Crisis In Yugoslavia Research Articles

The Western European Union and the Early Days of the Yugoslav Crisis (1989-1991)

This article draws on the proceeding and the documents of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Western European Union (WEU) to account for how the unfolding crisis in Yugoslavia influenced debates on defence and security within the organization. While the literature has rightly pointed out that neither the WEU nor the European Community were successful in addressing the crisis and in preventing the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the following fighting, there is a gap regarding the analysis of the activities on which the Assembly embarked in the early days of the political crisis. This article attempts at filling the identified gap, and suggests that before 1992 the events in Yugoslavia did not influence to any relevant extent WEU Assembly debates, mainly due to other concomitant issues, diverse interests at stake and different positions between governments. This affected the WEU’s capacity to address the crisis and to play a more relevant role within European defence and security arrangements. The article resorts to the WEU’s archival material held at the Historical Archives of the European Union (HAEU).

Niška industrijsko-privredna banka

The need to unite capital in order to meet the needs of primarily its own shareholders caused the establishment of a large number of monetary institutes in the Kingdom of Serbia. These financial institutions were not divided into commercial banks and purely banking institutions. so money institutions often appered as owners of various industrial and commercial companies. With the end of the Great War on the territory of Serbia, there was a great need for reconstruction and construction, so thar the shortage of capital was chronic. In such circumstances, during 1922, the Industrial and Commercial Bank of Niš was founded, with at that time, a modest million dinars of share capital. The composition of the shareholders directed the business policy of this bank, so that at first, in addition to banking, it also dealt with commodity affairs. However, the bank's management quickly realized that working with short-term bill loans was the most profitable and this type of business became not only central bur also the only one. By the end of 1924, the bank's capital was increased to two million dinars, and the success of its business was reflected in the fact that until the outbreak of the banking crises in Yugoslavia in 1931, this mometary institution regularly paid dividends to its shareholders. The severe economic crisis in Yugoslavia during the 1930s almost completely paralyzed the work of banks, and many stopped working. Industrial and Commercial Bank of Niš a financially stable institution and at no time was its business questioned. This institution managed to provide earnings to its shareholders even in such circumstances. The reasons for that can be found in the structure of Niš and did not put pressure on the new institution regarding the withdrawal of savings deposits. The industrial and Commercial Bank was managed by the Cvetković, Miljković and Pešić families, who owned almost 90% of the shares of this institution. The outbreak of the World War Two in the territory of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia hindered the further work of the Industrial and Commercial Bank, while the government established in Yugoslavia after the 1945 elections shut down all private institutions, which made this institution cease to exist.

EEC and Yugoslav cooperation in the frames of modern international relations in Europe

Traditionally the phenomenon of the European integration towards South East Europe is regarded starting from the XXI century. The explanation for such a periodization are resolution of the open conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and implementation of the complex EU strategy for the region. Starting point of the majority of researches is the year of 2003 when the EU Agenda for the Western Balkans was started in Thessaloniki. The topic of EEC-Yugoslavia relations, SFRY having been first socialist country to institutionalize its trade and economic relations with Brussels, are unfairly ignored in domestic and foreign scientific literature. It is regarded solely as a chronological period of trade agreements. Nevertheless, this issue is of fundamental importance for understanding the current neighborhood of the European Union. The main thesis the author proves is that in the 1960s and 1980s as it is the case nowadays, the main imperative of Brussels' policy towards the Balkans was to prevent Moscow from increasing its influence. This led to the formation of a very specific format of relations with Belgrade and was one of the reasons why the economic crisis in Yugoslavia became extreme and its economy irreformable. In addition, at a later and structurally much more complicated stage of relations between the countries of the former Yugoslavia and the European Union the specificity and main components of relations of the Cold War period did not fundamentally change. As for the policy of so-called containment of the external actors one could see that besides Moscow, we can speak about similar attitude of the EU towards China. It makes it possible to consider the EU policy towards the countries of the former Yugoslavia in the paradigm of neoclassical realism, rather than in the paradigm of traditional liberal European integration approaches which allows us to unite neorealists elements with the specifics of internal processes, including the modernization of institutes, relations between society and state, types of political leadership.

