Colonial Creation Research Articles

Assisted colonization of albatrosses in the California Channel Islands: conservation basis and suitability assessment

Laysan (Phoebastria immutabilis) and Black-footed Albatrosses (P. nigripes) nest primarily on low-lying atolls in the Northwestern Hawaiian Islands that are threatened by inundation from sea level rise and increasing storm surge associated with climate change. Restoration or creation of breeding colonies on higher islands is among the highest priority conservation actions for these species. A previous structured decision-making analysis identified the California Channel Islands as a possible restoration site for Black-footed Albatross. The California Current is part of the natural foraging ranges of Laysan and Black-footed albatrosses. Archaeological evidence indicates both species were present in the California Channel Islands prehistorically, yet neither currently nests in the Channel Islands. We assessed the feasibility of creating albatross breeding colonies in the Channel Islands using social attraction and translocation, and the suitability of each island. We used a risk analysis framework developed for the U.S. National Park Service to evaluate the potential ecological risks of this action. Creating an albatross colony in the Channel Islands is feasible using available methods. Santa Barbara and San Nicolas islands would be most suitable for albatross. Social attraction is less expensive and might be effective for creating a Laysan Albatross colony because that species is already visiting some islands. Translocation would be necessary to create a Black-footed Albatross colony. The risks associated with attempting to establish albatross breeding colonies in the Channel Islands were deemed to be generally low, but the risk of no action is high to these albatrosses. This can be a useful assisted colonization case study that can inform decisions by land managers and agencies regarding conservation of North Pacific albatrosses and other species.

Ital'yanskaya agressiya v Severnoj Afrike

The article examines the period of Italy's creation of colonies in Libya. The reasons, actions and results of the colonial policy are shown. It is noted that the defeat of fascist Italy in World War II led to the liquidation of colonies in Libya.

Unveiling the neo-Moroccan city: a historical exploration of Casablanca's Habous district (1917-1926)

ABSTRACT This article examines the history and significance of Casablanca's Habous district, a unique colonial urban experiment blending traditional Islamic and early 20th-century European principles. Built between 1917 and 1926 to house large influxes of migrants, it represented a deviation from initial French plans to simply preserve existing medinas. It even supplanted Casablanca's medina as the nucleus of Muslim life. Through extensive archival research from the National Moroccan Archives (Rabat) and the Chaillot Archives (Paris) this article argues that while initially an exception, the Habous proved central to colonial visions of ordering urban space and society in Morocco's growing economic capital. It reflected core aspects of Resident-General Lyautey's strategy, showcasing French power and paternalism while providing locals with symbolic cultural continuity amidst modernization. Unearthing the unusual history of the Habous holds significance for comprehending the history of colonial political agendas and their materialization in colonial planning and housing, and also of architecture experimentation and innovation. After all, it earned the reputation of being the most surprising and impactful colonial creation in Morocco, which served as an inspiration for subsequent architectural projects. But its level of refinement remained unmatched by subsequent mass housing districts. The conclusion ponders whether its status warrants greater international recognition.

(De) Construction of State Identity through Postcolonial Examination of Geography: A Case Study of Nepal

Postcolonialism on geographical studies encompasses scholarships that draw on postcolonial perspectives to challenge forms of colonial and imperial domination of geographical narratives. The studies within and beyond geography have construed how colonial discourse and discrimination have distinctive spatial dimensions and special effects on the (de)construction of the identity of the states. Thus, applying postcolonial lenses and examining colonial and Eurocentric geographical narratives, the paper aims to deconstruct the state identity. First, the paper introduces postcolonial studies to geography by way of a review of the literature. Then, the paper reviews the Eurocentric geographical architecture to establish modern geography as a western or colonial creation. Additionally, the paper provides a colonial justification for those geographical constructs and paves the way for de-mapping the Eurocentric geographies. Notably, the paper takes a unique case study of Nepal and examines the colonial geographical frameworks the British East India Company constructed during colonisation in the Indian subcontinent. Likewise, the paper outlines the consequential colonial geographical narratives formed due to the colonial discourses and the postcolonial explanation of Nepal’s identity. In the end, the paper presents Nepal’s native geographical identity by comparing Divya Upadesh with that of the colonial narratives. In conclusion, the paper emphasises the Eurocentric and colonial geographical penetration into the knowledge system to construct a state identity and postcolonial approach as the method of deconstructing those identities of the state.

