Cultic Place Research Articles

Spiritual Exercises and the Question of Religion in the Work of Pierre Hadot

This paper addresses John M. Cooper’s critique, and related critiques, of Pierre Hadot’s conception of philosophy as a way of life for collapsing the distinction between philosophy and religion, via the category of “spiritual exercises”. The paper has two parts. Part 1, a pars destruens, will show how Hadot presents three cogent rebuttals of these charges, with which he was familiar as early as the 1980s, following the publication of the first edition of his 1981 collection, Exercises spirituels et philosophie antique. In part 2, a pars construens, putting aside the vexed category of “religion”, we will examine how Hadot reconsiders the place of the sacred in ancient philosophy, positioning the latter as not the attempt to rationally dispel any sense of the sacred in the world, but to relocate it from within the sanctioned cultic places and temples of traditional Greco-Roman religion to within the inner life of the godlike sage.

Plant Remains from Rothenberg’s Excavations in Timna: Smelters’ Food and Cultic Offerings at the Turn of the First Millennium BCE

In the 1960s and 1970s, two copper-smelting sites (Sites 2 and 30) and a cultic place (the ‘Hathor Shrine’, Site 200) were excavated by Beno Rothenberg’s ‘Arabah Expedition’ in the Timna Valley. They yielded rich archaeobotanical assemblages, most of which were never published. These data provide a rare opportunity to reconstruct plant food aspects of the daily lives of copper smelters. In this study, we were able to locate and identify some 10,000 plant remains, dated to the final phase of the Late Bronze Age and the early Iron Age (the 13th–9th centuries BCE). Most of the finds are fruits (grape, date, fig and olive). We suggest that this evidence represents dried or pickled fruits, consumed by the smelters throughout the day due to their calorie-rich value and ease of use. Plant-based food preparation was probably carried out elsewhere, in ephemeral tent encampments. In addition, the shrine’s plant assemblage, which includes the same species found in the smelting camps, suggests that the metalworkers used their food as an offering to the goddess Hathor (and possibly also to other deities).

Book Review of Rural Cult Centres in the Hauran: Part of the Broader Network of the Near East (100 BC–AD), by Francesca Mazzilli

This book on the cultic places of villages in southern Syria and northern Jordan, based partly on a doctoral thesis completed at Durham University (“Beyond Religion: Cultural Exchange and Economy in Northern Phoenicia and the Hauran, Syria,” 2014), aims to reconsider the impressive number of rural sanctuaries—57 of them—in the region of the Hauran from the first century BCE to the third century CE. The author’s term “cult centre” turns the reader’s attention to human activities in the ancient sanctuaries, perceived as vibrant places.

Культовые комплексы Урала и Западной Сибири – историографический аспект

This article discusses the history of research into unusual type of archaeological objects - cultic places, altars, and sanctuaries, located in the Urals and Western Siberia, including the time when the sites of warship in these regions were mentioned for the first time and when scholars’ interest in sacred objects of the past emerged. The stages in expanding the corpus of sources, interpreting the functional purpose of sacred objects, and identifying their ethnic affiliation are presented chronologically. Studies of archaeological sites which reveal unique traces of spiritual culture together with remains of material culture are analyzed. The state of current research into ritual complexes is described, including differentiation of complexes according to the type of ritual activities, applying an integrated approach to the analysis, processing and interpreting the evidence from the cultic sites, solving the problems of definitions, and selecting criteria for considering archaeological object a sanctuary. The article analyzes the studies on specific cultic places for the whole clan or family, places associated with production and trading activities, as well as funeral and commemorative rituals. A variant of syncretic ritual complexes with multifunctional ritual practices is described. The article emphasizes the role of the retrospective method which makes it possible to extrapolate some aspects of worldview among the indigenous ethnic groups inhabiting these regions to ideological beliefs found in the carriers of ancient cultures. The data of ethnographic observations makes it possible to confirm interpretations of cultic practices in ancient times, which can be observed in archaeological evidence from the cultic sites, and offer a more reliable reconstruction of ritual practices among the carriers of ancient cultures.

