National Political Culture Research Articles

Президентские выборы как показатель внутриполитической стабильности в РФ: федеральные и региональные аспекты

Subject. Presidential elections as an indicator of internal political stability in the Russian Federation. Purpose. Identification of factors of political stability in the Russian society capable to influence the electoral behavior of citizens, their attitude to various political institutions and actors, as well as affect the results of presidential elections. Results. The processes that took place during the election of the President of the Russian Federation since the beginning of the 2000s were considered. Based on the data of the Central Electoral Commission, the results of voting for the country as a whole and for individual regions were analyzed. It was noted that the ability to overcome difficulties at crucial moments for the state predetermined certain victories of V.V. Putin in elections. Methodology. The article uses general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, method of comparative analysis, system and structural-functional approaches, statistical method. Scope. The results of the study can be applied in the practical activities of public politicians, state and municipal government bodies, in the development of general and special courses in political science, conflict science, national and regional security, political regionalism. Findings. The stability of the functioning of the structured political system and the high percentage of voters in the presidential elections clearly lie in effective action to ensure the well-being of citizens, the traditions of the national political culture.

Творчество Галима Хисамова: зарождение политического романа в башкирской прозе ХХI века

The famous Bashkir novelist Galim Khisamov, the author of a number of major novels, occupies an important place in the literature of Bashkortostan in the first quarter of the XXI century. His talent was awarded the Salavat Yulaev State Prize, and many of his works have been translated into Russian. His most important difference among modern prose writers is that the author carries in his work the features of the national heroic character of the Bashkir people. The works of G. Khisamov reflect the mentality of the people, their proud spirit of the owner of their land, demonstrate the high level of intelligence and education of his many heroes, who lead their compatriots to a better life, and thus correspond to the accepted definitions of the nationality of literature. In the historical genre, the novel by the writer G. Khisamov “February Blizzard” was written, which is dedicated to the events of a century ago, the theme of the formation of the USSR and the Republic of Bashkortostan. But a novelty in the genre diversity is his political novel “President Rakhimov”, dedicated to the life of a major leader of such a powerful region as Bashkortostan. If the novel “February Blizzard” of 2017 about the formation of the Bashkir Republic can be attributed to the historical and political, then the novel about the first president of the Republic of Bashkortostan “President Rakhimov” can undoubtedly be attributed to the political. An important indicator of the realism of the novel is the appeal to a contemporary living in our time, a political figure. Of course, in the political novel “President Rakhimov” there are features of historical and industrial novels. Describing the activities of Murtaza Rakhimov as president in close-up, the author delves into the historical, socio-political, as well as production aspects of the republic’s governance for the benefit of its population. Undoubtedly, the experience of artistic development of politics as a specific life material in G. Khisamov’s novel is of interest both from the point of view of the formation of national political history and from the point of view of the development of national artistic and political culture and requires extensive literary study.

How national political culture shapes international relations: the case of Japan

Political culture presupposes going beyond national borders to the outside world, it implies comparing oneself with other cultures in the mirror of socio-political values (“I am the other for the other”). Japan is a testing ground with an exceptionally rich texture for analyzing the influence of a specific political culture on the country’s foreign policy. The author conducts such an analysis based on the methodological arsenal of comparative political science along the “modernity-postmodernity- neomodernity” axis. The author critically examines the concept of the political analyst Andrey Kortunov who focuses on the transition of a number of countries from the postmodern development track, which, within the framework of globalization, led them to nowhere, to a more distinct neo-modern track with its pragmatic transactionalism and orientation to their original values. According to the author, Japan under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe tried to break the postmodern deadlock, but then a breakdown ensued caused by the indecisive and reactive policies of weak leaders. Japan is ’’astride on the fence” with one foot in the globalist postmodernity, blindly following the lead of the United States, and the other in neo-modernity, trying to rely on national foundations and values. Using concrete examples from the current reality of Japan, the article shows how the constants of political culture transform the trends that determine the key vectors of international relations, including the negotiations with Russian leaders on the highest level.

