Cultural Backlash Research Articles

Authoritarian governance of academia in Central and Eastern Europe: Chances of a European counter-culture

Abstract This article highlights the challenges of external reactions to authoritarian higher education governance in certain Central and Eastern European countries, especially Hungary and Poland. It interprets the political change in these countries as an authoritarian cultural backlash, which is not just a legal or political problem, but a kind of post-fascist cultural revolution contesting the liberal script. First, the article explains the framework of authoritarian policing in academia based on the more general works of Bob Altemeyer and Zeev Sternhell. Second, it tries to answer the question: What tools could counter these tendencies from the perspective of the European Union? As the article interprets the rise of authoritarianism as a phenomenon rooted in the cultural deficit of the countries concerned, it argues that a programme for a democratic and pluralist cultural counter-revolution should be implemented. However, no nation can be democratized solely by external actors, and the basics of democratic thinking should be developed from the grassroots level. If the crisis in academia is rooted in a value-crisis within the societies concerned, then measures countering this phenomenon should also include promoting Enlightened pluralism at all levels of these societies.

Financial speculation meets cultural heritage in China's wildlife markets.

Environmental regulations restricting the use of a natural resource or species often have unintended consequences. One example is prohibitions on the international trade in culturally important endangered wildlife. Trade restrictions may artificially increase scarcity and, consequently, value. In China, international trade restrictions may trigger bouts of speculative investment that have the opposite effect of the restrictions' intent. We examined how China's speculative economy and cultural history have together led to unintended consequences when regulating wildlife trade. In China, wildlife markets occupy a legal gray area that can make regulations ineffectual or even counterproductive. In extreme cases, prohibiting trade can provoke market booms. Further unintended consequences include potential cultural backlash. In China and across the Global South, international trade restrictions are sometimes considered a continuation of a longstanding history of Western intervention and thus may not be enforced as strongly or may generate resentment. This pushback has contributed to rising calls to decolonialize conservation and may lead to growing alliances between China and other Global South countries when negotiating international wildlife trade restrictions in the future.

Beyond the cultural backlash: exploring diverse pathways to authoritarian populism in Europe

ABSTRACT This article critically examines the cultural backlash theory proposed by Norris and Inglehart [Cultural Backlash] to explain the rise of authoritarian populism in the US and Europe. While the theory emphasizes the conservative mobilization against progressive values, we argue that the success of authoritarian populism in Europe cannot be attributed solely to a cultural backlash. We contend that different European countries have unique historical contexts and older, unresolved conflicts are pivotal to understand the rise of authoritarian populist parties in the European context. By employing EVS-data from 2017–18, we analyse case studies from Hungary, Italy, Norway, and Poland. Challenging the “one-size-fits-all” approach, our study demonstrates that older cleavages are essential to understand the success of these parties and highlights the need to consider different variables and unresolved conflicts within specific national contexts when explaining the success of authoritarian populism in Europe.

POPULIST NATIONALISM WHETHER ‘TRUMP’-ING THE LEGITIMACY IN THE CAUSE OF SOCIAL EQUALITY IN INTERNATIONAL LAW?

The election of Trump marks the watershed in the history of International Law being an exemplification of a growing trend of populist nationalism globally, particularly after Brexit. Scholars recognize the predominant mode of articulation of these nationalist sentiments to be within the ‘cultural backlash’ theory. The authors explore the underlying legitimacy of the nationalist cause as being depicted by the concern of the economic have-nots over the unequal spread of the gains of globalization as having the potential to shatter the uncertain basis of international co-operation founded on trans-national economic integration. Deep tension ensues from this discrepancy between the non-progressive, retaliatory and state-centered claims of nationalism despite the legitimacy of the cause being universal. Such elitist articulation of a state’s interests/concerns in international law paves the way for a predominant use of the consensual theory to explain the scope of international co-operation, raising a problematic concern as to whether it is possible to by such distorted representation of the underlying legitimate claims of the people to trivialize the central liberal values, now universally accepted, as matters of mere politics and not governed by rules of law? Constitutionalism in international law is considered herein as an instrument to institutionalize the hierarchical superiority of certain liberal values and non-derogable core principles including the ideal of social equality as a basis of world peace. The researchers present this as one method to optimally reconcile the tensions in the present global order as it ultimately provides a framework to curtail the ability of those wielding the state’s political power to further the elitist agenda at the cost of the legitimate demand of the people, the ultimate beneficiaries of an international legal order. The paper emphasizes the urgent need to ease out these tensional elements, as realizing the goal of social equality is possible only by international co-operation.

