsaesser's point is not about opera but does help to remind us how much the plot of Beethoven's opera and the moment at which it arrives at its dramatic/musical Melodram brings his score into the orbit of a family drama. Leonore is, at this moment, descending into the lowest reaches of a prison in the company of Rocco, the jailer in charge of the prison. In male disguise and bearing the name Fidelio, she has insinuated herself into Rocco's company by winning the affection of his daughter Marzelline away from her previous lover, Jaquino. Now engaged to her, she has persuaded her future father-in-law that she should be a fuller partner to him in his job, his assistant in the most arduous tasks. The job before them is to dig the grave of a long and unjustly held political prisoner whom the commandant of the prison, Pizarro, is about to murder. This prisoner may be her husband Florestan, as Leonore suspects, and as we, but not she, know it is. This is why she has disguised herself-to find him, to save him. At this melodramatic moment of disguise and blocked knowledge-at this moment when Beethoven writes a Melodramdiscoveries of identity-his, hers-are incipient. Will all be revealed or will she be there only to witness his death, to prepare his grave?Beethoven's Melodram (figure 1) begins with a brief descent partway down a scale, ending with a tremolo punctuation on a diminished seventh chord. After this moment of musical descent and suspension, Leonore speaks in a voice that, the stage direction indicates, is halb laut (164), mezza voce: she remarks how cold it is this deep underground. Rocco responds by commenting that it is quite natural since they are down deep (Das ist naturlich, es ist ja tief [164]). Rocco's common sense is belied by the unresolved musical descent down the scale and by a tremolo chord that changes from a seventh to a diminished seventh. …