How national political culture shapes international relations: the case of Japan

Political culture presupposes going beyond national borders to the outside world, it implies comparing oneself with other cultures in the mirror of socio-political values (“I am the other for the other”). Japan is a testing ground with an exceptionally rich texture for analyzing the influence of a specific political culture on the country’s foreign policy. The author conducts such an analysis based on the methodological arsenal of comparative political science along the “modernity-postmodernity- neomodernity” axis. The author critically examines the concept of the political analyst Andrey Kortunov who focuses on the transition of a number of countries from the postmodern development track, which, within the framework of globalization, led them to nowhere, to a more distinct neo-modern track with its pragmatic transactionalism and orientation to their original values. According to the author, Japan under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe tried to break the postmodern deadlock, but then a breakdown ensued caused by the indecisive and reactive policies of weak leaders. Japan is ’’astride on the fence” with one foot in the globalist postmodernity, blindly following the lead of the United States, and the other in neo-modernity, trying to rely on national foundations and values. Using concrete examples from the current reality of Japan, the article shows how the constants of political culture transform the trends that determine the key vectors of international relations, including the negotiations with Russian leaders on the highest level.

Влияние явки избирателей на легитимность президентских выборов в мире

This paper reveals the impact of voter turnout on the legitimacy of presidential elections based on the materials of 20 largest states holding such elections in terms of the number of voters. In March 2024, presidential elections were held in Russia and in November elections are scheduled in the United States, the outcome of which will have an impact on the domestic and foreign policies of these states. The author has tested the hypothesis that in most cases, for the existing political regime in countries where subject and patriarchal political cultures are widespread, high voter turnout acts as a donor of legitimacy, therefore, the authorities seek to involve the maximum number of voters in conventional political participation in presidential elections and ensure victory for the person holding the office of president (incumbent). In countries where the political culture of participation has become more widespread, the competition of strong candidates is a source of legitimacy for political regimes that do not seek to mobilize all voters to participate in presidential elections and are most often unable to ensure the re-election of the incumbent. Based on the analysis of electoral statistics of presidential elections in the studied states, it was concluded that high electoral activity in countries with a predominance of national and patriarchal political cultures, even if there is no real competition between candidates, but with broad public recognition of the existing political regime, ensures the legitimacy of elections. In countries where political culture of participation has become more widespread, high turnout is a consequence of interest in elections, and not the result of the mobilization of the electorate by the political regime. Examples are Turkey and France, where the last presidential elections were held with high turnout and competition between the two most popular candidates; low electoral activity in the presidential elections is a prerequisite for the subsequent political crisis and dismantling of the political regime (Afghanistan, Nigeria). Acceptable level of voter turnout in the presidential elections, which can act as an indicator of their legitimacy, is about 60–66%.

Геополитика как опасная патология политического сознания

The article is analytical and does not connected with questions of current politics. The radical difference between politics in genuine, Aristotelian meaning od word and political manipulations for solution of current political issues od day is emphasized. The historical, moral and sociological aspects of geopolitical paradigm in terms of imminent defectiveness of it and caused multiple negative consequences are considered. Among the topics of analysis are historical origin and evolution of geopolitical ideology from ancient China till European version of it – Machiavellianiism, and also a modern definition and understanding of geopolitics. The imminent pathologies of geopolitical consciousness are connected with mythology on national exclusiveness, ostensible uniqueness of different countries’ “special path”, etc. It was burdened in addition in several European states by post imperial political syndrome. Special sections of article are devoted to key crossroads in the history of Russia and also to condition of public political consciousness in the post Soviet period. It is characterized by deformations of value system, complex of social inferiority, fear of changes and deep socio psychological trauma. That usual for transit periods and finds a sort of compensation in vulgar pseudo patriotism. On the other side, the author is disagree and argues against of pessimistic, fatalistic judgements of Russian national political consciousness and culture and against of conclusion on supposed unpreparedness of us to democratic development.