Preventive diplomatic activities as a modified way of peaceful settlement of disputes at the beginning of the crisis in Yugoslavia

Preventive diplomatic activities as a modified way of peaceful settlement of disputes at the beginning of the crisis in Yugoslavia

WESTERN PERCEPTION OF YUGOSLAVIA DURING 1980

In the late 1970s and early 1980s a new significant wave of cooling in the relations between NATO and the Warsaw Pact dominated various aspects of world politics. In this situation, Yugoslavia was at the centre of an intricate system of relations between the two blocs, especially with projections regarding the future of the country immediately before and after the death of Josip Broz Tito, who as a person then literally symbolized Yugoslavia on the world political scene. With the aftermath of the Iranian Revolution and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the perception of a potential crisis in Yugoslavia absolutely dominated the world media during the first half of 1980. In the months before Tito’s death and during the first year after his funeral, the Western media were very active in trying to predict the fate of the Yugoslav federation and some of the predictions were very pessimistic, especially in the context of expectations of a potential Soviet invasion targeted towards Yugoslavia. In general, the character of Western media analysis of Yugoslav reality underwent a significant evolution in the short term and the viewpoint on the Yugoslav state changed quite rapidly, primarily in the negative context. In this regard, the examples of American, British and West German analytical approaches were particularly illustrative. As it is precisely within these three perceptions that change has been the greatest and most illustrative, it is the intention of this paper to concentrate only on aspects of those three perspectives.

NATO in Balkans and Crisis on BiH

The Balkan crisis is the result of a series of conflicts in various areas of political, economic and social life in the former Yugoslavia. Relations between the former republics show the complex character of European security. Without a sustainable development of the whole region, it is impossible to guarantee security throughout the European continent. Europe was shaken by the bloody events that marked the break-up of Yugoslavia. No one could have imagined that such violent military clashes could take place in a European country, 50 years after the end of World War II, and that hundreds of thousands of people would seek refuge throughout Europe. It was clear from the beginning of the crisis in Yugoslavia that the war would continue for many years and if the international community did not intervene the result would be many casualties. The United Nations, the European Union and the OSCE tried to prevent military conflicts between the nations of the former Yugoslavia, but they failed. National elites pursued a policy aimed at creating nation-states and had outside support from influential forces. To achieve this goal they were willing to pay any price. The collapse of the former Yugoslavia, in fact, meant the end of the process that had defined the development of Western Europe since the beginning of the 20th century, in the time between the two world wars. It was the beginning of nation-states. The Balkans had lagged behind in its transformation for many reasons and unlike Western and Central Europe, the Balkan states found themselves in a different wave of historical development, accompanied by conflict and chaos. The collapse of socialism had an impact on this situation, causing new economic and political conflicts. From this point of view, all the efforts of the European and international communities, aimed at controlling the situation after the break-up of Yugoslavia, had no chance of success.

Put u rat - presek političke situacije u Bosni i Hercegovini između 1990. i proleća 1992. godine

The very end of the ninety nineties brought tectonic changes throughout Europe, such as the fall of the Berlin wall and German reunification, dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, collapse of the Soviet Union. All those happenings were believed to have a strong impact on further events of Yugoslav policy. The downfall of Communism in Eastern Europe also triggered the Communism crisis in Yugoslavia as well as the existence of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as a unity, along with the socio-economic crisis that had not been dying away by the end of the nineties of the twentieth century. Bosnia and Herzegovina was the Constituent Federal Unit of Yugoslavia, and according to its constitution it represented an 'entity unto itself'. Placed between the eastern and western part of the country, it was considered to be the place where people of three different nations lived, along with three different religions rich in history and culture, coexisting together in harmony, as well as in bigotry, conflicts, and extermination. Every attempt to introduce the multiparty system in Bosnia and Herzegovina had been denied by the League of Communist authorities, even when it seemed obvious. Communist leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina were especially sensitive to any behaviour on a national basis, they thought that this would cause further ethnic divisions. Nevertheless, it was bound to happen sooner or later. In 1990, three ethnic parties were formed (Serbian Democratic Party, Bosnian Democratic Action Party, Croatian Democratic Union), soon to become 'Ethnic movements of Serbs, Muslims, and Croats'. All three obtained absolute minority in the elections and formed certain government authority. However, all parties had three completely different party (agenda) models, three completely different goals. Serbian government spokesmen declared themselves to stay in united Yugoslavia, Croats were against it, while Muslims declared themselves to be more dominant than they used to be. It was obvious that the destiny of Bosnia and Herzegovina was directly depended on the destiny of Yugoslavia. That was how disintegration of Yugoslavia prejudged disintegration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Secession of Slovenia and Croatia directly increased tensions in Bosnia and Herzegovina and affected its future position. Allied with Croats, Muslims were determined to walk out of Yugoslavia, while the Serbs were persistent in their intention to stay in at any cost. After a series of unsuccessful sessions and negotiations, Muslim and Croatian political representatives wanted a referendum of independence, contrary to the Serbian will, who later on proclaimed a process of formation of their own republic. Last attempt to facilitate the ongoing crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina was made in Lisbon, along with mediation of the European Community and its representatives, Jose Cutileiro and Lord Carrington. Although their compromise proposal initially accepted by all three parties, Alija Izetbegovic, ten days later, on 28th of March 1992, after talks with US Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Warren Zimmermann, rejected the peace plan. That is how the last attempt to stop warfare collapsed. Bosnia and Herzegovina rushed into war.

