Crimean War Research Articles

“Friends to foes, foes to friends”: polish officers in the Ottoman army in 1840–1870s

In the article, the author examines the activities of Polish officers serving in the Ottoman army in the middle of the 19th century. The research scrutinizes the life and career paths of three remarkable Polish officers: Michał Czajkowski, Konstanty Borzęcki, and Józef Bem. A diverse array of hitherto understudied Ottoman sources, encompassing the works of military leaders and historians, the writings of Polish and French authors, and the annotations of Russian military officials, affords the opportunity to examine the activities of the prominent Polish officers from multiple vantage points. These include their role in the modernisation of the Ottoman military, their personal lives, and the issue of cultural identity. A multifaceted analysis demonstrates the complexity and variety of roles played by the Polish officers in the Ottoman army. Firstly, although they did not significantly alter the course of events on the Caucasus front of the Crimean War, they had a significant impact on the warfare of the Balkan front. Secondly, their principal contribution was to pacify the unstable Ottoman regions and further modernise the military and industrial institutions located in different parts of the Ottoman Empire. Thirdly, the Ottoman state did not become a second home for the majority of the Polish officers. Their conversion to Islam was mostly symbolic, and following the completion of their obligations, a considerable proportion of the émigré officers returned to Europe. The Ottoman Empire was able to capitalise on the influx of educated European specialists, utilising their expertise and knowledge to its advantage.

American Public Opinion and Media Representations of the Crimean War (1853–1856)

American Public Opinion and Media Representations of the Crimean War (1853–1856)

What is the authentic internet register before & after the Russian invasion in Ukraine? Polish and Czech YouTube comments from 2021–2023

Abstract Over one million tokens of comments were collected for the study using data mining methods. The videos under which the comments were dug out were not chosen arbitrarily but according to the current official national YouTube trends in Poland and the Czechia. The comments were collected under the most popular videos in ten categories: cars, comedy, fashion & lifestyle, gaming, music, non-political interview, politics, report, sports, and video blog. The data collection was carried in 2021–2022 and 2023 from under 40 videos per language and period, 160 videos in total. The corpus data should reveal more about the internet register through the part of speech (POS) frequencies, and the syntactical statistics. In addition, the comments are stylistically clustered in R to make dependencies in linguistic usage visible and better understandable. The study aims to expand the term register, using Polish and Czech, to include language on the internet and distinguish between authentic and non-authentic internet registers in comparison to other registers. An additional sociolinguistic aspect of the analysis is the influence of the Russian war against Ukraine on the linguistic behavior of YouTube users.

The ‘Iran Card’ in Russian Foreign Policy

AbstractSince the United States withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal in 2018, Tehran and Moscow have increased their collaboration. Iran supported Russia's war in Ukraine, believing that it would weaken the Americans, reduce the effects of sanctions, and benefit its battered economy. Similarly, Russia sought to use Iran as a tool to challenge US influence in the region. However, the authors contend, the costs and benefits have been asymmetrical: While Moscow has gained strategic advantages at minimal expense, the Islamic Republic has borne substantial geopolitical burdens. This study explores the evolution of Iran‐Russia relations and assesses the implications for both countries in their conflicts with the United States. It analyzes their cooperation on the wars in Syria and Ukraine, showing that Tehran has been compelled to act in Moscow's interests but has not always received the same support. This has come into sharp relief since the beginning of Israel's war on Gaza, as Iran has faced attacks on its allies and on its own territory. To defend itself and its interests, it needs advanced military equipment, which the Russians have yet to provide. The evidence indicates that Iran's reliance on Russia has led to more harm than benefit.

Pierwsza Narodowa Strategia Bezpieczeństwa Republiki Federalnej Niemiec

The German government has published Germany’s first national strategy in 2023. The coalition parties government agreement about the strategy had already announced several months before the start of the Russian war of aggression on Ukraine. The fundamentally new situation in the European security architecture and the chancellor’s announcements on the “turning point” in security policy once again placed the strategy in a new context. Strategy is a collective document that replaced the 2016 White Paper. It provides guidance on how Germany security policy should be adapted to the challenges of the future. The German armed forces (Bundeswehr) are the primary instrument of German security. It is consistently focused on national and allied defense. The strategy draws the conceptual implications on the turning point (Zeitenwende). The guiding principle of the National Security Strategy is integrated security. This is notonly about military security, but also about the resilience of the state and nation, the climate crisis and food security.