Социально-философские идеи Наполеона III

The article is devoted to the analysis of the worldview of Louis Bonaparte, his ideas about the political prospects of mankind, which include generalizing judg­ments about the meaning of the French Revolution, about the significance of Napoleonic rule for social life. Of course, for Louis Bonaparte the theoretical works he wrote served as a means of promoting his own political aspirations, a kind of justification for the ambitions that inspired him, but also a certain philosophical support on the life path. Created by him even before coming to power, they may well be coordinated with the subsequent actions of the new­ly president of the republic, and then the emperor. He attached the most world­view importance to the image of Napoleon, which was interpreted as the focus of the leading lines of social development. Progress, justice, the social hierar­chy determined by merit, the confederation of free European states – these are the main features of the near future in his understanding. Like representatives of Saint-Simonianism, Louis Bonaparte called for the care of the poorest, most suffering class. His social project provided for the creation of agricultural colonies on abandoned, uncultivated sites. The liquidation of unemployment, in his opinion, could eliminate extreme poverty from everyday life. But, unlike Saint-Simon, he attached much greater importance to the role of the state and the centralization of power, did not consider Napoleon to be a defender of the obsolete feudal system. The example of Napoleon III shows a special way of mutual influence of philosophy and power: his social concept was formed primarily as a result of a very specific understanding of the decisions of his illustrious predecessor, this concept embodied an explicit desire for the post of head of state, and at the same time it found, albeit incomplete, reflection in politics of the Second Empire.

AFRICAN UNION (AU) REGIONAL INTEGRATION AGENDA AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN WEST AFRICAN SUBREGION: A STUDY OF NIGERIA AND NIGER REPUBLIC

The Organization of African Unity (OAU) was transformed into the African Union (AU) in July year 2002, due to the resolution of African leaders to reposition the continental organization for better performance. This paper examines AU regional integration agenda and socio-economic development in West African sub-Region: a study of Nigeria and Niger Republic. The two countries share a common land boundary which covers over thousand kilometers. Historically speaking, they were both colonial creation of Britain and France respectively which was said to have born out of series of negations, treaties and conquests during the first decade of the 20thCentury. By 1960, the two countries got their political independence and have since exchange diplomatic missions and entered into various bilateral relations which border on trade, industry, culture, education and politics with a view to improving the socio-economic and political life of the citizenry. The duo established the Nigeria- Niger Joint Commission for cooperation in March, 1971 as a strategy towards promoting their socio-economic development. However, one of the perceived major problems to effective trade and integration in most Regional Economic Commissions is lack of political will. This is because most countries resist liberalization and tend toward protectionist policies to protect trade. Premised on this fact, how the AU hoped to effectively achieve its integration agenda particularly, as it affects Nigeria and Niger republic remains a serious challenge and a major concern for this paper. Methodologically, the paper adopted qualitative method that uses interview as instrument for data collection and this was supported with documents data. The findings from the results revealed that in terms of the impact of AU regional integration agenda on socio-economic development of Nigeria and Niger republic, there has been a lot of achievements. The two countries are said to be intertwined politically, religiously and socioculturally and any other forms one can think of. The findings from the results further identified major challenges confronting the AU in the integration of the two countries and Africa at large. These include; lack of political will; limited intra-African trade; funding problem; underdeveloped infrastructure etc. For better performance of the organization and the two countries, the paper recommended among others; the need for strong political will on the part of African leaders to turn policies and resolutions into actions at national levels

Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea: A History of Violence from 1830 to the Twentieth Century, by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith

Today, the Southern Red Sea comes to our attention mainly as a result of chaotic news stories, such as piracy or terrorism. Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith traces the roots of this news back to the middle of the nineteenth century. Following the British East India Company (BEIC)’s conquest of Aden in 1839 and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, competitor imperial superpowers—and an array of small-scale actors—flowed into the region searching for opportunities to enhance their influence or personal interests amid this changing world. As we follow their stories, intermingling triumph and tragedy, we witness how political changes brought by Europeans gave rise to colonial chaos and shaped the fate of the region for the coming decades. As Smith aptly summarises, ‘chaos was a colonial creation’ (p. 162). Although international politics is usually studied through alliances and other co-operative arrangements between nation states, most international politics takes place on a different scale. This book is a history of sub-imperial actors who ‘played an equally important role in international relations as did the British, French and Italian governments in shaping and advancing the culture of colonial chaos, the new style of international relations’ (p. 11).