Historical Books: Joshua–2 Kings

Historical BooksJoshua–2 Kings Christopher T. Begg, Fred W. Guyette, J. Edward Owens, John M. Halligan, Rhiannon Graybill, Jeremy Corley, and Thomas Hieke 404. [Dtr] Sang-wan Lee, "Der Umgang mit der Kulteinheitforderung in sekundären Einschreibungen im Deuteronomistichen Geschichtswerk," Eigensinn und Entstehung, 331-38 [see #789]. In Dtr, the requirements for worship of Yhwh alone (Kultreinheit) and worship of Yhwh at a single designated sanctuary (Kulteinheit) are repeatedly alluded to. Some scholars posit that the two requirements derive from different Deuteronomistic hands, but L., following E. Blum, argues that both requirements were elements of the original Deuteronomist's presentation of the history of Israel and Judah. At the same time, there are, L. further argues, a variety of secondary elements within Dtr containing allusions to the above double requirement, these including mentions of cultic places and cultic activities that take place outside of and/or prior to the Jerusalem Temple. A particularly noteworthy case in point is the account of Elijah's altar on Mount Carmel in 1 Kgs 18:30ff., which postdates the construction of the Temple but which nonetheless is (apparently) legitimated by the presence of a Yhwh prophet and Yhwh's own sending fire to consume the sacrifice on Elijah's altar. According to L., all the secondary texts identified by him, while they do derive from secondary Deuteronomistic hands, do not stand in contradiction with the primary Deuteronomist's combined requirement of worship of Yhwh and worship of him at one central sanctuary; in fact, the focus of many of these secondary texts is on concerns other than Dtr's double cultic requirement (e.g., in Josh 24:26, the center of attention is not on the "great stone" erected by Joshua at Shechem, but rather on the "book of the law" that he is said to have deposited there).—C.T.B. 405. [Dtr; Jeroboam I; "High Places"] Kristin Weingart, "Jerobeam und seine Kulthöhen. Geschichte als Argument in religiösen Diskurs der Perserzeit," Eigensinn und Entstehung, 315-30 [see #789]. The Deuteronomistic History (Dtr) features recurrent references to the "sins of Jeroboam" which resulted in the eventual overthrow of the Northern Kingdom. What were those "sins" exactly? In the extant text of 1 Kgs 12:26-32, one finds juxtaposed two categories of such sins: Jeroboam's erection of the bull-images in Bethel and Dan on the one hand and his establishment of "houses" for worship on the high places and the inauguration of a non-Levitical priesthood to service these sites on the other. In her article, W. identifies the latter set of "sins of Jeroboam" as deriving from a Persian-period redaction of Dtr, found in 1 Kgs 12:31-32; 13:31-33; 2 Kgs 17:24-30; and 23:16-20, which, in contrast to the original Dtr stratum, in 1 Kgs 12:26-30, as well as the story of the "man of God at Bethel of 1 Kgs 13:1-30 (for which 1 Kgs 12:31-32 and 13:31-32 function as a redactional frame), is directed not against the Bethel cult and its bull image but rather against the cult of the Samaritans of the Persian era with its central Yahwistic sanctuary on Mount Gerizim, which, from the Judean perspective, was viewed as an offense against the sole legitimacy of the Jerusalem sanctuary.—C.T.B. [End Page 135] 406. [Joshua–Judges; Divine and Human Kingship] Sarah Dalrymple, "Ephraim or Judah? Divine Sovereignty and the Potential for Kingship in Joshua–Judges," The Seed of Promise, 50-74 [see #797]. From which of the twelve tribes would God's promised messiah come? One place where we might begin to look is in the story of Joseph (Genesis 37–50). The narrative of Joseph and his brothers is suffused with themes of divine sovereignty, wise leadership, and royal power. Or we might follow a thread that runs through the story of Joshua, from the tribe of Ephraim. Joshua was the warrior and shepherd-leader chosen to follow Moses. How about Caleb, who was from the tribe of Judah? Joshua and Caleb were eager to settle in the Promised...