Post-war, past Russia: Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, regional unpeace and the imperatives of post-war European security (re)ordering

Post-war, past Russia: Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, regional unpeace and the imperatives of post-war European security (re)ordering

The impact of the Russian war against Ukraine on the reform of the common European asylum system

ABSTRACT This article analyses how the Russian invasion and the mass influx of Ukrainians have impacted the Europeanisation dynamics in EU asylum policy, notably the process of reforming the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). We argue that these extraordinary events have fostered a more consensual and cooperative mode of governance in EU asylum policy, which has facilitated the adoption of the Pact on Migration and Asylum. The Commission strategically used venues created for dealing with Ukrainian refugees to also tackle other migratory challenges in a more consensual manner. Furthermore, the negotiations of the Pact were facilitated by a convergence of member states around security– and migration control-oriented norms. Asylum rights were increasingly seen as a potential vulnerability in a geopolitical competition with Russia and other hostile governments. The objective of member states to have more tools to respond to crises’ situations and the potential ‘instrumentalisations’ of migrants became drivers for completing the reform. As a result, migrants’ access to the right of asylum will get more dependent on the political will of member states, notably in a perceived emergency.

Enablement and Logistics as Critical Success Factors for Military Operations: Comparing Russian and NATO Approaches

The Russian war of aggression in Ukraine has highlighted the importance of enablement and logistics in large interstate conflict. Alexander Sollfrank and Sergei Boeke make a first comparison between Russian and NATO approaches to enablement and logistics, highlighting strengths and vulnerabilities of each. NATO has recently improved its ability to reinforce forces at speed and at scale, and to sustain them, but there is still much work to do. As the Alliance refocuses on collective defence, effective deterrence requires a shift from logistics as a national responsibility to a more collective approach to enablement.◼

Norway in the geopolitics of energy

Petroleum production on the Norwegian Continental Shelf (NCS) has made Norway a player of strategic importance for the geopolitics of energy. Particularly significant is Norway's role for energy security in European markets for natural gas, actualized by Russia's war against Ukraine. While climate concerns, as a long-term security risk in the balance between economic growth and fossil fuel emissions, are shared by Norway with most others in the Western Hemisphere, the country's significance in the geopolitics of energy presents some challenges of its own. Albeit otherwise considered small state in international affairs, in energy it has significance for more than itself. In the country, the Norwegian state and energy companies make significant revenues, while at the same time, fluctuating and occasionally high domestic electricity prices affect households and non-energy businesses, negatively. The situation puts simultaneous pressure on domestic, foreign and security policy played out on a scale and scope not previously experienced. Important questions are to which extent and how geopolitical challenges and energy security may put the country in a sensitive or vulnerable position, and, alternatively, how they may strengthen it for more opportunities and room for economic, commercial, and political maneuvering.

Language activism and the power of language in Ukraine during the war (2022–23)

ABSTRACT The article addresses how language is fuelled by political actions and accrues sociopolitical meaning in the context of war. The focus is on public discourse on languages in Ukraine in response to the full-scale Russian war. Texts that appeared on two publicly available platforms, Facebook and TikTok, since 24 February 2022, were collected. These are predominantly verbal texts that contain explicit references to languages and include arguments about languages and language matters during the war. The texts are analyzed qualitatively within the framework of language ideologies. Viewing language ideologies as “the beliefs and attitudes that shape speakers’ relationships to their own and others’ languages” (in the words of Jillian Cavanaugh), the study focuses on the power of images or how languages are portrayed, the power of signs or what distinguishes one’s “own” language from that of the “other,” and the power of language practices. All of these relationships, it is argued, contribute to language activism as a reaction to the war. The discussion places the results within the broader context of the multiple language ideologies that are being constructed, promoted, and enacted in Ukraine, dismantling the colonial relationships of languages, thereby empowering the Ukrainian language.

Implementation and Interpretation of The Definitions of International Crimes in The National Jurisdiction of Ukraine

The article consists of two parts, the first of which discusses the problems associ ated with implementing the provisions of international law in the Ukrainian legal system regarding the understanding of the concept of “international crimes”. It underscores that the different definitions are due to the fact that Ukraine is not a party to the Rome Statute. However, it should be noted that most provisions of international law regarding interna tional crimes regarding war crimes, the crime of aggression and the crime of genocide are part of the Ukrainian legal system. At the same time, there are no crimes against human ity in Ukrainian national criminal law. The second part addresses the issues regarding Ukrainian courts’ interpretation of the national criminal law and international treaties on international crimes: interpreting the provisions of United Nations acts and the Rome Statute, applying the principle of “nullum crimen sine lege”in the context of prosecuting the crime of Holodomor, interpreting the provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights in connection with the use of trial in absentia in the case of Russian war criminals and interpreting provisions regarding universal jurisdiction in Ukrainian law.