The long cultural backlash movement: Pro‐regime social justice mobilizations, discourses and policies in Iran (1995–2010)

The long cultural backlash movement: Pro‐regime social justice mobilizations, discourses and policies in Iran (1995–2010)

Rise of Populism: Identity Threats as an Explanation in Relation With Deprivation and Cultural Fear

This article introduces the thesis of threatened social identities as a new explanatory approach to the emergence of populist attitudes and tests it explicitly for the first time using quantitative data. We examine whether SIT indicators explain populist attitudes directly and influence effects of indicators of two established approaches: the losers of modernization thesis (LOM) and the cultural backlash thesis (CBT). We use a sample representative for the German labor force. Furthermore, we developed items to quantify the recognition of social identities for the first time with respect to social class and occupational identities. All four of our SIT indicators—recognition of social class, recognition of an East or West German identity, political recognition of occupational groups, and identity insecurity—are significant predictors of populist attitudes. Based on SEMs, we also conclude that these variables are important antecedents of previously established indicators of LOM and CBT on populist attitudes. Overall, we conclude that SIT adds to the literature on the emergence of populism as another complementary explanatory approach. In addition to being effective as an explanation in its own right, this thesis can also fill theoretical and empirical gaps of the established LOM and CBT.

Rally Around the Government or a Populist Response? How Concerns About COVID-19 and Emotional Responses Relate to Institutional Trust and Support for Right-Wing Populism

Recent studies have shown that the coronavirus pandemic not only temporarily increased support for incumbent politicians and trust in experts but also triggered an authoritarian response. Because the pandemic has significantly affected individuals’ goals, needs, and control over their lives, we expect that it has generated emotional reactions. In this article, we study how concerns about COVID-19 relate to institutional trust (trust in political institutions and experts) and a preference for populist right parties—directly and indirectly—via emotions. Our theoretical framework relies on the “rally around the flag” hypothesis, the cultural backlash theory, as well as appraisal theories of emotions. We analyze a novel data set collected as part of the Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences Panel Survey for the Netherlands at the beginning of the second wave of the pandemic (October 2020). Our findings reveal that concerns about COVID-19 are positively related to institutional trust but unrelated to preferences for right-wing populism. The relationship between concerns about the coronavirus crisis and trust in political institutions is mediated via fear and sadness; these emotions also explain opposition to right-wing populist parties. We interpret our findings in relation to research on the rally around the flag effect, right-wing populism, and emotions. We discuss the implications of our results in the context of the coronavirus pandemic and other “rally”-inducing events.

Lessons From Dragons: Teaching Political Science With HBO’s House of the Dragon

Since first airing on HBO in 2011, Game of Thrones (GOT) has proven to be a fruitful text for teaching and studying politics. In 2022 the prequal to GOT—House of The Dragon (HOTD) debuted on HBO. This paper conducts discourse analysis on the entire first season with two goals in mind. First, we demonstrate how pop culture is impacted by real world politics by examining the change in gender and racial representation in HOTD compared to GOT and argue that this change was a product of cultural backlash that GOT received and a result of changing political attitudes over the time of both shows airing. Second, we use the show’s content as text to teach American and Comparative politics concepts. In the appendix we provide three examples of low, mid, and high-stake assignments that use show content in teaching political science courses.

“He Who Leaves the Old Way for the New, Knows What He Leaves, but Does Not Know What He Will Find”: Traditionalism, Zero-Sum Thinking, and Imagined Future

The radical rejection of the liberal political movements of the 1960s and 1970s by conservative politicians has been a core aspect of conservative politics. In fact, the youth movements of the 1960s broadened the goals of the labor and civil rights movement, also dealing with pacifism, ecologism, promotion of a new sexuality, new rights for women, and different sexual identities foreshadowing a revolutionary future for Western societies. It has been referred to as the silent revolution to define this movement of social change that began more than half a century ago. However, the reaction to the changes promoted by this movement since the 1980s has led to a cultural backlash. Fear of diversity, immigration, and economic and ecological crises has thus been the trigger for the new conservatism and populism. Everything produced by globalization has been considered decadent and immoral compared to a great and glorious past. The fortunes of the new populist parties in this sense are based on a traditionalist ideology that is not new at all, however. This article shows from a historical perspective how the idea of a threatening future found in the contemporary populist right is a radical conservative tendency that recurs throughout human history. In the article, an attempt will be made to define the culture and psychology of this conservative rejection of the future. Finally, possible solutions will be described in order to imagine a positive idea of the future.