A History of Palestinian Islamic Jihad: Faith, Awareness, and Revolution in the Middle East

A History of Palestinian Islamic Jihad: Faith, Awareness, and Revolution in the Middle East

What Is in a Name?

What Is in a Name? Susan Elizabeth Gagliardi (bio) KEYWORDS Mande, Bamana, Senufo, categories, identities, positionality Power is the ability not just to tell the story of another person, but to make it the definitive story of that person. The Palestinian poet Mourid Barghouti writes that if you want to dispossess a people, the simplest way to do it is to tell their story and to start with, “secondly.” Start the story with the arrows of the Native Americans, and not with the arrival of the British, and you have an entirely different story. Start the story with the failure of the African state, and not with the colonial creation of the African state, and you have an entirely different story. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, “The Danger of a Single Story,” 2009 In her much-watched and oft-cited 2009 TEDGlobal talk “The Danger of a Single Story,” Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie focuses on the power of storytelling, a power that scholars also hold through the telling and upholding of research narratives. As we think about the past, present, and future of an organization founded as the Mande Studies Association, or MANSA, Adichie’s comments bear consideration. The term Mande in the name Mande Studies Association asserts Mande-ness as central, and it places any other experience or understanding in a secondary position, even if the group’s membership demonstrates openness to other perspectives. MANSA membership and activities span a vast area within West Africa known for its longstanding cultural, linguistic, and social heterogeneity—a diversity that members may appreciate even as the organization’s name suggests otherwise. [End Page 175] In encouraging the group to reflect on the organization’s name and its implications, MANSA past president Joseph Hellweg and Mande Studies editor-in-chief Rosa de Jorio have opened an important discussion. Hellweg and de Jorio have kindly invited me to join others in contributing our perspectives to this reflection. I appreciate this opportunity to explain the research questions that first brought me to western Burkina Faso in 2004 for my dissertation research, my findings drawing from nearly two years of research in the region, and my experiences as a MANSA member since I participated in the organization’s 2008 conference in Lisbon, Portugal. While it is not my place to decide what the group’s name should be, I will demonstrate some of the ways in which the organization’s name promotes certain histories, commitments, and conveniences, orienting it in particular ways and rendering other positions secondary. I also recognize that no name can be entirely neutral, as any name will favor certain interests over others. The process of reflection itself seems critically important, as it encourages the group to think about, articulate, and decide which priorities are most pertinent to recognize at this particular moment. Study of Power Associations on the Senufo-Mande Cultural “Frontier” My motivation to study the arts of western Africa began with questions about categories and their implications for understanding which arose through my first experiences with African arts. I was an undergraduate student at the time, holding a work-study job supervised by Frederick John Lamp, who was then a curator of African arts at the Baltimore Museum of Art. A few years later, as a graduate student, I found myself increasingly puzzled by the apparent mismatch between the then-popular academic critiques of bounded cultural or ethnic groups as all-encompassing analytical frameworks tied to colonial conceptions and the simultaneous persistence of the frameworks in the actual labeling and presentation of the so-called historical or classical arts of Africa. I subsequently became aware of Burkinabe art historian Boureima T. Diamitani’s PhD dissertation on Senufo-speaking communities of western Burkina Faso that invest in and maintain chapters of the organization known as Komo and its arts.1 Diamitani’s dissertation intrigued me. It directed me to an area where I could explore the theory-versus-practice mismatch that confounded me and attempt to discern other bases for understanding. Diamitani’s attention to the presence of Komo in Senufo-speaking communities highlighted the fallacious idea that Komo operates as a Bamana or Mande institution.2 The view of Komo as specifically...

State and Hegemony in Nigeria: Implications for Environmental Politics

This paper analyses the implication of state and hegemony on environmental politics in Nigeria. It argues that Nigeria as a British colonial creation is essentially a capitalist system that was invertedly created because unlike Western systems, it is a capitalist system that is run by non-capitalists. This implies that in Nigeria, there is a palpable absence of the state which is a creation of capitalists to coordinate other superstructures. This then explains why the political class in Nigeria comprises of fractious groups that are too preoccupied with politics and material survival and as such do not have hegemony. The import of absence of the state and dearth of hegemony in Nigeria is that environmental politics is uncoordinated with cases of Niger Delta and farmers-herdsmen crises demonstrating this reality. The paper concludes hegemony-induced environmental governance can ensure nationalistic values which would treat environmental and related issues with the urgency they deserve.