Romani Musical Resistance During Russia's War in Ukraine

Romani activism and political participation in Ukraine grew in earnest when the country declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. Western-funded Romani non-governmental organizations guided the early years of political engagement. This first generation of Romani politicians heralded from musical and artistic families, leading to a Romani activism firmly focused on cultural rights. Following Ukraine’s 2014 Euromaidan and Revolution of Dignity, the Romani political narrative shifted from focusing solely on cultural rights to encompassing Romani citizenship rights. Since 2014, many Romani politicians have been elected to local governments. Their leadership has been especially evident since Russian forces invaded Ukraine on February 24, 2022. This article provides an overview of Romani political responses to the war and shares how Roma in Ukraine have mobilized against Russian aggression. Specifically, this article draws on Romani-themed popular Ukrainian-language songs performed during the war. Such performances shared widely on social media have brought Ukrainian Roma into the center of Ukraine’s resistance narrative.

When the Patriarch of Moscow Blesses a War: The Russian World and the Sacralization of Violence

When the Patriarch of Moscow Blesses a War: The Russian World and the Sacralization of Violence

КОНЦЕПТ “ВІЙНА”: МОВНА ОБ’ЄКТИВАЦІЯ У ГРЕЦЬКОМУ МЕДІАТЕКСТІ (ВИСВІТЛЕННЯ ПОДІЙ В УКРАЇНІ 2022–2024 РОКІВ)

The research is dedicated to the analysis of linguistic representation of the concept of “war” in articles from the Greek media news platform CNN Greece for the period from February 2022 to February 2024 focusing on the topic of the Russian war in Ukraine. The conceptualized notion under investigation is examined based on linguistic objectifi cation means such as the central nomination of war – πόλεμος, and related units, including cognates and derivatives (πολεμικός, εμπόλεμος προπολεμικά πολεμάω), many of which are compounds (πολεμοφόδια, ανταρτοπόλεμος, καταπολέμηση, ψυχροπολεμικός). Regarding the fronts of military events in Ukraine, mention is made of the economic war and cyberwar (οικονομικός πόλεμος and κυβερνοπόλεμος, respectively). The synonyms of war are divided into two groups (επίθε- ση, εισβολή as a Russian invasion and μάχη, πάλη, αντεπίθεση as a struggle of Ukrainians). Among the antonyms, primary emphasis is placed on the lexeme νίκη. Syntactic combinations with linguistic units of diff erent lexical-grammatical classes (namely attributive, nominative, and predicative syntagms) and some stylistic phenomena (such as association, enumeration, periphrasis) are also considered as verbalizers of war. Figurative means, including epithets, metaphorical and metonymical combinations, are used in media texts to enhance the negative emotional impact of war. The analysis reveals that the war in Ukraine is illustrated in Greek media as aggressive and bloody. The concept of “war”, as demonstrated in the article, is characterized by complexity and multifaceted nominative fi eld in the examined media texts with a negative evaluative marking regarding the aggressor state. The linguistic representatives of the analyzed concept in Greek media texts play a crucial role in forming a negative attitude toward events in Ukraine for Greek readers, contributing to the creation and maintenance of the corresponding emotional mood. Key words: war, concept, verbalizer, evaluativity, media text.

Fairytales in the Time of War: Analyzing the Russian War in Ukraine through the Lenses of Cultural Narratives

Fairytales in the Time of War: Analyzing the Russian War in Ukraine through the Lenses of Cultural Narratives