Populism, Economic Distress, Cultural Backlash, and Identity Threat: Integrating Patterns and Testing Cross-National Validity.

Populism is on the rise across liberal democracies. The sociopsychological underpinnings of this increasing endorsement of populist ideology should be uncovered. In an online cross-sectional survey study among adult samples from five countries (Chile, France, Italy, Romania, and the United Kingdom; N = 9,105), we aimed to replicate an economic distress pattern in which relative deprivation and identity threat are associated with populism. We further tested a cultural backlash pattern-including perceived anomie, collective narcissism, and identity threat as predictors of populism. Multigroup structural equation models supported both economic distress and cultural backlash paths as predictors of populist thin ideology endorsement. In both paths, identity threat to belonging played a significant role as partial mediator. Furthermore, an integrative model showed that the two patterns were not mutually exclusive. These findings emphasize the implication of identity threat to belonging as an explanatory mediator and demonstrate the cross-national generalizability of these patterns.

Logistic hubs and support for radical-right populism: Evidence from Italy

Increasing discontent and the associated growing support for populist parties have been attributed to several drivers, including globalization, technological change, and migration waves. We analyse a phenomenon that encompasses a mix of economic and cultural grievances — the logistic revolution. The Italian logistics industry is characterized by a heavy reliance on low-paying and precarious contracts, it employs a large number of foreign workers, and is dominated by multinational corporations. The construction of large logistic hubs can increase the feeling of economic insecurity and trigger cultural backlash against foreign workers and large corporations. This, in turn, can create a favourable environment for populist radical right-wing parties that portray themselves as protectors of traditional values and national identity, and as defenders of the working class against the perceived threats posed by globalization, immigration, and large corporations. Through an IV and a DiD approach, we provide evidence that the support for Lega, a populist radical-right party, grew in Italian municipalities where new logistic hubs have been built.

Strategic litigation in the “soft-authoritarian” state of Singapore: Attempts to decriminalize sodomy from 2010-2020

From 2010 to 2020, several efforts to decriminalize sodomy have taken place in Singaporean courts. Although these efforts have been largely unsuccessful, the cases have highlighted how courts can serve as a space to push for rights in a city-state that some have labelled “soft-authoritarian”—a state with democratic institutions in place, but with an under-developed set of democratic ideals and practices. This article argues that strategic litigation to decriminalize sodomy is forcing institutions in Singapore to evolve, become more democratic and responsive to a rising cultural backlash particularly with regards to sexuality. This article will examine some of the incremental changes that have come about due to the legal challenges, such as the strengthening of the court, the modification of laws to protect minorities, and the growth and diversification of civil society.

Trust repertoires and the reception of institutional responses to the COVID-19 crisis in Europe: A latent class analysis

This article examines the role of institutional trust in current European societies. Based on a secondary data analysis of Eurobarometer data (response rate 39.6%), it maps institutional trust repertoires and analyzes their consequences for a crisis that disturbed public life immensely in 2020 and 2021—the COVID-19 pandemic and the measures to fight this. Methodologically, it applies a multilevel latent class analysis of 18 institutions. Taking inspiration from “cultural backlash” theory, the explanatory analyses incorporate socio-political values and geographical identifications. The results show that there are seven different trust repertoires in the European Union (EU) countries, ranging from 24 percent mostly trustful to 11 percent mostly distrustful. EU Countries can be clustered into four classes, each with specific repertoire distributions. Particularly satisfaction with one’s own life and world developments is associated with higher trust. Compliance with COVID-19 policies is most likely when citizens trust both national political institutions and media institutions; other institutions matter less. Country health expenditure has a limited effect on the reception of COVID-19 policies but does influence membership of trust repertoires.

Between Mirrors, Medusas and the Mass Media: Race, Resentment and Status Panic in Brazilian Cultural Backlash

Between Mirrors, Medusas and the Mass Media: Race, Resentment and Status Panic in Brazilian Cultural Backlash

Institutional Trust and Media Use in Times of Cultural Backlash: A Cross-National Study in Nine European Countries

The paper contributes to the study of institutional trust by making a connection to “cultural backlash” theory and analyzing more recent forms of news consumption. We examine how trust in politics, media, and science is shaped by “cultural backlash” and media use in nine European countries. We employ representative survey data collected in 2021 in Croatia, Denmark, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Serbia, Spain, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom as part of a large European research project. The results suggest that both exogenous (or “cultural”) and endogenous (or “institutional”) dimensions of cultural backlash matter for explaining institutional trust. Trust benefits from progressive–liberal values and less ideological extremism, but is hindered by discontentment with societal developments and political disengagement. Using public television is positively, and social media negatively associated with trust. While we find distinctions across institutions, there is huge consistency across countries.