Request for Paternalism: The Concept and Value of State in the Minds of Russian Youth

Modern Russian youth as a whole significantly differs from those of older generations in their values and behavioral disposition, which, in conjunction with internal heterogeneity, has a significant impact on the strategy of working with it. In connection therewith, the purpose of the research presented was the value and semantic analysis of one of the meaning-forming concepts of the person’s political representations system - the concept of the state on the basis of the political and psychological approach. The results of an all-Russian representative survey of young people aged 14-30 conducted during the autumn, 2022 served as an empirical basis for the study (sample size: 2,500). A research question was posed: what are the meanings of the idea and value of the state in the minds of modern youth? As hypotheses, the assumptions were formulated that the modern Russian youth is characterized by paternalistic orientations traditionally characteristic of the national political culture. At the same time, ideas about the state are contradictory, reflect traditional, historically established axiological interpretations and modern meanings. The overall result of the study was the conclusion about the ambivalent and unclear nature of ideas about the Russian state, with positive characteristics dominating. The attitude of young people to the state is utilitarian in nature: it is perceived as a source of benefits, responsible to citizens, they are expected to take care, protect and ensure order. At the same time, young people often do not endow themselves with responsibility to the state and society. In the minds of young people, the state is associated with such concepts as land, people and culture. At the same time, the “Russian land” is not simply perceived as a territory, but as an independent value in the context of identifying an individual with people and its culture. This interpretation has deep historical value and semantic roots. It can be judged as a modern actualization of the notions of «Russian Land» and «Russian State» noted by historians in the Russian political culture.

THE IMAGES OF “RUSSIAN VOTER” AND “PEOPLE’S DEPUTIES” IN THE DISCURSIVE PRACTICES OF THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY

Trends in modern historiography are largely determined by the influence of the linguistic turn in the methodology of study of Russian history, including the development of discursive analysis of textual sources which reflect the worldview of contemporaries. The historical community has realized the methodological inadequacy of both the use of the Western scientific language and the search for universal historical concepts suitable for the study of the history of any country, regardless of its socio-cultural uniqueness. Currently, the principle of contextuality is brought to the forefront, that is, the study of historical phenomena within the socio-cultural environment that gave rise to this phenomenon, which actualizes the treatment of the political history of the Russian Empire with the use of new optics, i.e., the methodology of discursive analysis of the texts of contemporaries. Cognitive possibilities of the named approach can be demonstrated on the example of the analysis of the language of the texts representing the content of public and memorial discourses about the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire, voters and people’s deputies. The author focuses on the concepts used by contemporaries, which reflected the historical and cultural national specificity of the perception of “Russian voter” and “people’s representatives” as actors in the historical process, who were called to “participate in the destiny of their country”. Thus, the disclosure of the meaning of the most frequently used concept “Russian” in the discourse of contemporaries includes its understanding as a representation of the guardian of the tradition of national political culture, and as a centripetal force, uniting Russians in their awareness of their ethno-cultural identity. This specificity is recorded in contemporaries’ explanation of the significance of the project of the representation of people, “granted by the tsar’s will”, which represents a form of “inherently Russian autocracy”. The Russian voter’s awareness of civic identity in the public and memorial discourses of his contemporaries is represented by the perception of “elected ones from the population” as “their own” in contrast to the government officials who act as “aliens”. Revealing an authentic meaning of the notions, used by the contemporaries, it is possible to understand the world of values, rules of social communication during the decisive historical period of reforms and revolutions in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