Kosovo – from Dayton to Rambouillet

Kosovo – from Dayton to Rambouillet

Three eras of political change in Eastern Europe

The revolutions of 1989 in Eastern Europe made it possible for people who had always considered themselves part of the European mainstream to reemerge from two generations of Communist separation. At the same time, however, the war in the former Yugoslavia threw doubt on the stability of the region. In Three Eras of Political Change in Eastern Europe, Gale Stokes, a noted specialist on the history of Eastern Europe and Yugoslavia, covers a broad range of topics, including the revolutions of 1989. The first section of the text describes the historical sources of the regions distinctiveness. Part two illuminates the background of the 1990s crisis in Yugoslavia and the final section discusses the conditions of Eastern Europe after 1945. Because the text is broken into three interrelated parts, instructors are able to choose the sections that are most appropriate for their courses. Stokes discusses the social determinants of East European politics, but argues that ideas were more important in the revolutions of 1989. These interpretations, along with his optimistic assessment of the regions future, are sure to provoke debate. Clear and concise, these articles are both wide-ranging and cross-cultural, giving students not only an overall historical view of the region, but also a glimpse into more recent events as well. The scope and penetration of the essays, along with their challenging viewpoints, are sure to engage undergraduates and scholars studying Eastern European history and international politics.

EC's Response To The Crisis In Yugoslavia

EC's Response To The Crisis In Yugoslavia

International organizations and secessionist crises: The relevance of agenda setting

How international organizations influence the domestic politics and foreign policies of states is often ignored in the study of international cooperation. This article develops an approach focusing on how states may influence the international agenda, which then shapes the position‐taking opportunities and constraints politicians face as they try to maintain their domestic political positions. This article is a preliminary exploration of how agenda setting works, what kinds of agenda‐setting strategies are available, and under what conditions agenda setting matters. Aspects of past secessionist crises will be used to clarify the discussion. The interaction between domestic position taking and international agenda setting will then be applied to the current crisis in Yugoslavia to determine why Greece, in particular, has been more influential than one might have expected.

Yearbook 1990—Southeastern Europe (review)