Adžarsko-Gruzijska kriza i Turski stav 2004. godine

Due to its difficult geographical conditions and the intermingling of different religious/ethnic structures, the Caucasus has experienced major political and military events in many periods of history, and the political landscape in the region has changed rapidly. Although states such as the Transcaucasian Democratic Republic, Azerbaijan, the Republic of Armenia, the Republic of Georgia, and the North Caucasus Republic were established in the vacuum of authority created by the collapse of Tsarist Russia in World War I and the Bolsheviks coming to power, these states did not last long. With the Bolsheviks gaining power, these states came to an end. After nearly 70 years of Soviet Socialist rule, Georgia declared its independence. However, since it did not have a homogeneous population structure, it had to struggle with internal political problems and separatist structures. Since its establishment, the Republic of Georgia has struggled with the problems of South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Adjara. Adjara is an autonomous region within the borders of Georgia. The center of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara is Batumi. Batumi is an important and strategic city with its geopolitical position, port, underground, and surface resources. The fact that the Georgian State is Orthodox Christian and the local population living in the Adjara region is predominantly Muslim has been effective in causing problems between the Adjara autonomous region and Georgia from time to time. The starting point of the Adjara problem was the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the 93 War (1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War), which resulted in an intense Muslim migration from the Caucasus and the Balkans to the Ottoman Empire. With the defeat of Russia in World War I, the Ottoman Empire took advantage of the vacuum of authority in the region and regained the lands it had lost in the Caucasus. The Ottoman Empire recaptured Batumi on April 15, 1918, but on December 19, 1918, Batumi was occupied by the British. After the Turkish War of Independence, the borders were redrawn with the Treaty of Kars between the newly established Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on October 13, 1921, and it was agreed that Batumi would remain in Georgia. Since Adjara, in which Batumi is located, is an autonomous region for which Turkey is a guarantor under the Treaty of Kars and is located just beyond Turkey's Northeastern borders, close relations have been developed between Turkey and this region. Therefore, Turkey has had to take a close interest in the political crises or other incidents that the autonomous region of Adjara has experienced with Georgia. Of course, the most important reason for this is that we are both border neighbors and the Muslim people living in the region are under the guarantee of Turkey. In this study, both a literature review was conducted and news about the Adjara crisis was scanned from newspaper articles. The statements of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey, which is an archival document on the subject, were also used as first-hand sources in the study. In this way, the study is qualitative research based on survey and document analysis methods. In this study, the starting point and the outcome of the Adjara-Georgian conflict that started in 2004 and Turkey's position in the solution of the problem were tried to be revealed.

Environmental Policy vs. the Reality of Greenhouse Gas Emissions from Top Emitting Countries

The 21st century climate crisis has been compounded by the COVID-19 health crisis and the Russian war. What at first appeared to be an opportunity to move towards sustainable growth and development has turned into the opposite. In this context, it seems necessary to pause and analyze what countries are doing and where they are heading in order to ensure that their environmental efforts are not in vain. This article analyzes the environmental policies of the seven countries emitting the most GHGs from 1990 to the present day and compares them with the reality of their emissions. These behaviors are extrapolated into the future and, finally, conclusions are drawn as to which countries are not fully living up to their commitments, which have implemented the most effective measures, and where particular attention needs to be directed for maximum efficiency in decarbonizing the energy mix.

Contesting Western support for Ukraine. The radical left in the European Parliament

ABSTRACT The 2022 full-scale Russian invasion into Ukraine challenged the political parties of the radical left and right that have traditionally been sympathetic to Russia. This paper examines the positions on the Russian war against Ukraine of radical left members of the 9th European Parliament (2019–2024), based on their voting behavior in the first year since the start of the full-scale invasion. The data show that the radical left is most divided over sanctions. In contrast, MEPs from the 18 radical left parties under study are highly united in their support of international law. The divisions among radical left MEPs correlate weakly with the geographical distance to Russia and with their parties’ position on the left/right-axis, but more strongly with parties’ position on socio-cultural questions: Socio-culturally progressive parties are more inclined to support an assertive stance towards Putin’s authoritarian and traditionalist Russia than socio-culturally conservative ones.

The Tragedy of the confrontation: the religious factor in the Russian Civil War

The article analyzes a collective monograph edited by A. S. Puchenkov and devoted to the consideration of the role and significance of the religious factor during the Civil War in Russia. According to the reviewer, the authors, based on the unique material collected in 22 Russian and foreign archives, were able to show and prove the need to take into account the phenomenon of the religious factor, rightly defining it as «a set of many components affecting the social, socio-political, spiritual, cultural and national life of society, determining the order of functioning of religion and its institutions in the system of relations between the state and society, as well as the influence of religion as a social institution on non-religious forms of public life». According to S. L. Firsov, the authors have made a successful attempt to draw a detailed picture of the state of religious denominations (primarily the Orthodox Russian Church) during the Civil War. In his opinion, the reviewed monograph can be called a kind of encyclopedia of the spiritual life of Russia during the Russian Troubles of the early 20-th century. The authors of the monograph made a worthy contribution to the study of the moral and moral state of Russian society by writing a deep and useful work for all those interested in both the history of the Orthodox Russian Church of the era of Revolution and Civil War, and the history of the Russian Troubles of the early twentieth century as a whole.

Songs of War

Russia's war on Ukraine has highlighted how Russia and Ukraine conceptualize differing narratives of the region's history, and how this is reflected in current popular music. This article looks at how popular music is used by both conflict partners by analyzing songs published on social media during the full-scale invasion's first phase. Here, a pattern emerges: songs being reworked, memetic songs drawing on specific occurrences or weapons emerging, and previously existing songs being used as anthems. While these strategies have been heard in past wars, a new dynamic is at work: The output from the current war is interesting due to the use of footage from the battlefield, the speed of reaction and the distribution of the songs aided by social media, and the continuity of musical material as well as support from outsiders. These processes have made social media platforms an important part of the ongoing war.