Agricultural prisons and colonies in the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth Century: on the question of the expediency of creation and the problems of implementation

In a rapidly changing world order, one of the strategic goals facing Russia at the moment is to ensure food security, which is an integral part of national security. In the Russian Federation, enterprises of various forms of ownership are currently involved in agriculture. Among them, a special place is occupied by specialized agricultural enterprises and subsidiary farms under the jurisdiction of the Federal Penitentiary Service, one of the main tasks of which is to ensure food security of the penal system. Unfortunately, the production capacities of these enterprises and their efficiency are currently insufficient, which is explained by a number of objective reasons. Meanwhile, the possibilities of the penitentiary system in the production of agricultural products, the restoration of agricultural land, the restoration of forests are quite large, which is now being talked about more and more often. The idea of using persons serving a prison sentence in the process of agricultural production is not new. At the turn of the XIX – XX centuries, these ideas were actively discussed both at international prison congresses and among Russian penitentiaries. Taking into account the relevance of the topic, this paper examines the main ideas of domestic penitentiaries on the creation of agricultural colonies and prisons in the Russian Empire, the advantages and disadvantages of correctional institutions of a new type in front of the prevailing imprisonment at that time. The conducted research allowed the authors to conclude that the main ideas developed at the beginning of the twentieth century by domestic lawyers on the creation of agricultural colonies and prisons remain relevant for Russia in the XXI century. The results of studies of the early twentieth century on the topic under consideration, after their thorough refinement, can be taken into account by modern lawyers when adjusting the concept of the development of the domestic penal system.

Chai as a Colonial Creation: The British Empire’s Cultivation of Tea as a Popular Taste and Habit Among South Asians

For Indians, chai, or spiced black tea, is a sign of hospitality, served within families, workplaces, and at train stations. While most Indians now perceive chai to be an essential and unquestionable part of daily life, this was not the case until the early twentieth century. While today, masala tea (or masala chai) is seen as a traditional South Asian custom, my findings suggest that the habit of drinking tea was actually thrust upon Indians through a colonial apparatus of the British Raj that utilized indentured labor, plantations, and exploitative trade practices. In this research, I deconstruct the misunderstanding that tea is native to India by gathering records of the first tea plantations and advertisements designed to popularize tea in India. I also present evidence of British establishment of tea and sugar plantations, which preceded the mass production and distribution of chai for export and internal use. Lastly, I analyze advertisements that were used in the British campaign to popularize chai in India. The tea trade exemplifies the short and long-term inequalities that resulted from British occupation in South Asia, as it was a key factor in motivating and funding colonial expansion and in solidifying colonial control. Beyond colonizing land and bodies through tea, the British succeeded in colonizing Indians’ aesthetics and taste.

“The Land of Our Fathers”: Black Internationalist Thought and the Congo Free State