:Album Verses and Romantic Literary Culture: Poetry, Manuscript, Print, 1780–1850

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Civil Rights or Civil Wrongs?

Abstract Although the Declaration of Independence stated that “[a]ll men are created equal,” due to the institution of slavery, this statement was not to be grounded in law in the U.S until after the Civil War. Often, American blacks looked to the courts to protect important social values and when the courts ruled in favor, there was always a backlash and resistance to judicial fiat. This paper makes a historical analysis of the South’s response to judicial social change. For instance, when Brown v. Board of Education of Tepeka was decided in 1954, school boards in portions of the country actively resisted the court mandated school integration. Thus, the paper argues that social change should be a gradual process and not a forced enterprise by the courts or indeed, any governmental structure since an assertive judiciary can spark a political and cultural backlash that may hurt, more than help, progressive values.

I’ll be grotesque before your eyes: The expanding monstrousness between Is This Scary? (1993) and Michael Jackson’s Ghosts (1996)

This article examines the role of the monster in the film Michael Jackson’s Ghosts (Stan ) by comparing it to its original unreleased version Is This Scary? (Mick ). Despite on the surface telling very similar stories about an angry mob storming the mansion of the reclusive and eccentric Maestro, its use of monsters and monstrousness changes drastically due to the contexts in which both films were made, namely before and after allegations of child molestation were made against Jackson. Comparing these two films offers a uniquely comprehensive insight into how Jackson perceived himself within society, as well as how and why cultural backlash against him manifested. The article includes a comparative analysis of both films’ characters, themes and shared sequences, supplanted by analysis of Jackson’s life and fluctuating critical reality within these two eras. Ultimately, the article will demonstrate an expansion of Jackson’s understanding of his own media freakishness: acknowledging the societal perceptions that made the allegations against him so believable and using it to advocate for his humanity.

Trump tropical, ou um conto muito brasileiro? O ressentimento da classe social como fator moderador entre o sentimento anti-PT e o voto em Jair Bolsonaro em 2018

Prior analyses of authoritarian populism have linked it to hypotheses referring to cultural backlash and negative partisanship, suggesting that conservative values and hatred of opposing parties fuel the desire for strong leadership. This article adds to the previous literature by testing the influence of social class resentment on Bolsonaro coming to power in Brazil. Based on the AmericasBarometer 2018/19 survey, the analysis highlights the central role of the rejection of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party) in explaining the propensity to vote for the far-right candidate, and to a lesser extent, the influence of authoritarian values in this case study. Our findings lend some support to the hypothesis of social class resentment as well. Social class resentment was found to significantly moderate the relationship between anti-PT sentiment and voting behavior, which sheds light on Bolsonaro’s ability to capture resentful voters who were disposed to subordinate social redistribution to the defense of previously acquired privileges.

Value orientation and external political efficacy: assessing the relationship between traditional values, progressive politics and political responsiveness

Values are often used to explain phenomena associated with problematic political behaviours. For example, the election of far-right parties is often attributed to traditional values. The ‘Cultural Backlash’ thesis (Inglehart and Norris in Cultural backlash: trump, Brexit, and authoritarian populism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2017a) is prominent in this field of research and explains such behaviour by a predominance of progressive issues as the result of Value Change. It is assumed that this causes traditional individuals to perceive the political system as less responsive, which can also be understood as low external political efficacy; however, there is little in the way of empirical research that tests the connection between one’s value orientation and one’s sense of external efficacy (Inglehart and Norris in Trump, Brexit, and the Rise of Populism: Economic Have-Nots and Cultural Backlash, 2016; Inglehart and Norris in Cultural backlash: trump, Brexit, and authoritarian populism, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2017a; Inglehart and Norris in Perspect Polit 15(2):443-453, 2017b). This study aims to fill this gap by examining the effects of traditional values on perceptions of external efficacy, particular attention to the role of predominantly progressive politics. For this purpose, the relationship between values and external efficacy is brought into cross-national context in order to analyse the moderating effect of the degree of progressivity of the respective national political system. To test these assumption with multilevel mixed-effects model, this study uses European Social Survey data from 23 European countries and from the Manifesto Project. The results show that traditional values are negative associated with external political efficacy. They also show that this effect is partially intensified the more progressive the party manifestos are.