Reviews 275 European romanticism that exerted such a profound and fertile influence on modern Greece's intellectual output. P. D. Mastrodimitris University of Athens Translated by Peter Bien Hellenic Foundation for Defense and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), Yearbook 1990—Southeastern Europe. Athens: ELIAMEP. 1991. Pp. 426. This is the third annual volume of the Yearbook published by the Hellenic Foundation for Defense and Foreign Policy in Athens. The volume is dedicated to the late George Tenekides, Greece's pioneer scholar of international relations , member of the Athens Academy, and member of the Human Rights Commission of the Council of Europe. The Hellenic Foundation for Defense and Foreign Policy, a non-profit, independent policy-research institute, was established in Athens in 1988 to promote the understanding and study of defense and foreign policy issues relating to Greece. Starting in 1990, the Foundation broadened its focus to include international economic relations, European studies, and other related topics. It sponsors conferences and seminars on these topics and publishes a regular series of proceedings, research papers, etc. The first two volumes of the Yearbook were of somewhat uneven quality, as is often the case with such collections. The 1990 volume is considerably improved. This impressively large volume focuses on Southeastern Europe, offering a wide range of contributions by major European and Japanese scholars and diplomats. The volume also includes a useful documentary section and a chronology of events in the Balkans during 1990. Among the documents the reader will find the full text of the 1990 Defense Cooperation Agreement between the United States and Greece. The 1990 volume of the Yearbook opens with the annual ELIAMEP lecture, "Germany and the New Balance in Europe" by Michael Stürmer. There are six articles grouped under the general heading "New Patterns of Global Politics" by German, Japanese, Greek, and Norwegian scholars and diplomats, including an article by NATO's Secretary-General. Eleven more articles have been contributed by a wide array of Greek and other experts on Greek foreign policy and Eastern and Southeastern Europe. In view of the crisis in Yugoslavia, the reader will find of particular interest the articles by Anton Bebler on "U.S. Strategy and Yugoslavia's Security" and by Vladimir Veres on "Yugoslav Foreign Policy in a Changing World." There are two other interesting pieces on Greece, one by Evangelos Kofos on Greece and the Balkans in the 1970s and 1980s, the other by Robert McDonald on the prospects for the Greek economy. 276 Reviews This volume is strongly recommended for libraries with European and Mediterranean collections, and for anyone interested in political, security, or economic issues in Eastern and Southern Europe. Van Coufoudakis Indiana University—Purdue University at Fort Wayne Roderick Beaton, TL· Medieval Greek Romance. Cambridge Medieval Series. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1989. Pp. ix + 261. $49.50. The medieval romance is a genre of Greek literature definitely in need of a fresh critical réévaluation. This comprehensive study intended for both the specialized and the nonspecialized reader, and possessing an excellent bibliography, addresses such a need. The problem with the medieval Greek romances is not simply that they went critically unnoticed until the nineteenth century but also that such a delayed acknowledgment contributed to their disconnection from the tradition of the novel of antiquity and consequently to the loss of their rightful place in the history of medieval European fiction. If we were to isolate a background historical argument as a basis for Beaton's endeavor, it would go something like this: The fiction that flourished in the form of the novel in later antiquity with authors such as Chariton, Achilles Tatios, and Heliodorus became submerged under the more pervasive Christian religious culture. The world-view projected by the ancient fiction, where the individual was totally at the mercy of passion and the irrational forces of fate, was hardly compatible with the Christian one. Nevertheless, during the period of the novel's absence, the need for excitement and for stimulation of the imagination found some outlet, at least in part, in other genres that demonstrated novelistic qualities, genres such as chronicles and hagiography. The reappearance of the romance in the twelfth century rather than at an apocalyptic moment seems...

A Property-Rights Analysis of the Yugoslav Miracle

The Yugoslav experiment with labor participation in the management of business firms captured worldwide attention. The critics of capitalism seemed confident that the labor-managed economy would provide a long-sought alternative to the accomplishments of capitalism. Instead, the labor-managed economy has produced a crisis of enormous proportion in Yugoslavia. The article argues that the economic crisis in Yugoslavia is a predictable consequence of the system of labor participation in the management of business firms. It demonstrates that inherent in the structure of property rights of the labor-managed economy are some positive transaction costs and negative incentives that are specific to its institutional structure. Those transaction costs and disincentives are responsible for inflation, unemployment, declining income, and other economic problems in Yugoslavia. The conclusion is that the labor-managed economy is not a viable institutional arrangement.

The Economic Crisis in Yugoslavia

The Yugoslav economic system suffers under at least three avoidable systemic and political deficiencies. First, the plants' authority of income distribution leads to an inflationary development of incomes. Secondly, the lacking differentiation between wages and profits leads to unreasonable and demotivating differences between remunerations for same work. A system of profit participation different to basic wages would be necessary. Thirdly, the institutional basis for a reasonable macro economic policy is too weak, or rather, the influence of regional and republic authorities as well as of monopolistic plants is much too strong.

Capitalist Restoration and Social Crisis in Yugoslavia

Abstract The necessary starting point in an analysis of Yugoslavia is the level of development of self-management. The 1973 law on collective work, the goal of which was to contain growing technocratic tendencies in the enterprises, has disciplined the powers of the “work units,” the democratic cells which are directed from below (in practice, they are something similar to department assemblies) and which were supposed to provide the most authentic foundation for self-management. These productive units can be compared to Western capitalist firms whose goal, as we know, it to strengthen control over production costs, increase economic efficiency, facilitate management and create a more congenial atmosphere for work.

The Political Crisis In Yugoslavia

Essay| October 01 1928 The Political Crisis In Yugoslavia Fredric A. Ogg Fredric A. Ogg Professor of Political Science, University of Wisconsin; Current History Associate Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Current History (1928) 29 (1): 157–160. https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1928.29.1.157 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Fredric A. Ogg; The Political Crisis In Yugoslavia. Current History 1 October 1928; 29 (1): 157–160. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1928.29.1.157 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentCurrent History Search This content is only available via PDF. © 1928 by The Regents of the University of California1928 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.