“The Land of Our Fathers”Black Internationalist Thought and the Congo Free State Jeannette Eileen Jones (bio) In January 1886, D. Augustus Straker, an African American lawyer, published an article in the New York Freeman wherein he reflected on the Berlin Conference on Africa that convened during the winter of 1884/1885. The Kongokonferenz, as Kaiser Wilhelm II and German Chancellor von Bismarck called it, assembled primarily to address European concerns about free trade in the Congo Basin—the world’s second largest river basin—which was replete with rubber plants and other natural resources. One year after the conference, Straker questioned the avowed benevolence of the “scramble for Africa.” He framed the article around the query “Why Are the European Powers Grasping African Territory?” He explained, It is a matter of no small concern to the sons and daughters of Africa, wherever assembled upon the face of the globe, to perceive the deep interest which the civilized powers of the earth are taking in the development of the resources of the “Dark Continent.” These men and women would “observe the attention which said powers seem now ready to give to the civilization of its races,” understanding that “it is a matter of right and duty that we, who are identified with the African race, the native land of our forefathers … should discuss this topic.” Straker believed that the African heritage of Blacks in the West, particularly that of African Americans, positioned them as legitimate stakeholders in any international actions regarding Africa. He offered an assessment of African affairs, querying whether “the insatiable lust for dominion and wealth” or a “Christian duty” to civilize Africans motivated Europeans to colonize the continenttaking special “interest in the Congo Region.”1 [End Page 26] Access to the Congo Basin, via free navigation of the Congo River and its tributaries, could facilitate European access to the lucrative ivory trade and provide European merchants with a direct route to traverse the continent from east to west. The General Act of the Berlin Conference, ratified in 1886, established European and Ottoman spheres of influences in Africa, sanctioned the creation of foreign protectorates and colonies, ensured the free navigation of the Congo and Niger rivers, promoted free trade throughout the Congo Basin, and formally recognized the Congo Free State (État indépendant du Congo) as a sovereign polity. The act couched the actions of its signatories as necessary for “civilizing” and modernizing Africa. Straker believed that if European motives “be the uplifting of Africa from a state of mental darkness, intellectual inanition and commercial stagnation, to the position of a civilized and prosperous state” based on Christian principles and Westerns arts and sciences, then their work was noble. He reasoned, “The conquest of a barbarous people by a civilized power is justifiable through its benefits.” Accordingly, European efforts in Africa would “establish an era in the world’s progress unprecedented in the past.” Whatever European intentions, Straker emphasized that Blacks should not ignore or take an impartial stance toward the African Question. They had to participate in discussions about the future and status of Africa during this pivotal time in “world” history.2 Straker’s comments reveal an awareness of the geopolitical ramifications of imperialism in Africa from a broad perspective, during a period when most black internationalist strategies and efforts regarding the continent focused on Liberia and Sierra Leone. African Americans’ seeming fixation with the republic of Liberia and the British colony of Sierra Leone stemmed from perceptions of these locales as familial and cultural gateways to Africa. Emigration and abolitionist politics linked many African Americans to Americo-Liberians and settlers in Sierra Leone. While a visible number of settlers in Liberia were what Sharla Fett calls “recaptured Africans,” Liberia bore the political, cultural, and familial markers of African Americans. Similarly, Sierra Leone’s importance to American blacks derived from its status as a potential site for black migration to Africa. Black internationalists who paid attention to Liberia did not situate their concerns about the republic in the politics of empire. They did not view Liberia— despite its settler colonial origins—as an US imperial possession. In their minds, Liberia was not...

Reading (Re)conciliation in White Settler and Chinese Canadian Narratives: From Liberal toward Transformative Approaches

This article explores how four settler narratives situate themselves differently within the reconciliation discourse in response to the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. In my reading of Gail Anderson-Dargatz’s The Spawning Grounds (2016) and Jennifer Manuel’s The Heaviness of Things That Float (2016) alongside Doretta Lau’s “How Does a Single Blade of Grass Thank the Sun?” (2014) and Amy Fung’s Before I Was a Critic I Was a Human Being (2019), I show how these narratives express different degrees of critical reflection on the settler colonial state and differ in their acknowledgement of Indigenous resurgence. I adopt David B. MacDonald’s distinction between “liberal reconciliation,” which is based on a “shared vison of a harmonious future,” and “transformative reconciliation,” which “is about fundamentally problematizing the settler state as a colonial creation, a vector of cultural genocide, and one that continues inexorably to suppress Indigenous collective aspirations for self-determination and sovereignty” as a critical framework.

The Position and Function of Colonies and Poleis in the Seleucid Economic System

The Position and Function of Colonies and Poleis in the Seleucid Economic System

La frontera del territorio conocido: colonización y deslinde de tierras baldías en el México decimonónico

Se propone analizar la evolución, desde la independencia hasta el Porfiriato, de las políticas llevadas a cabo por los sucesivos gobiernos para controlar el territorio mediante la creación de colonias agrícolas. Si los proyectos de los años 1820 muestran un optimismo y una concepción clásica de la noción de frontera, se observa que rápidamente las élites intelectuales y políticas mexicanas se dieron cuenta de su poco conocimiento del territorio mexicano, incluso del más antiguamente controlado –entre el puerto de Veracruz y la ciudad de México– y transformaron su proyectos utilizando una táctica de control de frontera en un territorio cada vez más cercano. Varios eventos aceleraron esta evolución: la pérdida de Texas como consecuencia de la instalación de la colonia por S. Austin; la rebelión maya en Yucatán y la inestabilidad política que impidió el diseño de verdaderas políticas públicas. Más de un siglo después de las grandes exploraciones botánicas, el gobierno tuvo que contratar empresas extranjeras para conocer el potencial y el estatus de tierras tan cercanas como las de Veracruz. Las colonias agrícolas, pensadas originalmente para poblar e integrar a la economía nacional zonas marginales del territorio, terminaron instalándose en propiedades privadas endeudadas o tierras ya pobladas y a veces reivindicadas por los pueblos vecinos, o siguiendo la instalación de las vías férreas con las que se contaba reconquistar y unificar el territorio nacional.