‘This Country is Done’: Fair Housing Discourse in Suburban Westchester

This article examines attitudes toward property, government, access to housing, integration, and community identity as expressed in the discourse surrounding the struggle over fair housing in Westchester, New York surrounding the 2009 court-ordered settlement. Building on the ‘new suburban history’, this article argues that opposition to fair housing drew on long-term conservative trends in the national political culture after 1968, but also reflected the specific dynamics of the early Obama years. Fair housing opponents contend that housing ‘choices,’ rooted in the values of ‘hard work,’ meritocracy, private property, and the free market, exemplify the patriotic tradition of American individualism. But, in doing so, they ignore decades of state-sponsored housing discrimination that contradicted free market principles. Drawing heavily on what one scholar has called ‘race-based neighborhood stereotyping’, these ideas constitute an important starting point for understanding the crippling resistance to fair housing initiatives, since this discourse has proven remarkably durable and politically galvanizing.

Youth values in the context of traditions and innovations

The article analyzes the values of the younger generation in the context of the relationship between continuity and progress in the development of traditions and considers traditional values and how they are related to the development of "new" values and young people’s worldview. The relation of tradition to innovation is comprehended, and the existing definitions of tradition and the role of its functions are analyzed. The paper defines the role of mass communications and their influence on the formation of the value world of the younger generation; factors for the formation of viable generations and the spread of the principles of viability to all spheres of social life are identified. The article deals with a complex of ideological, conceptual, theoretical, and socio-cultural issues related to the socio-philosophical and cultural aspects, as well as to the understanding of political socialization and culture as an integral characteristic of the social sphere of life of modern Kazakhstani society. The genesis, structure, dynamics, institutional forms, and normative value content of the political socialization and culture of the Kazakhstan youth, conditioned by national traditions and political culture, are analyzed.

POLITICAL CULTURE AS A SPHERE OF REFLECTION OF POLITICAL INTERESTS AND VALUES

Political culture has been studied as a sphere of reflection of political interests and political values, which is characterized by the presence of a set of attitudes, beliefs, orientations and symbols that are generally accepted and serve to organize political experience and regulate the political behavior of all members of society. At the same time, the political sphere includes the current norms of political life, which, in turn, are determined by the political interests existing in society. Thus, political culture determines the most typical patterns and rules of political behavior, the interaction between the government – the individual – society. The basis of political culture, the element that defines the circle of basic values and unites them, is the national idea. The functioning of the power-management system as a component of the political process is based on the principles determined by the national political culture. Today, the education of new type managers who possess a high political culture as an important component of professionalism is of particular importance. The sphere of political activity becomes truly autonomous from the time when the government of non-professionals gives way to the government of professionals. It is indisputable that in the formation of the political culture and behavior of both the political elite and citizens of Ukraine, their awareness of their own role and importance in the life of the country, responsibility according to their beliefs and values, one of the important means is the process of political socialization and political education.

The Role of Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytskyi in the Formation of Ukrainian National Identity

The article examines the main statehood ideas and views of the socio-political and Church figure, Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi’s contribution to the struggle for the establishment of an independent, united Ukrainian state. The impact of the Metropolitan’s activity as the hierarch of the Greek Catholic Church on the Ukrainian national spiritual revival in Ukraine (at the end of the 19th to middle 20th century) is clarified as the solid foundation which was laid by his ecumenical ideas. The judgment of A. Sheptytskyi regarding the necessary prerequisites for building a strong, independent Ukraine, and his ideas about reforming state authorities, the Church, and educational institutions, are explained. The Metropolitan’s vision for the role of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the process of the Ukrainian statehood formation is highlighted. Public organizations created with his support and direct participation became the basis for the formation of civil society, which, in its religious morality did not succumb to any influence of party radicalism and extremism. It is established that the support of state interests for the Ukrainian people was based on cooperation with the centrist and right-wing political parties of Galicia. As a result of the analysis of A. Sheptytskyi’s pastoral messages, it is concluded that he laid the foundations of national political culture and clearly outlined the concept of patriotism and the principles of public and political service. The Metropolitan’s thoughts on the influence of religion on the formative process on the national identity of the Ukrainian people, and the need to form a single local church in Ukraine, are explained. A. Sheptytskyi was a far-sighted and flexible religious figure; he used his position primarily for the good of the Church and the people. Under his leadership, the Church became the national, Ukrainian church.