Regional Ways of Seeing: A Big-Data Approach for Measuring Ancient Visualscapes

AbstractArchaeologists have long acknowledged the significance of mountains in siting Greek cult. Mountains were where the gods preferred to make contact and there people constructed sanctuaries to inspire intervention. Greece is a land full of mountains, but we lack insight on the ancient Greeks’ view—what visible and topographic characteristics made particular mountains ideal places for worship over others, and whether worshiper preferences ever changed. This article describes a data collection and analysis methodology for landscapes where visualscape was a significant factor in situating culturally significant activities. Using a big-data approach, four geospatial analyses are applied to every cultic place in the Peloponnesian regions of the Argolid and Messenia, spanning 2800–146 BC. The fully described methodology combines a number of experiences—looking out, looking toward, and climbing up—and measures how these change through time. The result is an active historic model of Greek religious landscape, describing how individuals moved, saw, and integrated the built and natural world in different ways. Applied elsewhere, and even on nonreligious locales, this is a replicable mode for treating the natural landscape as an artifact of human decision: as a space impacting the siting of meaningful locales through history.

A sanctuary of Silvanus in the rural territory of Napoca

The A3 motorway (Brașov – Tg. Mureș – Oradea) archaeological diagnosis, from 2016, has revealed an important number of unknown archaeological sites in the rural area north of Cluj‑Napoca. Out of these, one of the most complex was site no. 9, excavated in the summer of 2017. Remains of at least three historical ages have been discovered (Bronze, Roman and Early Migration), some of the archaeological features giving us remarkable results. Out of these, the most relevant, datable in the Roman times, were a sanctuary, an altar dedicated to Silvanus, bearing an unusual attribute and other strucures apparently related to the presumed cultic place.

Polemical propaganda of the Golah community against the Gibeonites: Historical background of Joshua 9 and 2 Samuel 21 in the early Persian Period

In Joshua 9 and 2 Samuel 21, two issues relate to the Gibeonites: the cultic place of YHWH and the Gibeonites’ ethnicity. In order to clarify the historical background of both texts, this article aims to look closely at the archaeological information of the site of el-Jib and to undertake a redactional analysis. Synthesizing these two independent observations leads to the conclusion that the only appropriate historical background for the composition of these texts is the early Persian period. This article suggests that both texts functioned as polemical propaganda for the Golah community against the Gibeonites. Such propaganda was presented to first affirm the supremacy of the Temple of Jerusalem, while denigrating the status of the Gibeonites and their sanctuary (Josh 9). Second, the propaganda served to brainwash the Gibeonites into serving the Golah community, exhorting them to assimilate as a part of Persian Yehud (2 Sam 21).

The Mithraic praesepia as Dining Beds

Summary A mithraeum always has long benches, which were called praesepiae, “places where cattle are fed in a stall” (CIMRM 233). The name is inappropriate for a dining room, which was usually called, instead, triclinium. Mithraeum is the current modern name, whereas the ancients called it spelaeum, antrum, templum. Another important name was Leonteum, which was not a separate cultic place for Leones only, because Porphyry states that the members of a Mithraic community were the Leones and the servants were called Korakes, the Ravens (Porphyr. de abst. 4. 16). The Mithraic menu apparently consisted of meat rather than of vegetables, even though one should take into account the fact that bones are better preserved than vegetables in an archaeological site, and therefore they are often published, whereas vegetal remains had never been investigated by means of chemical analyses. Lions are notoriously carnivorous and the praesepiae had to be filled with meat for the Leones. The initiation of Leones was supposed to be dry and fiery (Tert. Adv. Marcionem I 13), and we are also told that the Mithraic Leones avoided water for their purifications and washed their hands with honey (Porph. De antro 15–16). Moreover, a lion and a snake are often depicted on Mithraic reliefs as going to drink from a crater. It is possible to get some information from those facts about what Leones were used to drinking during their symposia: they were thirsty but their drink could not be water, but eventually, wine was permitted. Iustin. Apol. I 66 speaks of a cup of water, but only to mention some ritual acts during initiations and not during symposia.