Patchwork States: The Localization of State Territoriality on the South Sudan–Uganda Border, 1914–2014*

Abstract This paper takes a localized conflict over a non-demarcated stretch of the Uganda–South Sudan boundary in 2014 as a starting point for examining the history of territorial state formation on either side of this border since its colonial creation in 1914. It argues that the conflict was an outcome of the long-term constitution of local government territories as patches of the state, making the international border simultaneously a boundary of the local state. Some scholars have seen the limited control of central governments over their borderlands and the intensification of local territorialities as signs of African state fragmentation and failure. But the article argues that this local territoriality should instead be seen as an outcome of ongoing state-formation processes in which state territory has been co-produced through local engagement and appropriation. The paper is thus of wider relevance beyond African or postcolonial history, firstly in contributing a spatial approach to studies of state formation which have sought to replace centre–periphery models with an emphasis on the centrality of the local state. Secondly it advances the broader field of borderlands studies by arguing that international boundaries have been shaped by processes of internal territorialisation as well as by the specific dynamics of cross-border relations and governance. Thirdly it advocates a historical and processual approach to understanding territory, arguing that the patchwork of these states has been fabricated and reworked over the past century, entangling multiple, changing forms and scales of territory in the ongoing constitution of state boundaries.

Towards universal health coverage: reforming the neglected district health system in Africa.

In most African countries, the district sphere of governance is a colonial creation for harnessing resources from the communities that are located far away from the centre with the assistance of minimally skilled personnel who are subordinate to the central authority with respect to decision-making and initiative. Unfortunately, postcolonial reforms of district governance have retained the hierarchical structure of the local government. Anchored to such a district arrangement, the (district) health system (DHS) is too weak and impoverished to function in spite of enormous knowledge and natural resources for a seamless implementation of universal health coverage (UHC). Sadly, the quick-fix projects of the 1990s with the laudable intention to reduce the burden of disease within a specified time-point dealt the fatal blow on the DHS administration by diminishing it to a stop-post and a warehouse for commodities (such as bednets and vaccines) destined for the communities. We reviewed the situation of the district in sub-Saharan African countries and identified five attributes that are critical for developing a UHC-friendly DHS. In this analytical paper, we discuss decision-making authority, coordination, resource control, development initiative and management skills as critical factors. We highlight the required strategic shifts and recommend a dialogue for charting an African regional course for a reformed DHS for UHC. Further examination of these factors and perhaps other ancillary criteria will be useful for developing a checklist for assessing the suitability of a DHS for the UHC that Africa deserves.

Ethnicity, Democracy and the Development Nexus in Nigeria

Ethnicity is a very salient issue in Nigeria. It is highly mobilized and contested especially with regards to access to resources, opportunities, rights and responsibilities within the Nigerian state. This paper adopts a socio-historical methodology to examine the roots of ethnicity, and the implications for democracy and development in Nigeria. A social constructionist approach is adopted to show the constructed and open ended nature of ethnicity. The paper reveals that ethnicity was a colonial creation which has been reconstructed over time to reflect changing perceptions, aspirations and contentions and needs. Over the years ethnicity has been mobilized to contest inclusion/ exclusion, issues in Nigerian political process and structure thereby undermining the democratization process. This has had far reaching implications for development. The paper recommended restructuring of the Nigerian state as well as continuous socialization of Nigerians to embrace nationhood and nation building as against allegiance to ethnic groups

Reflexões em chave histórica sobre a chamada ocupação espontânea de terras no nordeste da Província de Misiones, Argentina, no final do século XX

This article presents a set of historical antecedents through which it is possible to reflect, understand and explain the conflicting process of spontaneous occupation of private lands that occurred in the northeast of the province of Misiones, Argentina, at the end of the 20th century. The main premise that guides the research states that the conflicts caused by spontaneous occupation are the product of the complex network of social relations that existed between the projects for the creation of colonies in the late 19th century and the transformations in the social and agricultural structure that occurred during the period. 20th century. The empirical reference that supports the research consists of a selection of interviews conducted with rural producers who occupy land at different times in the field experience.