Killing in the Name Of? Capital Punishment in Colonial and Postcolonial India

Unlike whipping, which was quickly abolished following independence, India has continued to hold tightly to the noose’s rope and remains a retentionist country to our present day. Notably, though the number of executions would fall dramatically in the first decades of India’s postcolonial history, the list of crimes made punishable by death has grown ever longer in recent years. Rather than positing the continued presence of the death penalty as an anachronism ill-suited for a modern democracy, this article takes seriously the legal and discursive developments that allowed the most infamous of penal institutions to travel safely across India’s twentieth century. From something that begun as a distilled expression of racialised colonial state power, like many other state institutions during this period, the death penalty would undergo a series of changes to remain relevant amidst new organizing political principles of representative democracy and popular will. Moving from the first formal efforts at abolition in the 1920s, through constitutional assembly debates in the 1940s, and Supreme Court judgements between 1967-83, the article positions capital punishment as a product of both deep colonial inheritances, and a particular process of postcolonial translation. Becoming fully couched in the language of popular sentiment by the culmination of this legal transformation, this violence would become well-positioned to grow within a national political culture increasingly organised around majoritarian expressions of national belonging.

Sketches of Spain: The Role of the Left-Wing Press in Britain, the Netherlands, and amongst Exiled Germans in Recruiting Volunteers for Republican Spain during the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939

This article investigates how, during the Spanish Civil War (1936–9), left-wing British, Dutch and German-language newspapers ‘recruited’ their readers to the cause of the Spanish Republic. Recruitment could consist of donating time, money, social and political capital, or, in extreme cases, actually joining the fighting in Spain. It employs a double comparative approach, analysing recruitment messages attuned to readers in three different national political contexts and cultures produced on behalf of socialist and communist organisations. It argues that different ‘sketches of Spain’ co-existed, aligned to different domestic political and popular cultures and through different ideological lenses. These different sketches, in turn, were vital in shaping people's expectations of the Civil War, circumscribed the scope for and content of anti-fascist transnational connections made in Spain, and helped foster new understandings of social and political circumstances at home.

Dealing with a difficult past: historical memories of the Vichy regime and fascism in the ideology of the Rassemblement National and the Lega

ABSTRACT This article studies the role played by historical memories in the political ideology of the Front National (FN, rebranded Rassemblement National – RN) in France and the Lega Nord (LN, renamed just Lega) in Italy. Although these parties currently show ideological affinity, their relationships with the memories of World War II and the regimes that ruled their countries at that time have followed diverging trajectories. While the FN/RN under the leadership of Marine Le Pen has emphasised the rejection of the nostalgic views of the Vichy regime that characterised the FN of Jean-Marie Le Pen, the LN/Lega has abandoned its early anti-fascist stances to adopt revisionist theses about fascism. To explain these contrasting patterns, this article claims that the FN/RN and the LN/Lega have adapted their ideologies to the national memories and the developments of the political contexts. It concludes that radical right populist parties are more likely to reject nostalgic attitudes towards past authoritarian and fascist regimes when national political cultures show a deterioration in the memory of these regimes that constrains the ideological space in which a party can hold nostalgic stances. The opposite occurs when exculpatory attitudes towards the memory of the authoritarian and fascist past prevail.