The Cult of Hecate in Lydia: Evidence from the Manisa Museum

In the article, the cult of Hecate is examined provided by the monuments in the Manisa Museum and those related to Hecate published to date. The monuments have been compiled in a catalogue and interpreted archaeologically in terms of the cult. The catalogue is divided into 5 parts: 1. The monuments whose provenance is established, 2. The monuments whose provenance remains unknown, 3. The monuments outside the museum, 4. Coins, 5. Two other monuments that may be re­lated to Hecate. Only two inscriptions concerning to the cult have been attested in the Lydia to date (see cat. no. 6 and 8). Apart from the inscriptions, there are Hecateia and stelai and reliefs on which the depiction of the Hecateion is found. Yet, the worship of Hecate is not particularly prevalent in the Lydia Region. Still, nearly 20 examples provide clear indication of the existence of the goddess in this region. Their find spots are Philadelphia, Maionia, Satala, Thyateira, Sardis, Kollyda and Sidas. Given their provenance, one can suggest that there were cultic places or local temples in Philadelphia and Maionia. It can be understood from the monuments addressed in this article that the goddess was not worshipped in the whole of Lydia, but only in the eastern parts of the region (south of Mysia Abbaitis). In the article it is argued that this situation can be explained as due to the effect of the cult being very widespread in the Phrygia Region, reverberating on the adjacent area of the Lydia Region. It is also underlined that the effect of the cult was limited in the west of Lydia, since Hellenization was common here. It is possible to state that all the monuments in the article date from the 2 nd century A.D.

Les lieux de culte sur et sous la colline de Fabrika. Soubassement de temple et autres sanctuaires rupestres ptolémaïques et romains de Néa Paphos

Fabrika Hill, situated to the North East of Nea Paphos, comprises the foundation of a temple carved in the bedrock and vestiges of subterranean cultic places. After having described the foundation of the temple, this article returns to its identification, considered by some as possibly having been dedicated to Aphrodite Paphia, and by others as dedicated to Ptolemy IX Evergetes II, after his victory at Azotos in Syro-Phoenicia. The end of this article is devoted to various subterranean spaces, resembling cultic places fitted out in ancient underground quarries. By comparing these underground spaces with examples found in Cyprus, Anatolia, Syria or the western Mediterranean, a reflection is made on the cult, the rites of which were carried out in the rock cut sanctuaries : chthonic or at mystical procedures, oracular or therapeutic sanctuaries, dedicated to Asclepius, Dionysus, Mithras or to the Egyptian divinities of Isis and Serapis. The room comprising an exedra decorated with a shell deserves particular attention. Its situation at close proximity to the temple allows us to envisage that they formed part of the same cultic complex.

Pohanský idol z Kouřimi, Česká republika<br>Poganski idol s Kouřima, Češka republika</br>

The paper considers the findings about the archaeologically detectable pre-Christian manifestation in the hill-fort of Kouřim/Kurim in the 10th century written report in Middle Bohemia. The small non-complete stone »idol«(post), 17 cm in hight, is published in the article. It is decorated in two lines: The upper brings 5 faces (human masks), the lower one shows two smaller complete faces with headbands, originally it consisted of 6. The stone idol was found before the year 1998 near the third wall (fortification line) – not far from the cultic place near the spring »U Libuse« (fig. 1). It is probably a pagan idol from the 9th and 1st half of the 10th century with symbolic meaning. The upper faces could symbolise the world of Gods, the lower one the world of people or world of rules. This idol is unique evidence about the developed slavic paganism in Bohemia du ring the 9th–10th century.