How to Be an Epistemic Trespasser

How to Be an Epistemic Trespasser

Punishments, Politics, and Prisons in Western Countries

Imprisonment rates and patterns and the professionalism and decency of prison operations vary widely between countries and, within the United States, between states. The explanations for differences are deeply embedded in national or local histories and political cultures; substantial changes are hard to achieve. Day-to-day life even in the “best” prisons is usually drab, monotonous, and unpleasant; in the worst it is squalid, unhealthy, and sometimes terrifying. Conditions for guards and other staff are often little better. The big difference is that they can go home at shift’s end. They are often poorly paid and little respected; work in claustrophobic, stultifying environments; and deal daily with angry, depressed, mentally ill, and otherwise troubled people. The best run, most humane prisons address those challenges as best they can—in some countries, sometimes, reasonably well. Many prisons—in some countries, most—are terrible places. Sometimes that is because policy makers cannot or will not spend the money needed to run them decently, sometimes because they do not much care what goes on inside, and sometimes because they affirmatively want prisoners to suffer. Staff miseries are collateral damage.

The autonomy of higher education in Finland and Sweden: global management trends meet national political culture and governance models

ABSTRACT Due to their common history, Finland and Sweden share many similarities. However, important differences have also developed in constitutional law, political culture and governance models. These differences have affected the implementation of international trends in the governance of higher education in the two countries. Both the Finnish and Swedish governments have strived to give institutions of higher education more formal autonomy through legislative and constitutional measures while increasing the external representations in their governing boards. However, in Finland, strong constitutional safeguards for university autonomy have counteracted the growth of external influence. The differences between the countries in this regard have their roots in political culture. There is a stronger emphasis on the division of power in Finland, as in other states that have experienced periods of political turmoil, while in Sweden, long dominated by strong social democracy, checks and balances have been considered undemocratic obstacles to the will of the people.

Популізм і вибори в контексті глобалізаційних змін

Акцентовано увагу на особливостях популізму та виборах у контексті глобалізаційних процесів. Звернено увагу на феномен популізму та популістських ідеологій у соціально-політичному житті багатьох країн світу. Зазначено, що на відміну від традиційних ідеологічних систем, популізм залежить від особливостей різних національних політичних культур, конкретної сукупності обставин соціально-економічного та політичного життя певної країни. Проведено аналіз виборів та виборчих кампаній, які використовують популістські гасла щодо отримання влади та вплив глобалізаційних процесів на сучасне політичне життя.

Trends of Authoritarianism and Populism in the Activities of Political Leaders and Parties in Bulgaria

The author analyzes the manifestations of populism and authoritarianism in Bulgaria, their close connection to the recent communist past, the immaturity of the democratic system and culture. Over the years of democratization and EU membership, the values of democracy, in particular: freedom, responsibility, willingness to compromise, respect for democratic procedures and processes, have not yet been strengthened in the minds of Bulgarians, who regularly prefer a "charismatic personality". Support for democratic institutions in the country is low. Despite the mechanisms of cooperation and inspections, the European Commission annually reports serious problems with corruption and bribery in the higher authorities, administration, judicial proceedings, and the prosecutor's office. The analysis showed that support for democratic institutions in the country is low, that the crisis of confidence in the institutions of the state and the political class, frustrations in the realities of European integration create an ideological vacuum. Populism, in contrast to traditional ideological systems, deeply depends on the peculiarities of national political culture, a specific set of circumstances of socio-economic and political life of the country. In the history of Bulgaria, populism has manifested itself in different ways and on a large scale. It is proved that the populism of the ruling parties and the opposition cannot mobilize the public to solve the economic and political problems of the state within democratic limits; that Bulgarians' protests, caused by low living standards, populism, high levels of corruption, helplessness, or the reluctance of governments to eradicate them, have not stopped for a long time. Wherever populist leaders came to power, it acquired an authoritarian character, accompanied by abuses and harassment (but not destruction) of the opposition. History knows the sad examples of democracies when authoritarian leaders came to power. Therefore, the author believes that the institutions of democracy in Bulgaria have not yet strengthened, and therefore there is a real threat of reversal of authoritarianism. Confidence that the state will not deviate from the democratic path, will then, when the challenges of authoritarianism and populism are overcome, facing Bulgaria, the EU and Europe.