Manasseh and the Punishment Narrative

This paper examines the nature of the Manasseh account (2 Kgs 21:1-18) in the macrostructure of the Deuteronomistic literature, especially the books of Samuel and Kings, in which remarkably similar narrative schemes are embedded. They consist of ‘sin description’, ‘sin development’, ‘reminder’, ‘response’, and ‘punishment’. I call this unique literary genre ‘punishment narrative’. In the punishment itself several distinctive common devices (destruction of a cultic place, end of family/dynasty line, and a death of an innocent family group member) are employed to show a fulfilment of prophecy. A number of allusions and similarities between the death of Saul and the anonymous prophet in 1 Kings 13 and between the death of Abijah, Jeroboam’s son (1 Kgs 14:1-18) and Josiah (2 Kgs 23:28-30) are discussed as well. Thereby I put the Manasseh narrative in this category. A close reading shows that the Manasseh and Josiah narratives are not independent but, in effect, two different parts of one punishment narrative. This paper also suggests that these punishment narratives overarch one another in Samuel-Kings from the beginning to the end. Finally, it concludes that the work of Samuel-Kings was woven with different materials but woven into one narrative thread.

Un sanctuaire phénicien du royaume d 'Amathonte : Agios Tychonas -Asvestoton

A sanctuary site, identified during survey work in the Amathous area, proves to be the place where terracottas of Phoenician type were illegally dug in 1982. The coroplastic assemblage collected there is very homogeneous and only finds parallels in other extra-urban sanctuaries of the Amathous kingdom (Limassol -Komissariato and Agia Phyla-Kountouros). The style of the terracottas is very close to Western Phoenician examples and may point to the existence of Phoenician cultic places in the kingdom of Amathous during the late Archaic period.

Il simbolo della croce tra giudeo-cristianesimo e tarda antichità: un elemento della translatio Hierosolymae

The cross, seen and exalted in a great many biblical or natural types and figures, entered the sacramental, cultic, and private lives of Christians already in the sub-apostolic period as a seal of God, a sign of Divine Presence, as salvation and protection. The early Christians prayed before the cross as a seal of God in the sacraments and a sign of eschatological salvation, possibly turned towards the east. They also placed the cross in their homes, in cultic places, and in cemeteries. Contrary to what is commonly held, the origin of the cross and its adoration are pre-Constantinian. Both are attested in the works of Minucius Felix and Tertullian, and confirmed by numerous testimonies from monuments. With Constantine, the honour and veneration of the cross became more noted and public. However the turning point of the cross from a sign of ignominy to a sign of glory cannot be attributed to the vision of the emperor. The cross was used by Christians already in the first years of the life of the Church, and the veneration of the cross goes back at least to the end of the 2nd century. It is an important confirmation that the cross was not an instrument of torture, but was venerated for its unique link with the life, mission and work of the Redeemer of humanity.

Aschw. Lytis- in Ortsnamen: ein kultisches Element oder ein profanes?

This article deals with the Old Swedish name Lytis, which figures in five place names in the eastern parts of Sweden. Previous research has suggested that they are related to the God name Lytir and that the names thus may refer to ancient cultic places. The article supports this idea and suggests that the most probable connection would be to the deity Frö.

Some Remnants of Ancient Laws in the Deuteronomic Code

This short article deals with two of the Deuteronomic laws: the law of the tithe (Deut. 14:22–28; 26:12–16) and the law of the Hebrew slave (Deut. 15:12–18). It is not intended to present a comprehensive study of these two laws, but to limit the investigation to the uncovering of those ancient laws referred to only by the author of Deuteronomy and not by the authors of the other Biblical codes, including that of the Covenant Code.I.Bashanah hashlishit shnat hama'asar“in the third year, which is the year of tithing” (Deut. 26:12).The reader of the law of the declaration of the tithe will quickly discern a contradiction: the tithe of the third year is given to the Levite, sojourner, orphan, and widow,bisharekha, literally, “within your gates” (within which there are no cultic places according to the laws of Deuteronomy—Deut. 26:2b). On the other hand, the tithe is declared in the Templelifnei adonai“before the Lord” (Deut. 26:1s). Another surprising point is that the law creates an impression of unfamiliarity with the annual tithe. Apparently, only the triennial tithe is known: “in the third year, which is the year of tithing”.